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— AT — 

ROBERT F. WALLCUX, General Agent. 

E^" TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents nor annum, 

itl illlviLllff, 

J^" Five copies will bo sent to ono address for ten 
dollars, if payment be made in advance. 

jjj^" All remittances are to be made, and all letters re- 
lating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper are to be 
directed (post paid) to the Genera! A 

j£^~ Advertisements inserted at tlio ru," of five cents per 

fl^" The Agents of the American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Libehatoh. 

tFgf" The following gontlemen constitute the Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of tlie 
paper, viz"'. — Francis Jackson, Edmund Qdincy, Edmund 
Jackson, and Wendell Phillips. 

The United States Constitution is 

witli death, and an agreement with hi 

iy "What order of men under the mrnt 1 
monarchic**, pr the most aristocratic of republics! 
invested with such an orlioun and unjust privi 
</f the Hpaeate and exclusive representation 1 
half a million owners of slaves, in the Hall of I 
in tn'i obflfr of the Senate, and in the Presir^ 
sion? This investment of power in the 
species of property concentrated in the highest J 
of the nation, and disseminated through thir 
twenty-six States of the Union, constitutes B 
order of men in the community, more adverse to thl 
of all, and more pernicious to the interests of thfl 
than any order of nobility ever known. To call j 
nient thus constituted a Democracy is to insult the 
standipg of mankind. ... It is doubly tainted i iliM 
infection ;f riches and of slavery. There is no bm 
the language of national jurisprudence thai a 
no model in the records of ancient history, or In UnL 
cal theories of Aristotle, with which II J 

was introduced into &€ I 

by an equivocation — a represents ... v ujidl 

name of persons. Little did the menfl 
tion from the Free States imagine or I 
fice to Moloch was hidden under the mask < 
sion." — Jons Qcincy Adams. 


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J. B. YEEEIxJTON & SON, Prlntl 


^"O. 1. 

B O S T O :N~ , J A.^sT TJAEY 4 , 1861. 

"WHOL, 1 , JNO. 

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Mr, Wendell Phillips is certainly entitled to the 
sympathy of all kindly-const derate persons. He has 
made the Anti-Slavery reform what the advertising 
doctors call " a speciality." He is like a man who 
has invented a pill, and believes nothing in the world 
greater than his orbicular marvel of scammony and 
gamboge. He sometimes reminds us of. the dog in 
the Prologue of Rabelais. " Did you ever," says 
that facetious philosopher, " see a dog with a marrow 
bone in his mouth, the beast of all others, according 
to Plato, the most philosophical? If you, have seen 
him, you might have remarked with what devotion 

inula, and work, alas! to small purpose. Our only 
doubt is, whether it is even worth while to try to 
put them right. Perhaps it would be most merciful 
to leave a mill-horse to stagger in his circle to the 
end; for he will fall down if he is taken out of it, 
and even if he should survive transplantation, he 
would be utterly useless for the plaiu and straight- 
forward highway. — New York. Tribune. 

and circumspection he wards and watches it; with 
what care he keeps it; how fervently he holds it; 
tow prudently he gobbles it ; with what affection he 
breaks it ; and with what diligence he sucks it." 
Anti-Slavery is Mr. Phillips's hone ; and no man can 
venture to indulge in a little philanthropy without 
provoking from that gentleman a sub-acidulous 
snarl. He dotes only upon those who disagree with 
him, and all his converts immediately become the 
objects, not perhaps of his jealousy, but certainly of 
his suspicion. He loves his enemies, because it is so 
■delightful to pummel them, and he dilates with pleas- 
ure over some fresh and uncommon wickedness, just 
as a surgeon admires a large ulcer better than a 
cheek which health has incarnadined. D'lsraeli 
says somewhere that the Jews shrink from a convert 
as from a calamity ; and very good Abolitionists may be 
very good Jews in more ways than one. Mr. Phillips 
is a close communion reformer. You must take the 
wine out of his cuft or you shall not have a drop ; 
you must receive . the bread from his plate, or yOfcki^ 111 mat l 

J...U _ 4 .?!^ , .... ...j. l uru-- .„....-'-.._ o n „f,-,.', ( . ( i P&ny other 

according to his prescription, and eaten uncommon *" 
■quantities of humble pie, Mf. Phillips admits that you 
may possibly hare n blinking. idea of the sin of shi- 
very, and just a little feeble and emotional desire to 
combat it ; but what lie does not by any means ad- 
mit is, that you hate it as he hates it, that you are sin- 
cere as he is sincere, or that you are consistent ac- 
cording to his code of consistency. He puts you In- 
stantly upon the defensive ; he challenges your right 
to assist in the good work ; he carps, sneers, and un- 
dervalues ; and having quibbled you into the cate- 
gory of mau-stealers, he makes cruel speeches about 
you, upon all possible occasions. A mind so warped 
and twisted, a judgment so inequitable and disloca- 
ted, a character so essentially and incessantly unami- 
able, is the more to be pitied, when traces of its orig- 
inal generosity are still perceptible, and when, in 
spite of its standing protest against being admired, 
we cannot help admiring its better qualities. The 
contest in which Mr. Phillips has passed his life has 
been a cruel one ; we wish, with all other sacrifices, 
that he had not felt himself obliged to sacrifice his 
catholicity and kindness of nature. A bigot of lib- 
erality, a sectarian anti -sectarian, a sour philanthro- 
pist, is not a pleasing object. Mr. Phillips should 
remember that hostility to human bondage cannot 
be monopolized by seven men in Conduit, Boston ; 
and that a Presidential Election is of more conse- 
quence in the world's turmoil than six " Anti-Sla- 
very Bazaars," with a stock of virtu from the Duchess 
of Sutherland, and of ninety night-caps embroidered 
by the hands of Lady Byron herself. It is one thing 
to work actually in public affairs, and to have imme- 
diate social results depending upon practical discre- 
tion and diligence ; it is quite another to fight folly 
and wrong in the abstract, to be bold upon a plat- 
form, but never to be seen at a poll. The best phi- 
losophers become in time mere amateurs, and have 
no honors but those of quotation. Gentlemen who 
begin by ignoring citizenship, are not the best judges 
of those who still recognize political relations. 

There is one ramification of Mr. Phillips's well- 
rooted spleen which perhaps we are not disinterested 
■enough to consider with charitable equanimity. He 
is afflicted by a great and chronic grudge against 
newspapers ; and we suppose that of the thousand 
sheets emitted daily or weekly in the United States, 
he regards as worthy of respect only two. For the 
Tribune we are sorry to notice that he has little af- 
fection ; and it is really painful to observe what cir- 
cuitous journeys he is, once or twice in a year, in the 
habit of making, merely that he may have his gibe 
at us. If any journal rises to the honor of being 
named in his speeches, it is always the Tribune; and 
the impression of us which any auditor would re- 
ceive from these amiable allusions would be, that we 
are in conspiracy with Keitt, Slidell and the ghost 
of Mr. Preston S. Brooks to preserve the Union and 
postpone emancipation. We are, as a matter of 
good taste, almost defenceless against this kind of at- 
tack. It is not for us to say how much we have 
been enabled to do; how many minds we have con- 
vinced, or how many men we have led in the path 
of right action. But we have certainly the right as 
we have not less the inclination to speak for the gen- 
eral Republican press of the country; and to de- 
clare that in earnest and practical advocacy of the 
Rights of Man, and in educating the public thought 
up to a healthy abhorrence of Slavery, the Republi- 
can newspapers have done and are still doing a no- 
ble work. Mr. Phillips, who knows nothing at all 
about the conduct of newspapers, cannot understand 
thin. Hfl has never used them. His experience of 
them is confined to the occasional contribution of 
half a column to the Liberator. When he was a 
very young man, all the newspapers were against 
him, and he fancies that they are all against him 
still. He lacks largeness of view to that deplorable 
extent, that he cannot conceive of a tempest on the 
outside of a tea-pot. A little Convention in a little 
village passing a little scries of little resolutions, anrl 
just a little disturbed by the lewd and base, is to Mr. 
Phillips the most august of all possible human gath- 
erings. He wastes upon a score of drunken rioters 
more indignation than he has to spare upon the as- 
sassination of a Senator. It is his misfortune, as it 
is that of the handful who concert with him, that 
they look at large events through the large end of 
the telescope; while, when little affairs are to be 
Scrutinized, there is no microscope powerful enough 
to satisfy their appetite for magnificence. Thev 
<■-■ nnot work conveniently except in a corner. Tli'c 
reform which is legislated— the ripe result of popu- 
lar conviction demonstrated in the election returns 

the hope of honest, work initiated by an honest 
< engress, and consummated by an honesl President 

-these are, according to Mr. Phillips, impossible. 
Everything must be done in the routine of a cUme. 
Yon must, subscribe for the Liberator. Von must be 

nobbed twice ID a year — once in New York, and 

once in Boston. Yon must think as Mr. Garrison 
thinks, and you most not think as anybody else 
thinks. If you are found faithful in these things, 
v mi are esteemed faithful in all. 

li. is, we confess, melancholy to (ind this poor re- 
sult of really honorable and praiiewopthy exertions, 


Rev. W. O. Prentice, Episcopal rector at Colum- 
bia, S. C, has preached a discourse in favor of seces- 
sion the fourth time, at the earnest request of the 
people, who do not seem to want to hear anything 
else. He proves not only slavery, but secession. 
be scriptural, and draws a magnificent picture of the 
t anqudlity and glory of South Carolina out of the 
Union. One of the amusing tilings in the discourse 
is a version of the Lord's prayer suited to Southern 
wants. The preacher said that the South, rich and 
poor, kings and paupers, poured out their petitions 
to the Almighty to " give us this day our daily cotton." 

The Southern ministerial view of the slavery ques- 
tion is given by the Rev. Mr. Fleming, as follows : — 

" If slavery in itself is a sin, then Abraham, the 
father of the faithful, was a great sinuer, for he owned 
hundreds of slaves. If it be the ' sum of all villanies,' 
then many of the saints of the Old Testament and 
New were ' sinners before the Lord exceedingly.' And 
if to return a fugitive slave to his owner be a crime, 
then St. Paul, who sent Onesimus back to Philemon 
his master, and the angel of the Lord, who bade the 
runaway Hagar return to her mistress, were not guilt- 

The Providence of God brought the negro to our 
shores ; and whatever may have been the motives that 
influenced those who conveyed him hither, it is cer- 
tain that his condition here is vastly better than it is in 
part of the world. Not only is he better fed, 
. ;-intlicil. hotter card for in sickness and old aw, 

and better io7*ZL Uj .. ; - „_ ,, ^^ , i™2.J 

class anywhere else, but his moral and religious want* 
are better supplied. To him the gospel is preached, 
and Ins religions privileges' are much greater than 
than those of the poor laboring white, man in many por- 
tions of our country. Sustaining to-each other the 
relation of master and servant, a strong affection ex- 
ists between us. I believe, before God, that not only 
the institution of slavery, but the preservation of the 
negro race on this continent, depends upon resistance, 
on the part of the South, to Northern domination." 

Tin; " inx-pi-Lissible conflict'' has invaded not only 
the churches, but touched the Bible itself. The 
Southern Bible Revision Association has withdrawn 
from cc-operatiou with the Baptist Bible Union, be- 
cause in the revised edition of Paul's epistle to Phil- 
emon, "doulos" is translated "servant.* 1 The Ten- 
nessee Baptist says, " Just as certainly as immersion 
is the primary and proper signification of baptismos, 
slave is the meaning of doulos. It signifies a 'bond 
slave, a chattel,' strictly one bom so. "Wherever it 
is used in the New Testament, it requires this signifi- 
cation ; any other destroys the sense." 

J U \t 1 1 i n % ♦ 



The irrepressible conflict has commenced in good 
earnest among the clergy. Rev. Mr. Vandyke, of 
New York, in a sermon printed in full, maintained 
the four following propositions : — 

I. Abolitionism has no foundation in the Scrip- 

II. Its principles have been promulgated chiefly 
by misrepresentation and abuse. 

lit. It leads, in multitudes of cases, and by a logi- 
cal process, to utter infidelity. 

IV. It is the chief cause of the strife that agitates 
and the danger that threatens our country. 

This is a regular clerical Paixhan 1 His introduc- 
tion contains a classification of the preachers of this 
doctrine of Abolitionism into two divisions: those 
who denounce slavery at home, and those who act 
like John Brown ; but thinks it don't belong to him 
to say which is the most heroic man. Mr. Vandyke 
says : — 

" It is not for me to decide whether the man who 
preaches this doctrine in brave words, amid applauding 
multitudes in the city of Brooklyn, or of the one who 
in the stillness of the night, and in the face of the law' 
terrors, goes to practise the preaching at Harper's Fer- 
ry, is the most consistent abolitionist, and the most he- 
roic man. It is not for me to decide which is the most 
important part of a tree ; and if the tree be poisonous, 
which is the most injurious, the root, or the branches, 
or the fruit. But I am here, to-night, in God's name, 
and by his help, to show that this tree of abolitionism 
is evil, and only evil, root and branch, flower and leaf 
and fruit." 

There is no namby-pamby here, verily: this goes 
to the root of the whole matter. This is the sort of 
talk the hour demands. All good parties should make 
it their chief business, to hew thisBohon Upas down. 
— Boston Post. 


Extract from a Thanksgiving (!) Discourse, deliver- 
ed in New Orleans by Rev. William C. Dana, son of 
the late Rev. Dr. Daniel Dana, of Netoburvport : — 

The same principles that impelled OUT great ances- 
tors, in their day of trial, to shake off' (not without 
sundering many pleasant ties of early recollection) 
a foreign and hostile government, now dictate the same 
course to their sons. 

Those States m which the dominant majority, 
whether from misguided conscience or party viru- 
lence, thus deliberately set at naught those provis- 
ions of the Constitution which were placed there as 
6he special safeguards of the South, and without 
which the Union would never have existed— those 
States have no right to exercise one particle of sway 
over any Southern State. Notone of them ought to 
have any share, directly or indirectly, in governing 
Sonl.l] Carolina. 

The. Northern and the Southern States are, by 

their different institutions, so far distinct nations, 

that, the possession of the Federal Governmenl In a 
'\.-.-rt.!:..n: political parly ir.:|:keably hostile I ; '■ a:!h- 
ern institutions, and persistently reckless of conslil.u- 
honal restraints, is of itself the most oihons and most 
dangerous form of for 

Something, we suppose, nm 1 be conceded lo honesl 

illowancc must be made for that in- 

rvhii'h follows too close a scrutiny of 

may work by for- 

<- ""■»; "ei-o aggression; cue most odi- 
ous, because the forms of free government an' made 

subservient to purposes directly antagonistic for 
which that government was constituted (a "more 
perfect Union"): the most dangerous, because that 
aggression is gradual, stealthy, insidious in ii s move- 
ment, so as least to alarm and arouse lo united re- 
sistance those safety is threatened, whilst, yet. 

as long as nominal Union lasfs, they ore despoiled of 

their natural resources of defence. 

Whal a position for the South! To hang depen- 
dent on the .|U .lice, or the „„,-,.//, of ; V p ;ir ! V foreign 

to her soil, and hating her institutions; and such a. 
party 'espect to constitutional restraints, as this 

has shown itself to be ! 

What may have seemed, but fifteen days ago, a 
political heresy, is now a political idiom. '■•The 
South alone should govern the South." Only under 

her own protection arc her rights and interests safe. 

The question of freedom, once started, is not re- 
stricted to one race or color. It instantly sweeps 
whites as well as blacks into its ample verge. It 
does not restrict itself, cither, to the point of bodily 
servitude, but it forthwith comprehends mind, morals, 
religion, literature, speech, press, pulpit, up to the 
highest spiritual interests, and the loftiest thought, in 
its tremendous framework of iron. It follows the 
preacher to his closet, the artist to his studio, and 
the poet to his Parnassian haunt ; and it lays its 
commands upon them, each and all, to pray, design, 
speak, sing nothing which docs not square with the 
sentiment of the prevailing parly, or say, mob. Is 
this freedom? Is this the boon our fathers came 
across the ocean to seek ? Is this the sort of society 
Washington and his great compeers forecast ? Is 
this chain, drawn around liberty of thought, opinion, 
expression, made out of the old muskets and bayo- 
nets that did such execution at Bennington and 
Germantown ? 

The late outrages in Boston, and the threatened 
violence in Brooklyn and Philadelphia and New 
York, raise the question, Are the people in these 
cities free? or are they at the mercy of Judge 
Lynch, in the form of an irresponsible mob, either 
of " gentlemen of property and standing," or the 
refuse of society from Ann street or Five Points ? 
We do not believe that those who thus trample the 
laws under their feet, and strive to put a chain on 
the tongue, the press, and the pulpit, know what 
they are doing. They do not see that they are 
giving the worst possible construction, in the minds 
of men, of the justice of their cause, by renouncing 
reason and right, and appealing to club law. They 
I do not see that they are sowing the wind to reap 
the whirlwind. They seem to be judicially blinds* 
o luv, a ._*, 4-w h y encouragement of thciYise of 

tions, they are sowing broadcast the seed for a futur 
crop of John Browns, and in fact, by their own ex! 
ample, .justifying his appeal to the sword. They ar-I 
John Browns on the other side of the question. Let 
these gentlemen of Boston know that their outrage- 
ous and cowardly assault upon the freedom of speech 
and of debate, hw oMmped tho <V.r ftHHa of ':■■> 
city with a brand of disgrace which will be remem- 
bered for many generations. If it is said that the 
speakers were abusive in speech, let it be borne in 
mind that it is precisely such acts that exasperate 
the most extreme denunciators, and "make ever 
wise men mad." Have we got to fight the battles of 
freedom all over again ? Cannot citizens meet and 
freely discuss any subject in our country ? Are we to 
have a censorship of speech, forum and pulpit ? Is 
a reign of terror to be inaugurated at the North, 
well as at the South ! We do not believe a word of 
it? We have not the remotest apprehension of it 
in the world. But we are heartily ashamed that, 
at this time of day, and in the boasted Athens of 
America, the civil authorities should not have de- 
cision and firmness enough to say, " Liberty to speak, 
print and preach shall never suiter at our hands, in 
the good old Puritan city." We have committed to 
heart too faithfully the proud lessons of the olden time, 
the Miltonic strain of freedom, the liberty of con- 
science, the rights of Magna Charta, the sublime 
Declaration of 1776, to allow them now to be drag- 
ged in the dust at the heels of a mob, no matter 
whether that mob is dressed in rags or in broadcloth. 
Ill tares the day when any city parts with its man- 
hood, its civil order, and right of free discussion, at 
the beck of any master, domestic or remote. We 
know full well that this freedom is unfortunately too 
often abused, but we cannot help that result. There 
is an unavoidable imperfection in the working of all 
institutions, but that incidental evil shall not justify 
us in abandoning the institutions themselves. A 
free press, pulpit, or lyceum may be abused. But 
we could not respect the preacher, editor, lecturer, 
or debater who spoke, or forebore to speak, as " King 
Cotton," or any other authority dictated, not as hi! 
own individual convictions prompted him to speak. 
Life in America would soon become eheap and of 
little worth, if only those sentiments are allowed ut- 
terance which please the populace for the time 
being. We had rather remove to Austria, Russia, 
or Turkey, at once, than live in a society which 
should thus undertake, not to enslave the body, but 
to enslave the mind itself. Let us do penance by 
not reading the Declaration of Independence, or 
celebrating any Twenty-second of February, or 
Fourth of July, until we can better appreciate the 
spirit of 76, and honor its immortal heroes. 

But we have no fears. The mob spirit will find 
no favor, even in our most commercial and cotton- 
ized eitics, among the great masses of our people, 
but a swift and sure condemnation. The school- 
master and preacher have not been abroad in vain. 
We discern a vast but silent reaction taking place. 
Freedom, more than ever— a calm, just, constitu- 
tional freedom, is to take the control of our destinies. 
Men will say less about it, but they will do more. 

If we are threatened with any more of these dis- 
graceful scenes, we shall fall back upon the people, 
and we believe lhat, thesteam lire-engines and the 
metropolitan police will be able to extinguish any 
mobs which unscrupulous demagogues can raise. 
Or, if worst should come to worst, the mass of the. 
yeomanry under executive authority would soon be 
able to control the worst localities, and to make it 
everywhere felt and understood, that the cause of 
law and order and freedom would be maintained, 
at whatever cost. As children of Washington, we 
are not going, in an idle caprice of fear or folly, to 
throw away the magnificent inheritance of constitu- 
tional freedom which he bequeathed us. ami bow 
our necks under any yoke, foreign or domestic. 
Christian Inquirer. 

ing, Wendell Phillips, having addressed the people 
at the same hall, was escorted to the threshold of 
his residence by an armed police force, while a mob 
of hundreds howled along the streets, foiled of 
their victim. On the same Sabbath, Henry Ward 
Beecher preached from his own pulpit, while police- 
men were pitched within and without to ward off 
threatened violence. And in Philadelphia, Mayor 
Henry declines to allow Geo. W. Curtis to pro- 
nounce a literary lecture before an Association that 
had engaged his services ! Such craven, toad-eating 
humiliation before the Cottonocracy of the South 
is disgraceful in the extreme. Is this the sort of 
manhood we inherited from our Pilgrim ancestry? 
Is this the progress we have made in our four-score 
years of national development and unfolding? Is 
this the way we hallow the memory of dead sires 
who laid down their lives in defence of freedom of 
speech and of opinion ? 

The Truth never suffers from the fullest investiga- 
tion. On the contrary, it courts the fullest investi- 
gation, and claims it as a right. " Error of opinion 
may well be tolerated," said Jefferson, " so long as 
Truth is left free to combat it." Every man has a 
right to his own opinions, and to the expression of 
them. Each man claims this right for himself, and 
if so, he must freely accord it to all others. In ad- 
mitting another's right to express his individual 
opinions, it by no means follows that you endorse 
those opinions. His opinion, may be false — if so, 
meet him with the force of logic and respectful argu- 
ment: never with brickbats or blows.— Erie True 


It is to the burning disgrace of the Boston press 
that with at most a single exception, they have said 
nothing in reprobation of the mob spirit which has 
been recently manifested in that city. It is true 
that, on two occasions, the police of the city has to 

some extent protected obm 


Suppression of the freedom of speech is thfl very 

culmination of tyranny. A denial of freedom of 

speech involves a denial of the right to think, freely 
and manfully, for one's self. Those who wouM fel- 
ler the utterance of a thought, would lav an injunc- 
tion upon l\u- firmotion of that thought', if they had 
power lo do so. Out upon the craven hirelings who 
think lo kill Trulh by setting mobs upon peaceful 

assemblages of citizens convened in her name ! 

What examples have, recently been presented lo the 
worlil of American manhooil. Culture, liberty and 
''vih::-;lr::: i li: I" -;i(..:: ; i little ha;:il;;l :,[ m v . 

hired Trcmont. Temple, and came quietly together, 

on I lie 3d of I toe., lo discuss the great evil' of slavery 
anil the best means lo secure ils disconl inuauee in 

America. They ore crushed out by a mob in broad- 
rloih violently hurled from the premises Mum- hail 

l::r. ;l With th :r OTTO moi:: v I; .:::..!: d thrct ii Hie 
■els like miscreants and their homes, in main 
lances, partially demolished by the rabble. On 

Sabbath following, the congregation worshippin 

the Music Mall we,-,, disturbed bj rio j and 

morons interruptions | ami on ihe Sundai follow 

of their right to the free discussion of unpopular 

.^ 1 ;.j... L .. I},. b t K; ^ W. ^oun-h- li £&& &** (raifW 

tor the papers to say as a sufficient extenuation, that 
the Abolitionists have had this protection.- It is the 
spirit that requires the interference of the officers of 
the law, that needs to be reproved. And this the 
press of Boston has entirely failed to do, and so has 
come short of its hig!> duties. Wlafc men of wealth 
and vaulted "respectability" have assumed to say 
that free speech shall be suppressed in Boston, and 
public meetings shall be summarily abated, while 
they have given countenance by their presence to 
the attempt to wrest the conduct of a meeting from 
the control of those that called it, while the baser 
mob, encouraged by these fine gentlemen, has under- 
taken the dirtier part of the business, throwing 
stones, chasing and beating inoffensive negroes, fill- 
ing the air with their cries for blood, and seeking to 
murder the leaders of the anti-slavery party, making 
the Sabbath hideous, the press of Boston looks quiel> 
ly on, and has no word of reproof, of indignation, 
of instruction, of argument against the mob spirit. 
The papers fill their columns with accounts ot the 
barbarous treatment of Northern men in the slave 
States, and are excessively shocked and indignant 
at it. But they have not a word against similar at- 
tempts right at home. What wonderful consistency ! 
It is a pity they would not use the microscope as well 
as the telescope, and have something to say in re- 
proof of a Boston as well as of a Charleston mob. 

The people cannot help drawing from this conduct 
the inference that there is very little real indepen- 
dence in the Boston press. It displays great enter- 
prise in getting the news, but there its merit ends. 
It cannot be relied on for honest, persistent, uusel- 
iish adherence to principle and defence of popular 
rights. When the wealth and » respectability " 
(how we loathe that word in its present acceptation !) 
of Boston requires it to yield to the demands of ex- 
pediency, of trade, of selfish interest, of the narrow 
views of the day, without regard to ultimate conse- 

?ucnces, it has always been found ready to do so. 
t reflects accurately the opinions of a small but- 
dominant class, ever varying as that fluctuates, 
now loud-mouthed in pretended zeal for freedom, 
but the next day showing its insincerity and hollow- 
ness by an abject readiness to sacrifice all that it pro- 
fessed to have been struggling for. It is always en- 
gaged in a most pakful attempt at preserving its 
equilibrium between opposing forces, and if any 
credit is due to the man who, by long continued 
practice, had acquired the power of standing on one 
leg as long as a goose could, the Boston press is fair- 
ly entitled to the same.— New Bedford Republican. 


We certainly cannot trust the keeping of Hwv 
speech in Boston to the dictum of a mob. If men 
are to be punished or put in peril of person or life, 
ilr speaking boldly, or even madly, the experiment 
ought to commence in some other meridian than 
in the metropolis of New England. Mr. Phillips did 
not, in his wildest utterances, parallel that of a Sen- 
ator from Georgia, who recently invoked in a speech, 
in his place in the U. S. Senate, the rise of a Texan 
Brutus to assassinate the Governor of Texas ; and 
yet, for the venting of this murderous outbreak, we 
do not read that he was even so much as called to 
order I That was at the Capitol in Washington; 
tins, that evoked a mob, was at. the Musie Hail, in 
Boston. The pen of History will note these things. 
— Christian Watchman. 

be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citi- 
zens in the several States." Under this clause we 
are entitled to an act to protect our citizens of 
the North in Southern States. As it is, a perfect 
reign of terror prevails in the Southern States; and 
no Northern man is safe in those States, be he there 
from what motive or for what purpose he may. To 
be a citizen of a Northern State is to be an outlaw. 
The same men can go into any other government 
on earth, and their citizenship will protect them. 
Can they not have the same right at home — in their 
own country, under this guarantee of the Constitu- 
tion? The power of the Nation has been put forth 
to retake a fugitive slave, and men have been per- 
secuted and hunted by the offieials of the General 
Government, for doing an act of humanity, of Chris- 
tian charity, because it was forbidden by Slavery. 
In justice, we now demand that an act be passed by 
Congrcss and enforced by the Executive, for the 
protection of the personal liberty of persons who 
are sojourning in States of which" they are not citi- 
zens. . Let such an act as this be passed, and faith- 
fully executed, and the Fugitive Slave Act might be 
more tolerable. But to ask us to suffer our free 
territory to be made the hunting ground of the arro- 
gant bullies of the slave interest ; to be called out 
to play the blood-hound at their beck, and perse- 
cuted for disobedience, while we dare not pass over 
the line of a slave State for the most laudable pur- 
poses, is more than we either can or will stand. 

If the spirit of the free North is not wholly 
crushed out, it will be folly to talk of compromise 
with the South on any such basis as is talked of. 
Justice between the States must be respected ; and 
the rights of the citizens must take precedence of 
all else. If the slave party cannot submit to right 
and justice in their commonest forms, they must be 
made to. If the power of the Nation is only to be 
put forth to sustain wickedness and oppression, it 
is time for the Nation to yield up its existence. But 
there is no such alternative presented. The Nation 

men in the exercise- i a3 the power to preserve its integrity, and the 


can be preserved. And better still — the pea 

no God," said David in his time. Davi 
seen the bottom of atheism. The fool he] 
had. it seems, raised the question. It ha 
to him as a possibility. It was left for the nil 
century to show a specimen of a State paS 
posing to a Christian nation to become, morl 
ally than ever they had been before, robbd 
nappers and pirates — without betraying thr\ 
line that a God had ever been heard of in A^ 
— unless it be in certain customary rin;.v/, 
at the close. 

The South is all in an uproar, he tells us- 
cannot sleep nights for fear of servile insurrectrl 
and, of course, somebody is to blame for this, s 
sonr'thing must he done. Who is to blame ? 

There are four million men and women — -somoj 
them black, and some of them white— whom ; 
Southern law, systematically, and with logical a 
racy not to be misunderstood, has stripped ev. 
the name of human beings, and declared no^ 
sons but things; they cannot sue or be sued— til 
cannot buy or sell — they cannot own a foot of \M 
— they cannot form a legal marriage — they can| 
own or educate their own children— their fanT 
loves are all accidents of bargain and sale — tlj 
cannot learn to read or write— -they cannot raisfl 
hand against the will of any white person wjjo, 
choose to insult or dishonor themselves, 
children, on pain of death; arid yl 
mass of struggling, repressed Innnan 
tudes of men— more vigorous, phvsicallyi 
masters— with all the energy given by trrl 
habit of work — with all the fire and pria 
comes from being born of white fathers ; " 
repressed, the South herself is constantly t 
with and stimulating them to insurrection. 

AVIiat are these madmen now doing, as thev s™ 
their powder magazine, and fire hot shot to riefct an$ 

In the theatres of South Carolina, thev are ; 
g in the ears of an impressible^ nervous peonle, I 

:q- li 
have elected men to do both ; and the Union l?p*ri 
to be preserved in Us integrity am \ honor. Seces- 
sion must be put down. It is easier to pei-mk it ; 
but the higher duties we owe to humanity and our 
own interests, and to the patriotic men of the South, 
require that it shall cot he. The maltwitentrwho 
talk of secession must be subdued — and we believe 
Old Abe has the grit to do it. We know, if he has 
not, his party has the grit to leave him. — Ashtabula 

who are quick to catch both tune . 

furious Marseillaise which seems to breathe the i 

■oar of a wild and angry mob of Mrbiriaos. 
'irget who listens while'*" ■ -" 


Whatever may be said of the opinion of the con- 
servatives of the North, of the Constitutional obliga- 
tion to obey the Fugitive Act of 1850, every think- 
ing man admits that, its requirements are umvnson.v 
ble, in many particulars. A large class of OUT 

Republican bohticians contend that such an act is 
not contemplated under the Constitution! but thai; 

II;: n:i;lit.i.n ..f l;i,.;ihv,s is 'i mailer sir; ll.- |, 
longing to the States; and, in pursuance or this 

idea, several of the Northern states have passed 

personal liberty bills, fiir the protection of their in- 

hahitants. At. (his time, when the slaveholders of 

certain States are threatening disunion and 
.sion, we. find a proposition of compromise m. 

and indeed warmly pressed in the North, 
repeal of these personal liberi v 

lh I Union men of those SlaJ.' 
ih'simiomsts. I rod 


It is as much a matter of regret, as of astonish- 
ment, that Northern journals claiming a respectable 
degree of candor and fairness, should be so ready to 
recommend concession to the insolent demands of 
Southern fire-eaters, that we shall repeal the laws 
that have been passed by several of the free States 
to protect their citizens against the outrageous pro- 
visions of the Fugitive Slave Law, while not a word 
is uttered in relation to the yillanous enactments 
which preceded the existence of that most abom- 
inable statute, incarcerating the citizens of other 
States guiltv of no crime, unless to have a black 
skin is a crime, and compelling their employers to 
pay their board or permit them to be sold into sla- 
very, and to hire their slaves to do the very work 
their men might and should have done. Not a word 
do these journals have to say about this violation, 
not only of the Constitution of the United States^ 
but of justice and humanity. 

It seems to us these fire-eaters should first begin 
the work of conciliation, and wipe their statute 
books clean of all their unconstitutional acts, purge 
the Fugitive Slave Law, passed at their behest,^*' 
its outrageous and insulting provisions, afford the 
same protection to Northern men going South that 
Southern men enjoy North, and a general reforma- 
tion of their manners ami morals, before asking any- 
thing of us. ' They are not the men, with the his- 
tory that they have left behind them, to ask us to 
recede, or propose measures of conciliation. 

If the concession is to bo all on one side, and the 
North called on merely to bow down to the demands 
of the Democratic leaders of the South, and the 
doughfaces of the North, we fancy it will require a 
good deal more than threats of dissolution to brin" 
the people to it. It is quite unendurable enough to 
see these men lord it over the negroes, without sub- 
mitting to the same treatment ourselves. It is quite 
bad enough to submit to the rendition of a fugitive 
after he has enjoyed all the benefits, of the forms of 
law in defence ; but repugnant as this would be, 
such is the respect for law, that the people of the 
North would bear it. But to see a man, though 
black he be, seized like a dog, and on testimony not 
sufficient to establish a claim to the enutUeeH j , ;,- 
hiary value, dragged into perpetual bondage, the 
men of the North will never submit to, and they 
ought not. Let the South pay some decent respect 
to the moral, religious and humane sentiments of the 
North in doing an odious thing, and not attempt to 
trample under foot ami spit on all this, and on our 
persons, too, in pursuit of their chattels human, if 
they mean to gel along peaceably in the abominable 
work. Then we can turn our backs and shut our 
eyes on the detestable thing because it is law, and 
executed with the least possible ollenee; but we 
must be permitted to hate the whole thing with our 
whole heart, soul, mind and Strength. This is the 
teasl we can ask. If. in addition to this, we are to 
be forced, under pains and penalties, to hunt their 
slaves for them, betray them when they eomo to our 

dwellings for food ana protection, from an iron des- 

polisni, shut our bowels of compassion against their 
entreaties, it may be written down as certain, that 

the decent men ot' the North will never submit lo ii, 
though Ihe heavens fall. The iinri-hteoiisness and 

the humiliating character of the deed are too groat to 

be endured bv any one having anv sense of justice 
or any mnnhood left in him. We. are not vet Ml of 

us such slaves or heathen as ibis, however it may be 

with the whiskey-drinking and debauched politicians 
ami their tools 'Mama Temperance Journal 


"Oh! r.' 

Ouce -. ■ og Celt thy 

Caqjjuui£ftfHi ■ 
Or whips | 

Is it credible th;4 

go ringing and eehonT? 

slaves? and then is the North coollL 

State papers that the South cannot si 

servile insurrections, and that it is her ', 

liberty that is the reason ? 

It is not the fault of the South- __ 
laws which forbid marriage which agitatl 
the rending of families which agitates^ — il 
posing four million human beings withoutj 
tection to any insult which four million . 
devise that agitates — it is not forKdilingl 
and improvement which agitates — it is nol 
ing a class of white sons and dau<rhteJ 
houses, whose talents and beauty are : 
and who with all the pride of their mastesj 
posed to all the insults of the slave— it i 
that agitates! 

It is not that with all tins outraged, . 
abused mass around, they go round ^^ 
Marseillaise in their ears, and adveniJ 
public speeches and private conversation! 
coin's election is likely to break their c¥ 
wish it were.) It is not the murderous, " 
barism which tars and feathers, burns 
up without judge or jury, and afterwards r 
causes excitement. 'No"; none of these i 
vile insurrection— not a bit of it— it's thG M 
wicked, truculent, horrid North, who are ccL 
declaring things they have no business to 
mons, magazines, "poems, and speeches. 

The North keeps expressing an opinion < 
delicate points as adultery, robbery, piracy, kldsL 
ping. They are not convinced yet, and don'ftsl 
likely to be, that these are reputable courses, ^i 
North will hold that a man is a mau— that all j 
were created free and equal and have teasA rigfafa ' 
to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 
_ The North holds that it is wicked to for f 

riage to a whole community; that men 
have rights to their wives; that it is a sham 
children from their parents' arms ; that it is a g 
shame for a man to sell his own sons and daugl 
They have these opinions in common with alt cVil- 
izcd nations, and mean to aet upon them— and the 
President thinks it is the defending of such ideas| 
these has made all the difficulty. 

The remedy he proposes is quits as romarkablJ 

lie says. - After all. the Constitution gives only si; 

an ambiguous foothold to this state of things, thai 
is impossible to convince ihe mai^sjj^^ 
that tf supports [hem aii. I/he w!iv^^^ 
the Constitution of the United Stat I 
freely, and clearly to admit and legalise sK? 
agitation will cease." 

Agitation cease! It reminds us of an anee 
of an old black slave-woman oaUmg herself " So- 
journer Truth." who sat in the front ranks once 
an Abolition meeting, when Frederick DeugUi 
li red with the wrongs >F his race, and the iesaai 
of the white race. ' ' that there was neither^ 

hope nor help tor i( in their own right ] 

arms. In the pan-, -,\ this appeal. 

jpurner lifted her dan. ing with ints 

feeling, and said, in a h ■, which ■ 

heard in everj corner of tin ruqgt: — 

■■ Frederick, is God dead'?" 
Let that old black slavt 
through this nation, as then it rang th 

11 ill. To all who hope or dream to pu_ 

tion by a covenant wish death, and an j 
with hell, old .Vfriea rises, and raising lie- 
maimed, seaiavd hand to heaven, asks us ls^ 
DBAB-f " Vow Tori Independent, 


sen \\ -n ov HON. *OHS utoKMW 

T,:isi evening, at 8 o'clock, * ■• boom) jv -m 

the People's 1'arly Operatives had B public dinner .it-' 
Samson street Mali. About threo-hundre I 

n attendance. Most of I hem « are well -known 

btieians, and Some tf them hold promiue'it - 


ah -ll 





^rse without them brother would be arrayed 
T brother, and blood would run down the streets 
■ beautiful city. 

not necessary Tor me to declare to you, who 
ijnt ■! -i transpiring :-v?nts.tlv.t th. v ;ii'< feofch 
t'lr and that neither of them will be preserved 
' ' ;solves. The time has rather arrived for 
J-ihau expression. No man eau maintain the 
Ityofthia Union by popular assemblies, declar- 
votion to the Crmstetution. The time baaoome 

■ man has got to define his position m the 
struggle which is about to come off between 

li section's and rival interests. No greater truth 
lever proclaimed in the hearing of the American 
We than that there is an antagonism between 
I,,,lom and slavery. [Applause.] And let no man 
fonsole himself with the reflection that tins aniugo- 
Eiism is to be quieted by the palliatives of eompro- 
ImV. [ A voice. Or by public meetings.] \ ou on- 
tot form truces between them, wluch will last. It is 
impossible as to dam up mighty rivers, and to say 
" t from such a point dry land shall appear. As 
, ?s the free sentiment of the North shall invade 
lie territory of the South, so long the South will 
complaints ; and you have now to make up your 
j whWyou will serve— whether you will serv 
r Belial. [Applause.] 

3 is not the first time in our history that these 
Jeulties have come upon us, and when the safety 
the country has been imperilled. In J820 we 
promised, in 1832 we compromised, in 18o4 we 
promised for the purpose of making peace be- 
en these rival and conlUcling interests, and in 
instance in which compromises have been 
ered into, these compromisi 

i have been followed 
>jui noiB '•<■ 
proposed to us, with all the experience of the past, 
t we shall again endeavor to make a lasting truce 
ween freedom and slavery. 1 have said at anotli- 
Ffahe, and in another place, that air lines may di- 
■ rival States, but they can never bound conflict- 
^timents. The lights of the press, the waves 
icient craft, the mechanical tendencies ot high- 
Jfduetive art— these will always make an un- 
ion upon the weak and the impotent. My fel- 
fitizens, 1 put it. to you, sober, staid, sensible 
, to give to me if you can, the lines of compro- 
which shall give to us rest "Will you restore 
'Missouri Compromise line [A voice, "No"] 
feted in 1820 at the demand of the South, andre- 
|>:. tS54 al the same demand? Will you re- 
let it ao-ain ? [A voice, " Not by any means."] 
■Not by any means. No, I would rather stiller my 
T-Mit arm to be severed from the shoulder [cheers] 
ItlTan place upon myself any such mark of humiliation 
land disgrace. [Renewed cheers.] Are you wiling 
■that this game of battledore and shuttlecock shall 
longer be played between the South and the North ? 
TIf you are, 1 am not, and the line is drawn between 
s distinctly as it is drawn between the North and 
1 South. [A voice, " He's exactly right," and 
fcheers.] As for mvself, I say it here, and I say it 
(distinctly, desiring not to be misunderstood by any 
man— and you will find I will carry it out through 
—my life— no more compromise.. [Cries of " Good, 
land vociferous and long-continued applause.] Ilove 
Ithe Constitution and the Union equal to that ot any 
cman, [cheers,] but I will not buy them from 
|nan who docs not exclusively own them. 
*n cheers.] If the Constitution and the 
Jot secure the fealty of every right-minded 
J it to be expected that a flimsy compro- 
Jitched up by members of Congress, is going 
Kvhat they cannot effect ? My motto is, " Mil- 
for defence, not one cent for tribute." [Cheers.] 
j proper, my fellow-citizens, that we should look 
_«the realities of the times. South Carolina declares 
lhat she has already seceded from the Union ; that 
the'bonds have been severed which bound us together. 
1 contend that if South Carolina is out of the Union, 
there is no State in it, [cheers,] for there is not vi- 
tality or power inlhe bonds which we supposed held 
ji^^xTmya it as my opinion, as my conviction, 
fthat she is not yet out of the Union, and I also give 
iiv conviction that, with the blessing ot Al- 
rho^Oie -never will be out of the Union. 
^e andrivihi enthusiasm.] If you 
"she will never be out of the 
fcj-o-nighV.\'Wt I have 
*the eighteen millions 
^ who monopolize all 
■Puce of the country, are 
frcome, paralyzed and moulded into shape 
tons without these auxiliaries, 
fiv friends, we have fallen upon evil times. 
Inot magnify our danger, nor would I m any 
|nish the aspect which it presents. We have 
krrayed against the Union a sovereign State. 
£ the sympathies of five or six other States so 
CoW tb South Carolina that, in my judgment, 
} ready to join her at any advantageous mo- 
td I am by no means certain that all the bor- 
s will not be found in affiliation. We have, 
n to this, a traitor President, [loud cheers] 
Et and rotten Cabinet, [cheers] and for aught 
J we may have the regular army against the 
[inasmuch as the President is the commander- 
I of that army ; but 1 declare to you my solemn 
Ion to-night, that with all these fifteen States, 
frer'al .Administration, and the army and navy 
together, the mighty millions of the North 
>d and save the.Constitution and the Union. 
It' I did not "believe so, I should despair 
fcntry, for I look at this thing as 1 know that 
-1 should despair of my country, and I 
f y aloud to my God, " Oh ! give me a city of 

He was no advocate for force, except as the last 
dread arbitrament, lie would bear with his brother 
to the last moment. He sought no war against 
them. There was no feeling in the North of hostili- 
ty to their Southern brethren. The North had no 
desire for war, but if it is forced upon us, then the 
feeling here must be unanimous that no traitor must 
be allowed to breathe in Pennsylvania. _ [Cheers.] 
He did not believe there was a citizen of this State 
who voted for Mr. Lincoln, who would refuse to bat- 
tle for the Constitution and the Union. In regard to 
the matter of force, that was discretionary with the 
constituted authorities. When called upon by them, 
let the people respond. Prior to such call, it would 
not become members of the People's party to make 
offensive threats, or to boast of their strength and 
power. The country and its resources were known ; 
from the Atlantic to the Pacific, thousands would be 
found ready to perish in obedience to the call of the 
officials. The mighty army of the North was capable 
of defending the interests of its section. It was 
against all history for a Southern nation to encroach 
upon a Northern one. It was for the interest of 
both North and South to keep the fraternal tie per- 
manent, that all the people might be protected. 
Tear it asunder, and the world would not know a 
period of equal violence. The tie was not yet de- 
stroyed. Notwithstanding the deeds of these Pal- 
metto people, the Union was yet intact. Their Com- 
missioners had not Ivcii recognized by the President, 
who, it was possible to hope, might yet prove himself 
to be something of a man. Mr. Mann then related 
a remark which Mr. Douglas had made in the Pres- 
ident's hearing, relative to the sterling virtues and 
courage of Andrew Jackson : " He is dead !" How 
gad if' was to know that his, olden worth had no place 
in the heart of James Buchanan ! He (Jackson) 
would have clutched rebellious Carolina as a steel 
glove clutches a handful of hornets. Jackson had 
regretted to the day of his death that he had not 
quite enough law on his part to enable him to hang 
Calhoun. He was a soldier and a man of action. 
Mr. Mann paid a copious enlogium to Gen. Jackson. 
The spirit of Jackson still lived, and was ready to 
act. The People's party would preserve the Union 
as it had preserved the city and the State. It would 
give justice to the South with an open hand, and 
was a conservative party, which would, nevertheless, 
yield no single right fought or voted for. 

Spirited speeches were also made by J. K. Flani- 
gen, Esq., David Newport, Esq., John E. Latta, 
Esq., Dr. Frank Taylor of Chester County, Gen. 
William F. Small, Mr. Charles Wilson, and others. 
[Philadelphia U. S. Gazette. 

M>l\t % i h t x ix 1 x . 

Ho Union with Slaveholders! 



Delinquent subscribers for the past year, — that is, 
from January 1, 1860, to January 1, 1861,— are re- 
spectfully requested to remember our standing hule, 
by which their papers will be discontinued alter Feb- 
ruary 1, 1861, unless payment for the same be previous- 
ly sent in. We shall be extremely sorry to lose a 
single subscriber in this manner, especially at this 
crisis in our national affairs ; but, as our printed terms 
indicate that payment is to be made in advance., we are 
sure if, instead of rigidly exacting it, we allow (as we 
do) a credit of fourteen months to delinquents, they can have 
no cause of complaint when their papers are stopped 
for omitting to make settlement ; yet, with all this in- 
dulgence, we have known various instances in which 
such persons have taken this treatment almost as a 
personal affront ! What ideas have they of the sacred- 
ness of contracts? And, surely, our subscription list 
always too limited to make us willingly lose a single 
subscriber. Exceptional cases there will be, calling 
for special consideration ; but it is absolutely necessa- 
ry that we should abide by the rule we have laid 
down, to prevent losses which cannot be borne. 

—f— ■*- : - ~ 


his Message, appealing to the 

tit as my ( 

If^endous ajj 
fcl doj 

»js your determination ? You have declared 

fUonstitution and the Union. How do you 

Wto save them ? There is, in my judgment, but 
fe way known under Heaven and aiftong men, by 
Iik-h they can be saved ; that is, by such anexpres- 
■Was will <*o out from this hall to-night, that band- 
it treason, no matter how strong, shall not destroy 
■Mri ("'■ Good," and cheers.] Neither merchants 
trr manufacturers, however respectable they may be 
fiown -"";'ti-." r assemblies, can do anything for the 
cau«e which we have at heart, and much less can 
thev give us safety by a truckling, mean, dog-like 
subserviency to the South. [Cheers.] The day 
■will come to all such men, and it will come quickly, 
too, when they will call for the mountains to fall 
upon and hide them from the gaze of their fellow- 
men. [Cheers.] These are the men who would 
bind the Constitution and the Union by tape and 
bobbin. They have offered their price to the South, 
End we have seen how the South has spurned them. 
'The only plan to save the Constitution is by a union 
'of hearts and of hands, [cheers] of resolute, deter- 
mined men, who will meet the last issue. ' [Cheers. | 
Lthat I speak very far in advance ot 
IffrV^. ,'..r.-.'. I haute never measured 
^ n 9 by present prevailing opinion, nor do^ 
rTodo so now. 1 would not degrade myself 
ffpnV;inng before any body of men in Christen- 
dom, to express opinions which I know are false. 
[Cheers..] I tell you that the South believe that the 
North is craven, and those men, to whom I have al- 
luded, have but afforded them stronger ground for 
this belief. [Cheers.] I want to know of every 
man I meet, here or elsewhere, if he belongs to that 
body of men, or whether he belongs to another. 1 
want to know whether he is going to purchase peace 
by meanness, by betraying his own people and Ins 
n LnWresta, or whether he is going to defend the 
jeace. [Cheers J My fellow-citizens, the Constitu- 
and the U^n should be upon the lips of every 
, and th^W-istitution and the Union should be, 
'ended by the valor of every man. [Hurrah ! and 

Mr. Buchanan, 
people of the Uni 

"But I maybe permitted solemnly to invoke my 
countrymen to pause and deliberate before they deter- 
mine to destroy this, the grandest temple which has 
ever been dedicated to human freedom, since the world 
began. It has been consecrated by the blood of our 
forefathers, by the glories of the past, and by the hopes 
of the future. The Union has already made us the 
most prosperous, and ere long will, if preserved, render 
us the most powerful nation on the face of the earth. 
In every for eif/n region of the globe, the title of American 
citizen is held in the highest respect, and when pronounced 
in a foreign land, it causes the heart of our countrymen to 
swell with honest pride." 

It was one of the boasts of the Roman State, when 
in the height of its grandeur and power, that the sol- 
emn declaration, " I am a Roman citizen," was a 
protection in foreign and barbarous lands. Cicero, 
in his great invective against Verres, the tyrant of 

Sicily, made it an aggravation of his cruelties, that 
he had disregarded this plea of Roman citizenship. 

St. Paul, at Jerusalem, made the same effective ap- 
peal : — 

'.' The chief captain commanded him to be brought 
into the castle, and bade that he should be examined 

by' scourging, that he might know wherefore they cried 

so against him. 

And as they Wwna him with thongs, Paul said to 

tlie centurion that stood by, 'Is it lavful for you to 

scourge a man that is a Roman, and uncondemned ? ' 
When the Centurion heard that, he went and told 

the chief Captain, saying, ' Take heed ichut thou doest, 
for this man is a lioman.' 

Then the chief Captain came, and said unto him, 

' Tell me, art thou a Roman ? He said, ' Yea.' 

And the chief Captain answered, ' With a great sum 

obtained I this freedom.' And Paul said, 'But I was 


Then straightway they departed from him, which 

should have examined him ; and the chief Captain was 

also afraid, after he knew that lit- a-as a Roman, and because 

he had bound him."— Acts XXII, 24-29. 

Such was Roman citizenship and its immunities, 
even in Judea, eighteen hundred years ago. Mr. 
Buchanan extols the power of the United States and 
the value of A merican citizenship abroad. There is 
something to predicate such a boast upon. It is not 
many years ago that Capt. Ingraham ( a native of 
South Carolina,) nearly plunged the United States 
into a war with Austria, in behalf of one Kozta, an 
Austrian subject, not even a citizen of the United 
States, but who, having declared his intention to be- 
come so, was sojourning in Asia Minor. The country 
sustained even that arrogant pretension, so jealous 
are we of any aggression upon the rights of American 

Within no very long period past, the case of natu- 
ralized American citizens travelling in their father- 
land, anj there held to supposed claims to _ military 
services, attracted much attention. Their rights 
were vindicated, after considerable doubt and hesita- 
tion on the part of our Government. 

We suppose there can hardly be a doubt that if, 
in any country of Europe, or even in the Barbary 
States of Africa, a single citizen of our country were 
seized and subjected to torture or other indignity, 
instant redress would be demanded, and insisted on ; 
that without such redress there would be just cause 
of war, and actual war waged with our might. Were 
he so seized and maltreated, upon the. ground that he 
was an American, and was in favor of American in- 
stitutions, there would be no bounds to the universal 

Suppose the Rev. Dr. Cheever ( a well-known 
clergyman now in Europe ) should be there arrested 
and lynched, by hanging on a tree, for no other of- 
fence than because he is an American — would it be 
passed by in silence ? A government which fails to 

P' ' 


The Twenty-Ninth Annual Meeting of the Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery Society will he held at 
the TREMONT TEMPLE, in Boston, on Thursday 
and Friday, January 24th and 25th, commencing at 
half past 10 o'clock, A. M. 

The members and friends of the Society are ur- 
gently requested to make the attendance on their part 
larger than ever before seen since its formation. In 
view of the position of the Anti-Slavery cause, and of 
the state of the nation, it will be the most important 
anniversary the Society has ever held. Troublous as 
is the aspect of things, it is a sure indication that the 
cause of impartial freedom is moving onward with ir- 
resistible power, and that the day of jubilee is rapidly 
approaching, to be succeeded by universal joy, peace 
and prosperity. Por nothing disturbs the repose, 
deranges the business, assails the interest, dishonors 
the character, and imperils the existence of the re- 
public, but SLAVERY. Freedom, and the love of it, 
and the advocacy of it, and the uncompromising sup- 
port of it, without regard to color or race, can never 
work ill to whatever is just, honest, noble, humane, 
and Christ-like. It is not the Abolitionists, who sim- 
ply espouse the cause of God's poor and needy and 
oppressed, that it may go well with our land, but the 
Southern slaveholders and slave-breeders, who traffic, 
human flesh and enslave even their own blood-kin- 
dred, and who hate every thing that savors of liberty, 
who have brought the nation into its present distracted 
and distressful condition; for theirs is the spirit which 
chooses " rather to reign in hell than serve in heaven." 
Come, then, friends of freedom, to the Anniversary, 
strong hi the righteousness of your cause, serene and 
undaunted in spirit, and resolute in your purpose to 
seek the speedy removal of the cause of all our na- 
tional suffering and danger! 

Able and eloquent speakers will he present as usual. 
[The list will be given hereafter.] 

In behalf of the Society, 

EBASW2IS .taoxieost, /--«..ut»i. 
Robert F. Wallcut, Secretary. 


Marlboro', Ohio, Dee. 14th, 1860. 

My Dear Friend, — Your remarks upon the late 
mob in Jtoston, in the Liberator of the 7th, include the 
following passage: — 

" It wna our impression that tho Convention would prove 
OOffiparatively a failure, as the (Jail did not emanate from a 
source calculated to cany any personal weight, and an no 
conference or consultation whatever was had with the long- 
tricil advocates of the anti-slavery cause, who, if they had 
heen consulted, would have Buggeeted a very different modo 
of procedure, and who had nothing to do with it diiuotly." 

Inasmuch as you acknowledge "the right of the 
young men," alluded to, "to call the meeting in their 
own way," is there not something needlessly ungra- 
cious, to say the least, in such a remark, under the cir- 
cumstances ? While perilling much in a struggle for 
free speech for all, and smarting under undeserved vio- 
lence, was it wise towards our cause to enter a dis- 
claimer of any part of their course, which could not 
be condemned as amoral delinquency? Is there not 
reason to feel encouraged by, and to encourage every 
evidence of uncompromising hostility to slavery, 
whether the actors in it pronounce our shibboleth, or 
ask our opinion of the " how to do it," or no? 

Yours, with true regard, A. BROOKE. 

Rbbly. We deem it neither unfair nor improper to 
"let every tub stand upon its own bottom," or to state 
facts truly as they exist. The reason why we used 
the explanatory language, referred to by Dr. Brooke, 
was, that the meeting at the Temple was falsely repre- 
ggpfi&d by the press and telegraph to have been a 
" Garrisonian " convention, ami especially under the 
guidance of Mr. Phillips and Mr. Garrison, who were 
taunted with cowardice (!) by the Courier for not hav- 
ing been present. While we shrink from no responsi- 
bility of our own, we are not willing to have that of 
others thrust upon us against our consent. We fully 
vindicated the rig-lit of those who called the meeting 
at the Temple to do so, against all disorderly interrup- 
tion, and have ever since been assiduously endeavor- 
ing to deepen the infamy of those who riotously broke 
it up, by recording our own views, and the sentiments 
of various manly journals in different parts of the 
country. We still think, however, that it would have 
been not only courteous, but judicious, on the part of 
the young men who signed the call, to have conferred 
directly with those older in the struggle, as to the best 
mode of procedure upon an anniversary calculated to 
arouse the demon-spirit of slavery, far and wide. 
There can be no good objection to " personal weight," 
or to the presentation of the most influential names, 
when these can be obtained in the cause of ostracised 
liberty. Nevertheless, it is for each and all to labor as 
they may. Our only aim was, to make a simple ex- 
planation in order to correct a wide-spread misrepre- 
sentation. What would have been a comparative fail- 
ure, has resulted in a meeting for the whole country, 
commanding millions of hearers, owing to the efforts 
of Messrs. Fay, Howe, and their mobocratic associates. 
So kind Heaven — 

"From seeming evil, still educes good." 



Unless you think as 'I do— unless you speak 

i I do- as sure as we have met here to-night— the 
isti'-ulion and the Union arelost forever. [Cheers.] 
V\ call upon you to save them. I call upon you 
Inustcr all your manhood, and to meet the issue, 
•.hai. vou have, framed, but which the South baa 
■d uie>n you. To meet it boldly and determi- 
5-, not defiantly, and if you shall do so, you will 
■ th-. KMislV-tiriii to know your country is again 
[Cheers.] And soft as the tones of the seraph, 
fv.t loud as the thunder of heaven, the cry shall come 
from the sentinel on the watch-tower of liberty, « Cod 
prospers ihc It-public. All is well 

The applause during Mr. Hickman's remarks was, 
at times, deafening. When he uttered the sentiment 
of" no more compromises," the shouts were 
dons; cheora rang confuwdj; 

■otect the lives of its citizens, and their persons fr 
insult, even by arms if need be, has no_ rank among 
the nations of the earth. It would be idle for a for- 
eign power to say, this was the act of a lawless mob. 
"Vfe should reply, " Have, the perpetrators been brought 
to justice?" Happily, however, It U true that citi- 
zenship of the United 'Jfcatcs rs respected in all foreign 
countries pretending to civilization. 

How is it in the .States of our own Confederacy ? 
The newspapers daily give us accounts of the mal- 
treatment of American citizens upon American soil. 
Throughout the cotton States — indeed, in several of 
the border or breeding States — the life of no North- 
ern man is safe. The merchant from the North— the 
preacher of the Gospel from that section — the teach- 
er, male or female — the traveller for health or busi- 
ness, is in much greater danger than lie would be 
among the Bedouin Arabs, or the roving tribes of 
Sahara I So frequent have these cases become, that 
every day brings us new ones, often with some new 
form of atrocity and barbarism. Not a citizen of 
Ohio to-day can travel in the cotton States, and reg- 
ister his name and address, without exposing himself 
to scourging, tar and feathers, or hanging. It is only 
a lew weeks ;igo lhat. Stephen A. Douglas and his 
wife were pelted with er/gs at the State Capitol of Al- 
abama. Not to be forgotten either, is the hanging 
of the Rev. Mr. Bewley, in Texas, now authentically 
known ; this, for no crime, no misdemeanor, but 
simply because he was a preacher of the Gospel, and 
came from a free State. It would require columns 
to enumerate the cases where the parties are known, 
and the facts unquestionable. We have not chosen 

to fill our paper with stories of hangings and minor 
tortures,— of the driving men away by brujtc force, 
because of simple Northern birth. They are, weari- 
some and painful reading; hmni]iati^)l>UittAM"' m 
who calls himself a citi: 


We have completed thirty years of editorial life con- 
nected with the Liberator. We commence a new de- 
cade with the same confidence in the principles we 
espouse, the same assurance of success in the cause 
we advocate, that we felt at the commencement of 
our labors, — only greatly strengthened by the expe- 
rience gained, and the progress made toward the goal 
of final victory. It has been a long, desperate, and 
(humanly speaking) most unequal struggle with the 
organized religious sentiment, the political power, the 
combined wealth, the recognized respectability, the 
popular feeling, the business selfishness, the s*atanic 
malignity, and the universal brutality and ruffianism 
of the country ; but, from the hour the bugle of free- 
dom first sounded its notes in favor of immediate and 
universal emancipation, the. movement has advanced 
with slow but irresistible power, under Divine guid- 
ance, confounding the wisdom of the wise, contemning 
the might of the strong, taking the cunning in then- 
own craftiness, unmasking the hypocritical, swallow- 
ing up all the rods of the magicians, breaking sects 
and parties into fragments, vanquishing all opponents, 
its poverty more than a match for all the wealth of 
the land, its conscience outweighing Church and 
State, its spirit sublime and unconquerable, its truths 
self-evident, and its results glorious in the annals of 
historic achievement; — and still, 

'■' Against the wind, against tho tide, 
It steadies with upright keel," 

outstripping all competition, and with the haven of 
righteousness and peace full in view. 

For thirty years, we have been the target of popular 
scorn and violence, for imploring the nation to " undo 
the heavy burdens, break every yoke, and let the op- 
pressed go free " ! 

For thirty years, we have been ignommiously 
branded as heretic and infidel, disorganizer and fanatic, 
because we have declared chattel slavery to be dia- 
metrically at war with the spirit and teachings of 
Christianity, and that into the true Church enter nei- 
ther the enslavers nor .despisers of their fellow-men ! 
For thirty years, we have subjected ourselves to 
outlawry in all the slavcholding States, and have had 
no common eounify to recognize our rights and ac- 
cord to us equal privileges, because we have main- 
tained that liberty ought to be "proclaimed through- 
out all the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof l" 

For thirty years, we have been held up to public 
abhorrence as a monster of iniquity, and represented 
as quite unfit to live, because we have " remembered 
those in bonds as bound with them," refusing to com- 
promise their cause, and carrying out in their behalf 
the Golden Rule ! 

For thirty years, the Abolitionists have been mobbed 
in city, town and village — misunderstood, misrepre- 
sented, calumniated, caricatured, ostracised— injured 
in business, and cut off from all preferment— because 
they have endorsed the language of John Wesley, 
that "Slavery is the sum of all villany," and believed 
with Thomas Jeffkiison, in regard to the enslaved 
at the South, that " one hour of their bondage is 
fraught with more misery than ages of that which we 
rose in rebellion to oppose " — and trembled with him, 
when they " reflected that God is just, and that his 
justice cannot sleep forever " ! 

The " head and front of our offending," and of theirs, 
" hath this extent— no more." 

So stands the record of impartial history. 
But the Anti-Slavery cause being of heaven, tiot of 
men, and guarded and defended by the arm <>( Om- 
nipotence, no weapon formed against it lias been able 
to prosper. In vain have been, and will be, all coin- 
pronnisefl between the North and South. The " irre- 
:onlliet. " sweeps every thing before it, 
Jhe 1'itlmiiialioiiH of priestcraft, :uul 
All Union s.'ii Ing 

v yea r« 
in who 

With all the relief that has yet been extended, the 
famine in Kansas continues to be sorely felt, and 
thousands are in a state of destitution closely border- 
ing upon starvation. The number is estimated at 
thirty or forty thousand. This is truly appalling; for 
they can realize nothing for themselves until another 
harafest. On our last page, we give a highly int"--- 

■Li c i, ' xi J *^BfciT-,.^- 1 i, oaten ''Atchison, 
mtr ~ tter from Mr — — ■ " ' ' 

Kansas, Dee. 2U, 1860," in which some painful and 
heart-moving facts are communicated respecting this 
terrible visitation, and a strong appeal made to East- 
ern benevolence, which we are sure will not be made 
in vain. The most reliable arrangements have been 
made in the Territory to sacredly and judiciously dis- 
tribute the charities given, according to the necessities 
of the parties presenting themselves for relief ; so that 
there need be no apprehension on that point. Think 
of a bare-footed population in the inclemency of win- 
ter, to say nothing of rags instead of clothing for a 
covering ! 

Below is a private note from our esteemed friend, 
Col. Whiting of Concord, Mass., characteristic of his 
spirit, which we publish in this connection as an in- 
centive for others to " go and do likewise." Blessings 
on the heads of the juvenile benefactors in Concord 
of the suffering people in Kansas ! 

Concord, Dec. 16, 1860. 

Deah Friend, — Reading in the Liberator of the 
7th hist, an affecting account of the sufferings of the 
people at Neosho Falls, Woodson County, Kansas, I 
thought it would be well to read it to our Smiday 
School, which I accordingly did. We then and there 
voted to take up a collection on the 16th inst. It 
amounts to §10.62. It would have done your heart 
good to see the bright eyes of the dear little children 
sparkle when the amount collected was announced to 
them, because it is so much more blessed to (be 
able to) give than to (be obliged to_) receive. 

May God in mercy grant that every one who has 
the means may be kind and generous to the poor suf- 
ferers, not only in Kansas, but wherever they may be ! 
Yours, truly, WM. WHITING. 

was abolished in this State, and can no longer exist 
here, why do not they apply as well to fugitive slaves 
any other 1 Why is it not as "contrary to natural 
right and the plain principles of justice " to hold them 
in bondage, or return them to bondage, as slaves who 
have come here by the consent of their masters 1 
These principles apply lo the system of slavery in 
itself, and not to the mode by which Elli . line Into 
the Slate. The rights of the slave must be the same 
in both cases. 

But in reply to this it may be said, that, in the case 
of fugitive slaves, the State of Massachusetts has, by 
adopting the National Constitution, bound themselves 
to recognize slavery in the Southern States, so far as 
to deliver up fugitive slaves when claimed by their 
masters, but have not hound themselves to deliver up 
slaves who coine here under other circumstances. 
But the question recurs again, what right have they 
to bind themselves by adopting a Constitution contain- 
ing such a provision "against natural right and the 
plain principles of justice"? What right have they 
to assume dominion over the lives and liberty and 
welfare of a race of men who were not parties to this 
Constitution, and who had no voice, either in fixing 
its provisions or making the laws under these pro- 
visions — who were not represented in the Conven- 
tion that framed it, or in Congress who made laws un- 
der if? If there is any truth in the assertion made in 
the Declaration of Independence, "That all just laws 
proceed from the consent of the governed," they are 
certainly not bound by these laws, for they never gave 
their consent to them in any manner, either directly 
or through their representatives. And I would further 
ask, what right had the States to hind themselves by 
an instrument, which, under certain circumstances, re- 
quires them to rob a fellow-man of all his rights, per- 
sonal, domestic and civil, and to reduce him again to 
the condition of a brute and a chattel? If they have 
no right by the Constitution and laws of Massachu- 
setts, grounded upon "natural right and the plain 
principles of justice," to deprive a fellow-being of all 
bis rights, and treat him as a slave, they have no right 
to become parties to a National Constitution which is 
intended to produce this effect. This principle will 
apply to the one as well as the other. 

But it is said by the Court, in this case, that the Con- 
stitution of the United States partakes of the nature 
of a treaty between foreign powers, and that it would 
be perfectly competent for one foreign power to stipu- 
late by a treaty to deliver up the fugitive slaves of 
another foreign power. This position of the Court I 
would respectfully dispute. In my judgment, it is 
never competent for one foreign power to bind them- 
selves by a treaty to do that to another foreign power, 
which the party stipulating confesses will, in its con- 
sequences, lead to something "against natural right 
and the plain principles of justice." If it were com- 
petent, it would be competent for a nation to do what 
is an acknowledged wrong, and a violation of justice. 
The plain distinction in the case appears to rae to be 
this : that though a government has no right forcibly 
to interfere with the laws or institutions of another 
State, within that State, though such laws or institu- 
tions may be unjust and oppressive, yet it ought not, 
in any way, to cooperate with the other State within 
its own jurisdiction and territory, in the support of 
such institutions and laws. It is not bound to reform 
and purify the laws or institutions of another State of 
their injustice and evils, except by the exercise of a 
moral influence ; but it is bound in any way to exe- 



There will, undoubtedly, be an atte nipt made, in this 
State and the other States, to repeal the so-called 
Liberty Act, with a view of conciliating the South, 
and preventing its secession. - It has been stated in 
the newspapers, recently, by high legal authority, that 
the Liberty Act of this State is unconstitutional, — as 
conflicting with the National Constitution, — and for 
this reason should be immediately repealed. How 
this may be, I do not know, and I will not undertake 
to call in question the legal opinions of men so emi- 
nent as lawyers, as many of these gentlemen un- 
doubtedly are. 

I take, however, an entirely dilTerent ground from 
them, and would prevent the execution of the Fugi- 
tive Slave Law, whether it is ronstitutional or not, and 
whether the Liberty Act of this State is a violation of 
this provision of the National Constitution or not. 

The ground I take — and 1 think it is an impregnable 
one — is, that the States had no right to make this pro- 
vision a part of this Constitution, nor adopt it; and 
that it is entirely null and void, as such. 1 will now 
endeavor to prove the position I thus take. And to 
do this, I will review the decision of the Supreme 
Court of this State, in the case of the slave Med, 
which came before them more than twenty years 
since, and which decision was given by Judge Shaw 
in his own language. I say, then, (hat there is an 
evidenf inconsistency, in primiple, between the law aa 
it was decided by the Court in that case, in reference 
to slaves brought here voluntarily by their masters, and 
the law in relation to slaves who arv fugitives from 
other States, under the provision of the National Con- 
stitution. In the former case, the Court decided that 
they are entitled lo their lilierly inimedi;iirh , and En 
the latter case, that they must be returned back again 
to a state of slavery. To perceive ibis inconsistency 
in principle, We must examine the ground upon which 
they are declared to be free when COtttfng with the 

consent of their master, and see whether these grounds 
do not equally apply when they are fugitive from 
another State. The Court, In gli big their opinion in 
thai ease, say : — 

" Without making inquiry further, it. i.- mfflolon) tor th« 
purpose before us, that bj the Constitution, adopted to 
[760, slavery was abolished In M (USMhuMtte, on the ground 
that it is contrary to natural right and '/» plain prinapltt <■/' 
juttiet, The tonus ..(' tho tit article of the Deolaraaoa of 
Right* ait plain and explicit, ■■ Alt men iov born froc and 
equal, and nave oortaln oatural, essential and Inalienable 
rlghtSj among which, are the right at enjoying ami do- 
fencUng their lives and liberty, that of acquiring, pesnsa 
ing ana protecting property.' H would be dlfflouU to select 

tions do right, but it is obliged itself not to do wrong. 
Again : see the absurdity which follows from con- 
sidering a man a slave who comes into Massachu- 
setts as a fugitive, and a freeman when brought here 
by his master. In the former case, he is considered 
a mere chattel — a movable — personal property attached 
master, which may be reclaimed as a stray 
horse- la the latter, he is considered & freeman, en- 
titled to all the rights of a freeman. Yes, the- same 
individual, having the same natural rights, which he 
has never forfeited or transferred, is to depend for the 
character, in which he shall be treated, whether as a 
horse or a man, upon the mere mode by which he 
shall have found his way into the State — a circum- 
stance not at all affecting the fact whether he is a hu- 
man being, endowed with all the faculties of a human 
being, and entitled to all the rights of a human being. 
If such a doctrine is not absurd and destitute of sense, 
and such as never would have entered into the head 
of anybody, but those who are wedded to the artificial 
principles of law, I do not know what would be such. 

I have often thought that the habit of studying the 
law has an effect in obscuring the mind from the per- 
ception of the clear principles of common sense and 
common justice, which are so readily felt and under- 
stood by people in other occupations. Lawyers often 
make artificial distinctions, where no one else would 
think of making them, and carry the subtleties of 
special pleading into the great and fundamental princi- 
ples of justice. A man may make a good lawyer, and a 
miserable statesman. The one allows his reason to be 
shackled by the rigid and often arbitrary rides and 
principles of law, in all the views he takes of great 
national questions. The other takes a broad and ex- 
panded view of these questions, in reference to their 
influence upon the welfare of society, and the great 
principles of justice and humanity. No other circum- 
stances will explain the illiberal and irrational views 
which pervade the speeches of many of our legislators 
Congress, and the opinions of many of our distin- 
guished lawyers and judges. There are views ex- 
pressed, in many of these speeches and these opinions, 

bich are totally abhorrtmt to all the first principles of 
justice, and even to the plain principles of common 
sense. These persons talk with great flippancy about 
the rights of individuals to hold property in human 
beings, and the political rights of States to determine 
their own institutions and laws, while they totally ig- 
nore, and treat with the utmost contempt, the doctrine 
that these human beings have any property in their 
own bodies and souls, and the same right to make use 
of their faculties for the acquisition of other kinds of 
property as they themselves have. They can prate 
about i-ii'H rights, which are the mere creatures of a 
political frame of government, but disregard, totally, 
those natural and inalienable rights which belong to 
the whole human family, whether black or white, 
which are the gift of God, and inherent in our very 
natures. W. S. A. 

Anti-Slavery Conventions in New York. We 

call special attention to the series of Anti-Shivery 
Conventions to he held in Western and Central New- 
York, commencing this day at Bullalo, and extending 
through the entire month of January — culminating in 
the anniversary of the State Convention, bo be held in 
Albany, February 4th, 6th, and 6th, It will be s 

thai a strong array of speaikew is advertised, among 

hoin we are highly gratified to see the names of 

Gerrit Smith and Beriah Green, in all the variooaJo- 

CalMOB named, every effort should Stc made to seeinv B 

full attendance, by giving extensive notice of the meet 
inj;. it is by ibis process of "agitation" that the 
chains of the Blavoarfl i" be broken, and the Impending 
judgments of Heaven averted. Therefore, be up and 
doing I 


Tin: TrIBONS ami YY i:\i>i:ii. 1'im.i.ii's. The edi- 
lon:il article we haVS Copied on OUT first page from the 

Tiihini, . caricaturing Mr. Phillips for his noble devo- 
tion to the Anli-Sliivery CAU80, QU U01 :i particle of 
truth OT Wl1 to redeem its coarseness and assurance 

The Tribune has many anonymous contributors bo Its 
editorial columns, so that Li t| often a matter "f guess- 
work as to the authorship oi* particular artidet tn is not diliieull to ideniil) the writer; 
Mid whatever smaitneH he maj possess, 
his well known Imliils are siieli as to render him M 

in. ipetent to measure the philanthropy', and moral 

elevation, courage end dislntarostednoss of Mr. 1'hil 

[Ipa, as a iintientoi is to judge of the merits of Shaka- 

ii were, a "consummation devoutly to be wished" 
that the citizens of this country could he brought to 
understand ibe iim_- character of our boasted Union. 
There are indications that Northern men, at least, will 
bco, before the present agitation subsides, the utter and 
eternal incompatibility of freedom and slavery. 

For the last quarter Of a century, the changes have 
been rung so incessantly 00 the " inestimable value of 
the Union," the might of Its power, the dread conse- 
quences of its rupture, that we at the North have not 
ventured to breathe a possibility of its disturbance, 
however slightly, even to ourselves. In direct viola- 
tion of OUdr huer instincts, we have been persuaded to 
press the'-fVper of slavery to our bosoms, and suffer it 
to suck out our life-blood, as preferable to a dissolution 
of the Union. 

It is only within a few short weeks that most of us 
have been made sensible of a marked mod ifi cation of 
our proclivities in this respect. The possibility, nay, 
the probability of a dissolution, will we oj mil we, has 
been precipitated upon us by the South ; and whatever 
may have been our previous misgivings, as to dis- 
union, we have no choice but to look its responsibili- 
ties, if there be any, fully in the face. However 
cheerfully Northern men would have sacrificed for its 
maintenance in the past, under the impression of its 
incalculable benefits, the facts we find ourselves pon- . 
dering in this season of anxiety force upon us all the 
question, whether the Union, under any such circum- 
stances as we have been compelled to behold it, is, 
after all, bo valuable a boon and worthy of so great 

A few weeks more of opportunity to observe the 
Southern temper, as well as Southern weakness, in 
the elements of either intellectual or national strength, 
will not fail to convince most of us at the North that 
the presence of the South in the Union can well be 
dispensed with. It may be well for the South to un- 
derstand, first and last, that the North, so far from 
dreading her threats of secession, lias occasion to re- 
joice that she has taken the initiative, and proposes of 
her own accord to go out of the Union, and thus re- 
lieve us of the unpleasant necessity, at some future 
time, of forcibly removing from the body politic so 
hurtful an excrescence. 

The North and the South, or freedom and slavery, 
are irreconcilable terms. Nothing like a Union in any 
rational sense has existed, or can exist, in the face of 
such facts as have been forced upon out contemplation 
for twenty-five years past. Whatever efforts may be 
made by the shuffling politician and statesman, un- 
worthy the name, to force together what God and 
nature intended should be forever antagonistic, will be 
futile in all time to come. 

Union by force of law or by external pressure, aa 
opposed to the laws of nature and reason, is inconsis- 
tent with the intelligence, the freedom, the wealth and 
power of the North. Whatever may have been the 
exigency existing when the thirteen States entered 
the Confederacy for Union against foreign and in- 
ternal aggression, no such necessity now exist* with 
the free States, which of themselves are a power suffi- 
cient to command the respect of every civilized coun- 
try in the world. They are amply able to hold their 
place among the nations. They have the inherent 
skill to make the most of their great natural advan- 
tages, and could they once for all be entirely relieved 

given to their energies, and the good effects would 
soon be visible in a rapid growth in wealth, intelli- 
gence and population. 

It is time the South were made sensible of the im- 
potency of her threats of dissolution ; that she should 
open her eyes to the causes of her own ignorance, 
poverty and weakness ; that she should be forced to 
understand, and if possible to be grateful for, the im- 
mense advantages she has enjoyed in times past by her 
connexion with the Kbrth ; and that when bereft of 
the vitality and support which she draws from union 
with superior forces, she must soon sink to decay. 
Let Northern men but once become conscious of their 
strength and of their immeasurably superior advanta- 
ges, and they would have less occasion to tremble be- 
fore the phantom of dissolution. The cry of Union is 
generated in pride, cowardice, and the consciousness 
of a bad cause. Whence comes the necessity for eter- 
nal preachment of the value of the Union, but that in 
the depths of our being we know the utter nonsense of 
attempting to force together elements which, in their 
essential nature, are eternally disjoined ! 

Let the North duly appreciate its own strength, and 
the justness of its cause. In no spirit of defiance, 
but iu the calmness of its owu self-respect, let it afford 
to be generous ; and if the South, either from taste or 
by force of its geographical position, desires to try the 
experiment of an independent existence, let it go with 
our good will. Let the separation, if it must come, 
be amicable ; give them all the United States property 
now located within their present boundaries, pay all 
the existing national debt, and then make them a rea- 
sonable gratuity in ready cash to meet the smaller 
contingencies connected with setting up the new 
government. This would be a good outfit for a 
Southern Confederacy, and all connexion of the North 
with slavery forever ended. It would be the best bar- 
gain the North ever made, and perhaps the poorest for 
the South- 
Let the great truth be made to stand prominent be- 
fore the civilized world, that the Northern section of 
this country alone embraces nearly all that is valua- 
ble iu a material, moral and intellectual point of view ; 
that it is to the vastly ttjMtw civilization of the. Xorlh 
that the United States are entitled to respect abroad 
and at home ; and if the character of a people, rather 
than the extent of its domain, furnishes a criterion by 
which to estimate its magnitude and power, then the 
sixteen Northern Slates, once made independent of 
slavery, are richer in all the elements of greatness 
than the present thirty -three burdened with the cost of 
supporting Em institution which can operate only de- 
cay and final destruction wherever it goes. 

Yes, gentlemen of the South, take your oottOD and! 
your beloved " institution," and lay the foundation of 
your Southern Confederacy j tltss Op ymir stives; 
draw on your own loins for their increase ; swell by 
every moans the product of your one great staple ; go 
forward in your stupidity and ignorance in the tabor 
of exhaustion of your soils ; establish your military 
rule ; tax yourselves most liberally, M you «iil be 

obliged, to do tn maintain vast naval and may estab- 
lishments; eidist the flower ot" your new-fledged no- 
bility, as well aa your "mud-sill" constituency, i'i the 
glorious task of preserving order within and wiitiout- 
With your thousands of miles of frontier, both on the 
land and the sea; with your vast plans 6m the boo 
guest of Cuba and the dismemberment of the Hkxl 

can Umpire, the robbery and pillule of the pit 
territories of the Vniled Mates, tor the protection i-nd 
maintenance of the high rood from the Kooky v. 

tains to the Gulf of Mexico, the reopening of 1 the 
African slave trade, fee possible conflicts, not duly 
with your Immediate neighbor, so recently ytwro 

partner.- but W Lth the mighty powers ou the opposite 
side of the Atlantic, lo say nothing of the BJ ■ 

opportunities you ofler to one er more Anglo \: 

Garibaldis in your midst, and to John Broil M 0> | ■ ■■ ■■ 

borders and in the hVe ta e a ae i of 3 nor bv aa 

Go, we say, JPC ehh slrio gentlemen, ye iTOtthJ 
Of yourselves, and of the "divine Institution " I Oft) 
Bnd >n.ii'.:ur:ite yonrdiiiiiuirexperinioiit ot I 

Confederacy, before which all Christendom must 
■< ptJa bar inefihotual Bret.*' Give It a Mr trial; and) 
when yiwi havcj suffered enough, and •* 
knock »t the door* of jour abused brethren of tee 

North, ami WIS "ill QOl tUXO J OU Kt ■'} D( omi, ■■ ■ ffl 

rdi '■ pi.'.-i.i'U' adapted to the abolition of negro paara 

slavery." I [ j( ,| ], 

Now, if those wore the grounds upon which slaver,) ate*.' 

OT Milton. In this he is 011I of hi- element 

m learn to speak " th 1 words of truth and Bobar 

Ni;w Dki ■-■■ rhe I ntw makes a haodaoma ap 
pearanoe tn Its now t) pographiohl di u 
type were obtained at the foundry of Phelps 

ec a ottsWtti 

r, to be .'e 

predated, spaport readabj 

■1, ft good tyr 1 


JA.]S"TJ^RY -1-. 


Pursuant to appointment, the Worcester County 
North Ami siavry Society held ftg quarterly meet- 
ing on Saturday evening and Sunday, Deo. 8th ami 

yih, in Fitchlmrg. 

(hi Saturday evening, an informal meeting waa 
held in the Trinitarian Church, which, from its faith- 
ful adherence to the cause of the American slave, has 
long been stigmatized us the ' Blaafc Orthodox." The 
meeting was opened with prayer by the pastor, Elnuihan 
Davis, and animated addresses were made by E. H. 
Hey wood, of Boston, and II. Ford Douglass, of Chica- 
go, upon the great problem of the day, and the princi- 
ples involved in its solution. The speakers were 
listened to by uot a large, but intelligent audience. 

On Sunday, the meetings were held in the Bpa&Us 
Town Hall. The afternoon session was opened with 
reading of the Scriptures, and prayer by Joshua. T. 
Everett, of Princeton, President of the Society. 

In the absence of the Secretary, F. H. Snow was 
appointed Secretary for the day. 

For the consideration of the Convention, the fol- 
lowing resolutions were presented by E. II. Hcywood : 

1. Resolved, That though we rejoice iu the recent 
triumph of the Republican party at the ballot-box as 
the first Federal victory of " thirty years' war " for an 
idea ; an insurrection of the awakening conscience of 
the North against an aggressive and insolent despot- 
ism ; a revolt of the masses against the classes, and 
the elevation of the " mudsill " of our political fabric 
to the head of the corner, we by no means regard it as 
the end of the battle with slavery ; but, while four mil- 
lion bondmen clank their chains upon our soil — while 
fifteen States are trodden into servility, ignorance and 
squalor by a fiendish and bloody oligarchy — while the 
man-hunter, under the segis of law, courses with im- 
punity throughout the insulted and disgraced empire 
of the North, and the unfettered ocean loathes multi- 
tudinous and still multiplying ships, crowded with the 
manacled freemen of Africa — our war-cry, as hereto- 
fore, must be not the restriction, but the extinction of this 
"fivefold barbarism" and "sum of all viilanies " : 
nor will any true Abolitionist lay off his armor while 
the foot of a single slave presses the continent. 

2. Resolved, That since the national government 
in its present form, as in its origin and growth, is a 
conspiracy against the black man's rights, and a pirati- 
cal bargain between the North and the South to doom 
him to perpetual slavery, the incoming administration 
of the Republican party must be pro-slavery; and Abra- 
ham Lincoln, with his indorsement of all the dishonest 
and fatal compromises ever claimed by Calhoun, or 
conceded by Webster — his declared fidelity to the Dra- 
conian black code of his own State — his connivance 
with slavery in the District and the inter-State slave 
trade — and his startling attitude as the approved au- 
thor and pledged executive of an " Efficient Fugitive 
Slave Law " — like -his predecessors, cannot but be, to 
the negro, a Federal Tyrant — to be tolerated for a 
time, but, at length, repudiated and execrated by the 
kindiiug moral sense of the age, and thrown aside as a 
terror and warning to all future aggressors upon the 
rights of man. 

3. Resolved, That whatever may be the opinion of 
the freemen of Massachusetts as to Federal obliga- 
tions, it is due to our dignity and self-respect, as a sov- 
ereign State — to the historic glories of our Common- 
wealth — to the cause of impartial liberty everywhere 
— to the law of God spoken from Mount Sinai, and in 
the universal consciousness of the race — that soil, hal- 
lowed with the blood of heroes and the prayers of 
Puritans, shall no longer be desecrated by the pollut- 
ing foot of the slave-hunter ; and we solemnly demand 
of the Legislature elect, a law decreeing that all fugi- 
tives from the South, who choose to reside among us, 
shall be "free against the world." 

4. Resolved, That the proposal of leading represen- 
tatives of the Republican press to repeal the Personal 
Liberty Bills of the North, is a base betrayal, upon the 
threshold of office, of the very idea which lifted the 

~ party into power ; a cowardly concession to the impu- 
dent and loud-mouthed ruffianism of the South, fla- 
grant treason to freedom and humanity, and bold infi- 
delity to the law of God, and should be scouted by 
every well-wisher of his country, or lover of his race. 

5. Resolved, That the healthful and cheering agita- 
tion every where apparent in our politics has a sad and 
disheartening contrast in the deathly stupor of the 
American Church, still in the bonds of iniquity, and 
yet dead in tresspasses and sins ; that its open and 
shameless fellowship of the apologists, defenders, and 
immediate supporters of slavery, with all their foul 
and appalling immoralities — its deliberate and atrocious 
sacrifice of four million immortal beings, with their 
countless descendants, upon the bloody Moloch of its 
own self-aggrandisement — its idiotic denial of the sin- 
fulness of slaveholding, after fifty years' examination 
under the meridian light of the 19th century — its adroit 
and unscrupulous efforts to shield it from the avenging 
bolts of the world's conscience — its haughty and tyran- 
nic bearing toward the brave minority, championed by 
Cheever and Fumess, unmasking its stupidity and 
crimes — and the tacit indorsement of the foreign slave 
trade in the recent refusal of the Episcopal Convention 
and the American Board to rebuke that ineffable abom- 
ination flourishing under the shadow of their own 
steeples, and in their own mission fields — make it the 
most powerful ally of oppression in this age, and a 
burning scandal to the Christian name. 

6. Resolved, That the deliberate and avowed con- 
spiracy to " crush out " free speech in Boston by mob- 
ocratic violence is a significant evidence of the demor- 
alizing and barbarizing influence of National despo- 
tism — a humiliating spectacle of servility to Southern 
taskmasters, calling the roll of their whhe slaves 
under the shadow of Bunker Hill and Faneuil Hall — 
and a new and startling proof that the logical and in- 
evitable result of the continuance of slavery on this 
continent must be the overthrow of all the guaranties 
of human rights which the toil and agony of centuries 
have erected, the obliteration of every vestige of con- 
stitutional freedom, the retrogression of civilization to 
the dark period of brute force ; and hence, liberty of 
thought and Hps, the security of persons and properly, 
"law and order," alike with every sentiment of justice 
and humanity, demand the immediate removal of the 
primal source, the "causing cause" of the evils which 
lacerate and madden the nation — slavery in the 

7. Resolved, That since the Federal Union is the 
Gibraltar of the slave system, not less than an impious 
and defiant insurrection against justice and God, 
which no freeman can support, except at the sacrifice 
of personal honor and the liberty of the negro, we hail 
with joy the mad and suicidal efforts of the South 
(however base and tyrannical her motives and purpo- 
ses) to break it up, confident that its death-knell will 
be the hymn of emancipation to her enslaved millions, 
echoed by the acclamations of all free and generous 
hearts the world over. 

Mr. Haywood then proceeded to expound the idea 
contained in the resolution concerning the Church. 
He proved conclusively, by sound reasoning and 
stubborn fact, that the American Church, with its for- 
ty thousand speechless pulpits, is utterly faithless to 
the rights of the down-trodden negro, and a shameless 
apostate to Christ. 

The speaker then urged the importance of a more 
effective Personal Liberty Bill iu the Old Kay State, 
and showed the hypocrisy of refusing to say in Hus- 
ton, at the State House, as boldly as in the streets of 
Fitchburg, that no fugitive slave shall be returned to 
bondage from Massachusetts soil. No man in Fitch- 
burg would help return afugitive. 

To the last remark, exception was taken by the 
President, who declared his belief that there were men 
in town so hopelessly the tools of the Slave Power, 
that they would gladly consent to become the blood- 
ilOunde of the South. 

A brief discussion upon llns point ensued between 
M" I- . Joel Smith, of Li;ou;i inter, and Goodwin 
Wood, of Fitchburg. 

)n the evening, the Mall wot nearly nihil by an in- 
ter., xieri audience. The Proficient offered to all pres- 
ent an opportunity i" criticUe and dl icuh the aentr 

T I l E L I 13 "TO R A T O 11 


mem* advanced by the speakers. The 'resolutions of 
the afternoon having been read again, 11. Ford Doug- 
lass presented the following resolution: — 

8. Resolved, That we read with profound regret 
the declaration of the Hon. John P. Hale, of New 
Hampshire, in the Senate of the United States, that 
the South has the right to demand of the North the 
rendition of fugitive slaves, and that he is willing that 
there shall be an honest, fair and faithful performance 
of that duty ; that such a concession on his part to the 
insolent demands of that combination of robbers and 
pirates called " Cotton States" is an outrage upon the 
confidence of the anti-slavery and liberty -loving North, 
who warmed him into political life, as well as another 
-sad evidence of the demoralizing effect of American 
slavery upon every noble nature that places itself 
within the circle of its influence ; demonstrating at 
once to every friend of freedom, that the duties and 
necessities of the hour demand that there shall be 
"No Union with Slaveholders." 

Mr. Douglass was then listened to with fixed atten- 
tion for nearly an hour and a half. He clearly showed 
the retrograde movement of John P. Hale, since 1852, 
when he consented to be the representative of a plat- 
form, the chief plank in which was the unconditional 
repeal of the Fugitive Slave Bill, while to-day he un- 
blushingly declares himself ready to renew that hate- 
ful compromise with the slaveholding States. 

The speaker then paid an eloquent tribute to the 
memory of John Brown, remarking, that while he 
disclaimed the principle of force employed by the 
hero of Harper's Ferry, still, looking from the stand- 
point of his audience,, he would give more for the 
memory of John Brown fifty years hence, than for 
that of a hundred Washiugtons ; Because Washing- 
ton, having achieved liberty for himself, used it to 
fasten the chains upon the black man. 

Mr. Douglass then referred to the degraded position 
of the free colored man in tliis country, and pressed 
home to his audience the duty of seeming to the ne- 
gro his full rights. 

A collection was taken up, after wliich, Mr. Hey- 
wood made a brief speech, in which he revealed some 
striking inconsistencies in the Church, and in conclu- 
sion avowed himself in favor of a dissolution of the 
Union as a matter ofjustice, expediency and necessity. 
Throughout all the proceedings of the Convention, 
great interest was manifested by our people, and no 
disturbance whatever occurred, notwithstanding a few 
sympathizers of the Boston North Street 'roughs,' 
whose name with us is not legion, had declared their 
determination to break up the meetings ; while one 
"grave and eminent" citizen, once the representa- 
tive in our Legislature of a now defunct party, and a 
prominent member of the Methodist .Episcopal Church, 
had illustrated the tone of his piety, and his fidelity 
to law and order, by publicly expressing the wish that, 
if the Abolitionists did hold a meeting, they would 
be served as they were in Boston ! 

JOSHUA T. EVERETT, President. 
F. H. Snow, Sec'y. 

mains of slavery, thus fortifying itself by a wall moro. 
impassible to the friends of humanity than the Chi- 
nese ; therefore, 

Resolved, That to cling to the Union, and to the 
United States Government as an institution worthy of 
the voluntary and conscientious support of the Chris- 
tian, is worse than infatuation. 

Yours, for the slave, N. R. JOHNSTON. 


The Troubles in Southern Kansas — Kidnapping band 
broken up — Emancipated Slaves,. $ - c. 


ToFSHAst, Vermont, Dec. 6th, 1860. 

Dear Mr. Garrison, — What are your Boston di- 
vines and Massachusetts editors made of? I had sup- 
posed that the Springfield Republican had some anti- 
slavery, at least some morality. Especially had I 
taken for granted that the Boston Recorder had some 
pretensions to regard for the Higher Law. But how 
can this be, when these papers unite — the religious fol- 
lowing the secular! — in expressing such infamous 
sentiments as lately appeared in their columns ? Of 
course, you understand me to refer to the Republican's 
article, copied by the Recorder, and endorsed by its 
editor, recommending the repeal of such "Personal 
Liberty Laws," now existing in some of the Northern 
States, as are intended, or seem to be intended, to pre- 
vent the untrammelled operation of "lower law," 
whether Constitutional or Congressional. 

In these times, when such evidences of impiety and 
inhumanity are not uncommon, some of your readers, 
who may not have noticed the fact, may be glad to 
learn that the Vermont Legislature has recent- 
ly refused to repeal her Personal Liberty Law of 
two years' standing. The proposition to repeal came 
from a Democratic member of the House. Had it 
come from a leading member of the dominant party, it 
might have met with much more favor. As it was, 
however, the infamous proposition met with a decided 
negative. Let us rejoice that our " great little " State 
is both in advance of your Massachusetts Republicans 
and Recorders, and not yet ready to go on her knees to 
beg South Carolina to not go out of the Union. 

But I took up my pen to hastily inform the Liberator, 
that we have not forgotten the hero of Harper's Ferry 
and the martyr of Charlestown, as, according to a vote 
passed at our meeting when Messrs. Douglass and 
Remond gave us able and eloquent addresses, we have 
observed the anniversary of the execution of John 
Brown, by holding an anti-slavery meeting on the oc- 
casion. The meeting was not large, but quite spirited. 
Our presiding officer was an intelligent and zealous 
Garrisonian Abolitionist, whose young son bears the 
name of John Brown, in memory of the hero and mar- 
tyr. Mr. Charles P. Divoll, a young man of talents — 
a Covenanter, and, of course, a Garrisonian also — de- 
livered an eloquent etdogy on John Brown. The fol- 
lowing resolutions were then introduced, which, after 
a spirited discussion by several speakers, were passed 
by a full and unanimous vote. They will give the 
animus of the meeting : — 

Resolved, That the great object which we, as Abo- 
litionists, have before us is the speedy and entire de- 
struction of chattel slavery, and the temporal and 
spiritual salvation of the slave ; and that the question 
before us to-night is not whether John Brown was a 
moral hero, and a noble martyr to a great principle — 
for to this, millions of warm hearts, if not as many 
eloquent voices, have given their verdict — but the 
great question before us, in common with all true- 
hearted philanthropists, is, hoiv can we, with a conscience 
void of offence toward God and man, help to abolish sla- 
very ? 

Resolved, That it is with pain we see strong indica- 
tions of a retrograde movement in the ranks of politi- 
cal anti-slavery, and it is to be feared that, in accord- 
ance with the spirit of unholy compromise always 
dominant in the counsels of the nation, and to appease 
the threatening anger of the South, there may be suc- 
cessful efforts to compel Northern States to repeal their 
" Personal Liberty Laws." 

Resolved, That though very many anti-slavery men 
have recently done violence to their own principles, by 
voting for a presidential candidate who not only is op- 
posed to the great truths long contended for by Abo- 
litionists, but who is in favor of the North fulfilling her 
pro-slavery constitutional pledges to the South, as well 
as the infamous Congressional Fugitive Slave Law of 
1850; yet we heartily rejoice that, in the election of 
Abraham Lincoln, we can sec cheering indications of 
the rapid progress of the Idea of Freedom, in as much 
as he was elected principally by Northern votes, and 
by a Northern party in favor of excluding slavery 
from the national Territories. 

Whereas, the union between the slaveholding and 
non-siaveholding Stales was formed by base and un- 
holy compromises with slavery, and still continues by 
the execution of said compromises ; 

Whereas, the United States Government was formed 
in violation of the law of God, by allowing slavehold- 
ers to be eligible to office, and so to be able to control 
the Federal Government; 

Whereas, the Federal Government, if true to the 
fundamental law of the land, must be a Cruel despofr 
Ism, aiding slave-musters to hold their human chattels ; 

Whereas, throughout the vast domains of slavery, 
liberty-loving men are fined, Imprisoned, cruelly 
scourged and tortured, exiled, or shnnud'tilly put to 
death, for no Crime but philanthropy | and 

Whereas, the South, by their inhuman laws, uioi'k 

trials, and Lawless violence, have suppressed free 
speech and destroyed the freedom of the pulpit as wel] 

as of tli'> press, while terror reign* tlirougl I the do- 

Atchison, Kansas, Dee. 20, 1860. 
Wm. Lloyd Garrison: 

My Dear Sir, — I want to give you a statement of 
the troubles iu Southern Kansas, and the present con- 
dition of affairs there. The wild statements tele- 
graphed by the drunken, imbecile old man, Williams, 
who presides over the U. S. District Court in that 
vicinity, and the wilder rumors sent out by the " shiv- 
ering chivalry " of Missouri, must have caused con- 
siderable confusion in the minds of Eastern readers. 
Let me tell you what I believe to be the real facts in 
the case. 

The cause of the hanging of the men executed by 
Dr. Jennison was this : they were notorious pro-sla- 
very partisans, and were well known to have been 
both engaged in kidnapping colored men, and in aid- 
ing the assassination of white men. Owing to the 
forbearance of the anti-slavery men, the past summer, 
the gang to which these fellows belonged had become 
very active and daring. Two parties had been up to 
the Captain's (Montgomery,) house, but had not the 
hardihood to attack it, and Dr. Jennison was fired at 
while returning to his home near Mound City. This 
for the offence against them. During the summer, 
members of the pro-slavery secret order are known to 
have hung or otherwise killed four of the Free-State 
men — Hugh Carlin, Guthrie, Frank Marshall, and 
John Denton. They claimed that these were horse 
thieves. Of this I know little, though I am not in- 
clined to believe one iota of their pretext. 

But they have done this : — These men who were 
punished, and their companions, have kidnapped dur- 
ing the past summer, a number of free colored people. 
A number of refugees, families from Arkansas, driven 
from that pirate State by its inhuman laws, have set- 
tled in Bourbon and Linn counties, stimulated thereto 
by the sympathy expressed and the protection proffer- 
ed by Capt. Montgomery and all of the active anti- 
slavery people. At Fort Scott, Barnesville, Trading 
Post and Paris, little towns in Kansas, either a few 
miles from or on the border, a number of the vilest 
ruffians have found shelter. These wretches are the 
dregs of the pro-slavery abomination of '66. When 
even these holes get too hot to hold them, they find 
shelter in Missouri, the citizens of wliich State readily 
give them aid and comfort. 

Out of these materials, a gang of active kidnappers 
has been formed, who indiscriminately seize, in Kan- 
sas, upon all persons whose skin may be darker 
than their own tobacco-stained cuticles, and whom 
their whiskey-soaked consciences think it unsafe 
to allow at large, for honest people to make com- 
parisons with themselves, or for whom they can nett 
a few hundreds. Missouri is a good market for kid- 
nappers at this time. Slave-dealers find plenty of live 
stock, and they ask no questions if a likely chattel is 
offered at less than current rates. These ruffians 
make no pretence of carrying out the infamous fugi- 
tive slave law, though they pretend that the captured 
are fugitives. A number of persons have thus been 

Whatever may be said against force by the editor of 
the Liberator, and those who advocate non-resistance as 
a rule of conduct, this lesson has Kansas taughtmauy, 
To do unto others as they would others should 
do unto them." I have often said before, the logic of 
force is very simple and direct, and men who have 
had to face death, and look down the revolver's mouth 
for a principle, are very apt to feel for others in the 
same position, even though it be the poor despised 
negro. From the moutli of a revolver to the cause 
which points it, is a very simple but direct process of 
reasoning, and from defending their own liberty and 
that of white men simply, they reason back logically 
to the system itself as the cause, and declare all must 
be free, ere peace can reign. 

Many men reach the same end by divers means, 
some later, some earlier. Let none complain who de- 
sire the right to triumph, even though it be through 
the Evangelists of Pluck, that the Gospel of Peace is 
proclaimed. " Eirst pure, then peaceable," is a good 
sentiment for a fighting anti-slavery man. I, am not 
going to argue the ethics of 'this view, for I am not 
inclined to split metaphysical hairs, when nothing can 
be fouiid^in'side, or when hair-splitting of a more prac- 
tical kind is to be done. I want to say, however, that 
this question would be solved much more readily for 
them if every colored man would resolve himself into 
a Pluck Evangelist, of either Gospel — that of Peace or 
of Resistance. 

But this is a digression, To return to the doings in 
Southern Kansas. Dr. Jennison, an active anti-slave- 
ry man living at Mound City, determined with his 
immediate command to put an end to kidnapping, and 
make an example of some of the gang. Russel Hines 
was the first man visited. The party consisted of sev- 
enteen or eighteen men. Capt. Montgomery was not 
in the party, and did not know of it till after the exe- 
cution of Hines. This fellow was seized after having, 
by his own indiscretion, confessed the crime. He was 
held till morning, then tried by a jury of twelve men, 
found guilty of kidnapping, and hung. A card was 
left on his person, stating why he was hung, and de- 
claring the determination of the people to serve all in 
the same way who should do the same act. Hines 
lived half a mile from the State line, and was in the 
habit of going over when iu danger. 

The party then went south to the Osage, to the 
cabin of a man named Moore, a member of the same 
gang. The party that had shot at Jennison had been 
traced to his place, a few evenings before. He was 
summoned to surrender, the door was broken open, 
and while he was in the act of raising his gun, he was 
shot by Dr. Jennison, and instantly killed. His com- 
panion, a Vermonter named Scott, was taken prisoner, 
and tried next day, in the presence of two hundred 
persons ; but sufficient evidence was not brought for- 
ward, and ho was discharged. One or two others 
were arrested, but discharged. 

On the next night, the same party went to the 
house of a ruffian named Sam Scott, took him prison- 
er, convicted him of kidnapping, and hung him. This 
fellow was a notorious ruffian of '56, was at the sack- 
ing of Osawatomie, and was known to have commit- 
ted violence upon two Free State women at that time. 
Through all this, which created no unusual excite- 
ment in Kansas, for it was well known that none but 
the guilty should be punished, Capt. Montgomery had 
not left his farm, Fort Scott had not been seized or even 
approached, Judge Williams was uot threatened, nor 
was Missouri invaded. 

Let me here remark, that Capt. Montgomery, with 
his command, has never invaded the State of Missou- 
The only act of the kind was the liberation of 
eleven slaves, in the winter of '58, by Captains John 
Brown and Aaron Stevens, of immortal memory. 
The first the people of Linn County knew that they 
had taken any towns, broken up the United States 
Courts and hand Office, frightened the Judge, and in- 
vaded the State, was when the papers returned with 

the despatches forwarded by Hie seared Judge, 

The only time Montgomery left his farm was when 
a pro-slavery neighbor, MeDonald, was arrested and 
tried by the Squatter Court, on the charge of piloting 
a party to the Captain's house. Being so near, he 
was compelled to attend. The Secretary of the Ter- 
ritory, Beehc, was present, mid at; his request the 
man was dismissed, The Secretary talked with .Jen- 
nison and his party, listened In their reasons, and eo 
iueided with l.hein fully, lie then came lo hecoinplim, 
and published a proclamation against Ihem, and other 
added fuel lo llie flame. 

Afier this, Jcnnison's party left the field, and ha« 
not since appeared. This was the whole of the diffi- 
culty — three men killed for kidnapping, after being 
tried and proved guilty. The courts arc in the hands 
of officials who sympathize with the kidnappers, and 
pack juries against the Free State men. 

The real cause of the bluster was to add fuel to 
the disunion movement. Harney was sent to precipi- 
tate a border war. He is a disunionist, and hoped to 
involve Missouri and Arkansas, with the slaveholding 
Indians, in that movement. No doubt, the same strings 
acted upon that drunken puppet, Governor Stewart of 

Harney was sent with general instructions to hunt, 
burn and destroy. These were afterwards modified so 
as to moke them subservient to the civil authorities of 
the Territory. He was exceedingly angry at this, and 
wlule Gov. Mcdary was at Fort Scott with the com- 
mand, every effort was made to induce him to pro- 
claim the two counties of Linn and Bourbon in a state 
of insurrection, but without avail. A public meeting 
was held at Fort Scott, and resolutions passed to the 
effect that martial law should be declared. But Me- 
dary knew better, and would not yield. Harney, in 
addition to his general blood-thirsty character, was 
willing for any pretext by which to cover up the 
laughable position wherein the cowardice of Williams 
and the over-anxiety of the ultraists had placed him. 
Gen. Frost, of the Missouri militia, was anxious to 
cross the border, but Medary wa3 inflexible, so the 
storm blew over, 

On the day of the land sales, the troops were drawn 
up in front of the office, and two pieces of camion 
placed to command the settlers. No disturbance oc- 
:d, though the insolent conduct of the U. S. 
Marshal and his deputies was well calculated to pro- 
voke one. Seven men were arrested and thrown into 
a jail, heavily ironed. They asked for the warrants 
to be shown them, but none were shown. The next 
day, they demanded an examination, and were taken 
before a Justice of the Peace at the County seat. No 
one could be obtained on the part of the Government 
to act as prosecuting witness ; so, after keeping them 
two days, the men were discharged. All of the seven 
could have proved an alibi; but the fears of the kid- 
nappers were a sufficient protection. 

After making a laughable parade, by surrounding, 
with great display of warlike pomp, Captains Jenni- 
son's and Montgomery's dwellings, to find no one in 
them except the wives and children, the troops re- 
turned with General Harney to Fort Scott. A com- 
pany of dragoons and two of infantry were left at 
Fort Scott and Mound City, but as the majority of 
these are either Germans or old "Jim Lane men" of 
'56, who enlisted during the hard winter that followed, 
it is not anticipated they will engage either iu murder 
or robbery, as has been the case hitherto with United 
States troops located in that section. Jennison and 
Montgomery have probably returned ere this, and 
things will resume their wonted course. 

The gang of kidnappers who so long have been a 
terror to the colored people of Kansas are nearly all 
killed or in prison. Two of them are in jail at Law- 
rence, charged with robbery and kidnapping, two in 
Leavenworth, three were Itilled in Linn and Bourbon 
counties, and two more ("one of them a quadroon 
named Allen Pinks) are waiting trial at Kansas City, 
Mo. These last stole a man in Kansas, sold him in 
Missouri, then attempted to steal another in the State, 
with the intention of selling him in another town. 
They were caught in the act, and in all probability 
will be sent to the penitentiary. Two more are re- 
ported as having been killed near Osawatomie during 
past fall. The only one now at liberty is the no- 
torious Jack Hurd, who broke jail at Council Bluffs, 
Iowa, a few weeks since. It is possible that a colored 
man may live peaceably in Kansas hereafter. 

The U. G. R. is in successful operation. I heard of 
the safe arrival of a train bound for the North Star a 
few days since. In Leavenworth, there are two eom- 
lianieo ^f emancipated slaves from Kentucky and Al- 
abama. They have a large amount of money in the 
hands of agents — some §60,000 in all — and I am told 
that it is doubtful if they will get any of this amount. 
My blood boils when I hear of these outrages, and 
sometimes I feel ashamed of my color, so mean and 
cowardly do the boasted superior race act to the poor 
and oppressed. A large colony is being organized in 
Leavenworth for the purpose of emigrating to Hayti 
in the spring. It will consist of a number of colored 
families from Arkansas, a number of emancipated slaves 
already-spoken of, and others in the Vicinity. It will 
number from 75 to 100 persons, and leave about May. 

I intended to tell you of a movement projected hi 
Kansas, in the event of a secession. of the cotton 
States, but as this letter is already too long, I forbear. 
Hoping that Boston will soon retrieve itself from the 
odium kitely-cast upon its good name, I may also trust 
that th e nex t Beacon street ruffian who heads a mob 
to prev^ffiree speech will be made an example of, 
by some one who does not believe in non-resistance. 
In this hope, I remain, 


Boiiniut War Hktwken the Carolina*. In the 
Charlotte (V C.j BtiMMin appears a singular town or- 
dinance. It. provides that the engineers, condnctori, 
firemen, train hands, and all employees of the Char- 
lotte and South Carolina UaUroad, and the messengers 
and employees of Adams's Express Company, running 
on said road, be restricted to the grounds of the Char- 
lotte and South Carolina Railroad Depot ; and all per- 
sons residing in Charlotte, while and black, are forbid 
den visiting said depot grounds under the penalties 
provided in the ordinance, In pursuance of this oi'ili- 
dance, Mr. Little, the Mail Agent from Columbia, 
S. C, was not permitted to leave the grounds of the 
railroad. He refused to deliver the mails unless per- 
mitted to go to the post office, and up to Saturday even- 
ing, 22d inst., the citizens of Charlotte and adjacent 
towns were cut off from all mail communication with 
South Carolina. This looks as though the North Car- 
olinians are as much afraid of South Carolina as of 
Northern incendiaries, or else they mean to give their 
hot-spur neighbors a taste of the advantages of isola- 

Behold the Di fferekce ! The following figures 
will show how much the disaffected Southern States 
contribute towards the support of its departments. 
They are the annual Post Office receipts and expendi- 
tures of the five States from the latest reports — South- 
ern figures : South Carolina receipts, $107,530; ex- 
penditures, $819,068; deficit, $m,523- Georgia 
receipts, ?1G8,965 ; expenditures, *:J58,180; deficit, 
8189,615. Florida receipts, $25,0132; expenditures, 
$171,185; deficit, $145,253. Alabama receipts, $129,- 
103; expenditures, 8:Jii;!,ii20 ; deficit, 8234,526. Mis- 
sissippi receipts, $101,51:3; expenditures, $307,001; 
deficit, $286,445. Total receipts in the five States, 
$532,784; expenditures, $1,581,008; deficit, $1,049,281. 


CoUeetUmt by /'.- //. Meywsoi. 

Fitohbnrg, $i 23 ; (Fall River, 10 DO, ?M 23 1 

V. Ii. (Veif, to redeem pledge, May, ISW, 5 Oft ] 

Kirs. Af . M. Brooks, to redeem pledge, Jan. I860, 2ft Oft ] 


jy The General Agent of the t&trator h$» i 

the following suiiih from Hubscribera, by the hand of An- 1 
drew I'aton, Esq., of Glasgow, Scotland : — 

James Anderson, Kirkcaldy, paying to Jan. I, 1861, $0 00 
John Knox, Glasgow, " " 

" " (1 00 

" " ft* 

t,) " " e o« 

" " 6 00 

" to Jan., 18(13, 00 

" " 1861, 3 00 

" " 3 00 

John B. Ho 

John -Smith, " 

Mrs. S. K. Drown, (old B 

Andrew IrigliM, OlangoW; 

Andrew I'aton, " 

Wm. Robertson, " 

Wm CiLir.l, Port Glasgow, 


Modest Proposition. Northern men who imagine 
that the repeal of Personal Liberty Laws and a little 
miscellaneous dirt-eating will turn back the secession 
tide, are invited to digest the following from the 
Charleston Mercury, in which the demands of the pro- 
pagandists are stated: — 

"And what guarantees should satisfy the South? 
In my estimation, nothing short of amendments to the 
Constitution that would, uvikf negro Slaonry legal and per- 
petual in every State of the Union, and upon every foot of 
territory that, now belongs, or ever shall belong, to the United 
States. It is not only possible, hut probable, that such 
a reaction may take place in the public mind." 

This, from a correspondent, is endorsed by the Mer- 
cury as sound doctrine. 

A Voice prom Hakpek's Ferry. A Narrative of 
Events at Harper's Ferry; with Incidents prior and 
subsequent to its Capture by Capt. Brown and his 
Men. By Osborne P. Anderson, one of the num- 
ber. 1881. 

It is a fortunate circumstance indeed, that, of all 
Capt. Brown's associates, " the only man alive who was 
at Harper's Kerry during the entire time," is enabled to 
record the facte for history, as they actually transpired, 
in regard to that famous effort to liberate the slaves of 
Virginia, and ultimately all who are pining in the 
Southern house of bondage. "Much has been given 
as true," says Mr. Anderson, referring to the press 
generally, "that never happened; much has been 
omitted that should have been made known; many 
things have been left unsaid, because, up to within a 
short time, but two could say them — one of whom baa 
been ottered up, a sacrifice to the Moloch, Shivery." 
The other, beiug Mr. Anderson himself, he has under- 
taken to discharge that duty ; and he lias done it in a 
very modest and creditable manner. The Narrative 
is published for his benefit, and do doubt will find 
ready purchasers : it is wholly his own composition. 
Though belonging to a race, "peeled, meted out, and 
trodden under foot," on account of their complexion, 
Mr. Anderson proves that he is "every inch a man." 

Official Hypocrisy. To-day is the National 
Fast, proclaimed by President Buchanan with match- 
less dissimulation, and in the vain hope of "circum- 
venting God," and "covering a multitude of sins." 
Himself guilty of the blackest treason, by his glaring 
complicity with the traitors of South Carolina, and 
largely responsible for much of the evil that has come 
upon the nation, he touches the bottom of cant and 
impiety by this affectation of reverence and humilia- 
tion of spirit. For the fast which is acceptable to 
God, but most "fanatical" to the President and the 
South, see Isaiah 1st, 68th and 59th chapters. 

Lincoln's Inauguration. The Washington cor- 
respondent of the Boston Atlas and Bse says : — 

One of the favorite bugaboos hereabouts is the 
story that Lincoln's inauguration is to be prevented by 
force, and men will take you mysteriously aside, and 
tell you that there are so many hundred men drill- 
ing here, and so many there, who design to seize 
the Capitol, and prevent Lincoln from taking the 
oath. They do not know, perhaps, that for every hun- 
dred desperadoes that they might raise for such a vio- 
lent demonstration, a thousand men would be here to 
see the laws enforced and rebellion suppressed. Fre- 
quent threats are made against the fives of Lincoln 
and Hamlin. Mr. Hamlin received, three days since, 
an anonymous letter, warning him to go home to 
Maine, if he regarded his personal safety; and both 
Lincoln and Mrs. Lincoln have received letters of a 
similar tenor. Of course, no attention is paid to such 
dastardly insinuations or threats. It would not sur- 
prise me, however, if we had some violent demonstra- 
tions here ; they are likely incidents of such disturbed 
and troublous times. All I desire is, that every patriot 
should be in his place, and stand firmly by the right." 

Startling Decision. The Court of Queen's 
Bench in Canada decided in favor of the surrender of 
the fugitive slave Anderson, claimed under the Ash- 
burton treaty as a fugitive from justice from Missouri. 
The decision is startling, as it probably imperils the 
safety of every fugitive in Canada, intense excite- 
ment followed the decision, and a rescue was feared. 
But Canadian sympathy is aroused. A large meeting 
was held on the 20th ult., at Toronto, at which strong 
speeches were made against his rendition by lawyers, 
clergymen, and others. A resolution was passed to 
appeal the case to England, if necessary, and a petition 
was addressed to the Administrator of the Government 
praying for the release of Anderson. 

Repudiation of the President's Proclamation 
foe a Fast. The Baptist Society connected with the,- 
Baptist Church at South Reading, held a meeting be- 
tween services on Sunday, at which they voted riot to 
observe the Fast recommended by the President, on 
Friday next. 

E^=-The Dial, { Cincinnati : Rev. M. D. Conway, 
editor,) after an existence of one year, has ceased, on 
account of the inabttity of the editor to bear the labor 
it adds to his -usual and necessary duties. " 

PbOGBEBS op the Tkeason. The latest intelli- 
gence from South Carolina is, that she is determined 
to fight the General Government, and is therefore 
erecting batteries by the aid of her slaves, {!) and ob- 
structing the channels to Fort Sumter. She threatens 
tO Slni the Government steamer, Harriet Lane, if she 
attempts to enter the harbor of Charleston; and will 
attempt tO starve out and capture the Btnutl body of 
II. S. troops at Fort Sumter. Major Anderson has 
telegraphed that he does not ask for any reinforce- 
ment, hut is ready iu " laugh a siege to scorn." 

Senator Wade has been threatened with assassina 
lion at Washington, by a Mississippian, tor his speech 
against the treasonable course of South Carolina. 

'l'o COBBttBFQNMNTB, Wo are obliged to H. R. for 

her translation of one of Sans Anderson's stories, (we 

will print it next week,) and it. will give us pleasure to 
receive other favors of a similar kind. 

A tatter from Uaiius R. Robinson is in type. On* 
from Parker Pillaburv isjusl received, hut too late tor 
Laser ion tint week, 



The Ladies who have for so many years received the Sub- 
scriptions of their friends to the Cause, ask the favor of 
their company, as usual, at this time of the year, on 
WEDNESDAY, the 23d of January, Day and 
Evening, in Music Hall, Boston. 
As accidental omissions aro almost unavoidable, uvea " of 
those whose company is most desired, the Ladies hasten to 
say that all who hate slavery, and wish to become subscribers 
to tlte funds for its peaceful, immediate abolition, without 
expatriation, may obtain special invitations (without which 
no party is ever admitted) at the Anti-Slavery Office, 221 
Washington Street, and^if the Ladies at their respective 

|^" The friends of the Cause iu distant cities, or in coun- 
try towns, with whom we have been so long in correspon- 
dence, are earnestly entreated, for tho sake of the Cause, 
at this moment of hope and oheor, when tho very evidences 
of progress make it difficult to raise money in largo sums, — 
take up collections in their respective neighborhoods ; 
using all diligonoo to make tho amount of smaller subscrip- 
tions supply any dolioioncy tho hard times may possibly 
i iu tho larger ones. Now, as tho very tiiuo for tho 
most ofiieiont expenditure, should bo the time of most de- 
voted effort. It is to bo hoped that not a town in MB Stale 
whore wo have ever had eorrespondenee, nor an individual 
whoso heart is in unison with ours on this subject, will ho 
found wanting to our list. We have ample opportunity to 
know that there are many sueh at the South, as well as it I 
the North, for wo uro not exclusively of Northern birth, 
nor all free from the painful remembrance of having nuee 
been slaveholders. Wo Itepe to weteomo as many as pos- 
sible at the evening reception ; — at all events, lo raoaive 
their subscriptions by letter, Some of the ladies will be 
ready, while directing tho arrangements fer tho evening 
ivt>r|ilio!i. lo welcome ami receive tho subscriptions of all 
their friends who prefer to make their calls during tho day. 
I'll,' Senium lit Hsuid "ill I'd I I lie pauses o! iViivctsn 
tiou in the evening. The guests may leave el oaks and 
tiliiiwls in (.In- I'iii'e of Mu'iitleiulaiits j.l llio imiIviuuv iuu j j u 
the luiLe-romiis. 

U3T Each Invitation must be BOOatUttgntd by the guesl, 
»s Inst year, before [■ioneiiting at the doer. 

Conventions, in the State of New York, to be addressed 
by Rev. Buriah Green, Rev. S. J. May, Aaron M. Powell, 

Susan B. Anthony, and others, will be held as follows : — 

Sunday, .Te.n. E. 

Tuesday, Wednesday, 

Friday, Saturday, Sunday, 

Monday, Tuesday, 

Thursday, Friday, 

Saturday, Sunday, 

Tuesday, Wednesday, 

Thurs-Iay, Friday, 

Saturday, Sunday, 

Tuesday, Wednesday, 

Thursday, Friday, 

Saturday, Sunday, 1 

The sessions of the Conventions will bt afternoon* nd 
evenings, at 2 and 1 o'clock. Afternoon sessions free— 
Kvnning sessions, 10 cents. . 

SHIP" Let there be a, grand rallying of the People. 

The friends in the several places will give free enter- 
tainments to those in attendance from the country. 

Look port, 








Port Byron, 




', ' 

























Feb. 2. 



Annual New York State Anti-Slavery Convention will hm 
held at Alba.iy, in Association Hall, Monday evening! 
Tuesday and Wednesday, afternoon and evenings, Feb. i, 
6. Wendell Phillips, Hon. Gerrit Smith, Lucretia. Mottl 
Rev. Beriah Green, Ernestine L. Rose, Elizabeth Cady] 
Stanton, Oliver Johnson, Rev. S. J. May, Aaron M. Pow- 
ell, Susan B. Anthony and others will address the Conven- 

Afternoon sessions will commence at half-pa:t 2 o'cloelcf- , 
Admission free. Evening sessions at half-past 7 o'clock. 
Admission, 10 cents. 


next meeting of this Society will be held at Lawrence, Sun - 

day, Jan. 30th, day and evening. Chas L. Rehosd and 

A. T. Foss and others will speak. The public are invi ted.^ 


Lydia M. Te-V.vky, Sec'y. 

g^- SIXTEENTH COURSE.— The Sixth Lecture be- 
fore the Salem Female Anti-Slavery Society will be given 
by E. H. Hevwood, of Boston, on Sunday evening, Jan. 
6, in Lyceum Hali, at 7 o'clock. Admittance five cents. 
Caroline Balch, Ret, Sec. 

• II. FORD DOUGLASS will will speak aV 

Grot on, 







<&• REV. JACOB M. MANNING, of the Old^i 
Church, will preach in Boylston (lower) Hall, corner o-f 
Boylston and Washington streets, next Sunday Evening, 
at 7 o'clock, in behalf of the Prison Mission. Seats free. 


Dall will deliver a Course of Lectures on three successive 

WeajSfeitej A.'" - -mi of the Young} 

Christian Unioa, Sy. 16 3am»i : J street, to commence 

WEDNESDAY, January 9, at S-s&loc 

Subject of the first Lecture — "French ang| 

Doors open at 2, P. M. Admittance ~"^ 


iSP FREE DISPENSARY, for Women and Children, 
274 Washington street, Boston. Open every day, from 12 j 
to 1 o'clock. 

The above institution (in connection with the Ladies' j 
Medical Academy) is now open for the gratuitous tree 
ment of Women and Children, and for Surgical Patients of 
both sexes. Difficult eases may have the benefit of a Con- 
sultation on Wednesdays, at 12 o'clock. 

Midwifery. Attendance by duly qualified female prac- 
titioners will be provided for the poor, at their own, 
free of charge. 

W BESSIE S. L0CKW00D, M. D., Xo. U Auburn 
Street, Boston. Particular attention paid to the Diagno- 
is and Treatment of Chronio Diseases. 
Office Hounsfrom 11, A. M., till 2, P. M. Nov.2^— 3m>' 

p MRS. M. B. JACKSON, M. D., having had fifteen 
s' experience in the Homceopathic treatment of dis- 
eases, offers her professional services to the Ladies and 
Children of Boston and vicinity. 

References.— David Thayer, M. D. ; Luther Gark, M. D. ; 
John M. Tarball, M. D., Boston. EUphalet Clark, M. D., 
Portland, Me. 

Rooms No. 34 Bowdoin and 10 AUston streets. Office 
hours from 2 to 4, P. M. 

E^" SITUATION WANTED.— A lady who has had 
large experience in matters of house-keeping, and who is 
eminently qualified satisfactorily to discharge the duties 
eounooted therewith, desires a situation either as house 
keeper, or matron of some establish meni, either i 
city or vicinity. The best of references given. Address 
X., Anti -SI a very Office, 221 Washington street. 

MARRIED— In New York city, Dec. 25, by Rev. H. H. 
Garnet, Prof. W.u. F. Jonssox, of Ithaca., N. Y., to Mis, 
Mary Augusta Lewis, of Bath, Me. 

DIED — l'n Nantucket. Doc. 24, Mrs. Diana, wife otj 
Rev. James E. Crawford, aged 44 years. 

In Harrisburg, (Pa.,) Dec. IS, Obkix, youugo son of 
John F. and Anna E. Williams, aged 16 months. 

The British Reviews^ 


Blackwood's Magazine, 

THE LONDON QUARTERLY, (Conservative.) 






;,■"■ 11' Mi. U.-iii-v Ah'Mimli'i will i-ull mi 1!. F. W alien t, 
it '."'l WuhiHgtoa Btnsti he will fad thl document which 
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For any throe of the four Reviews, 
For ttll tour of the Reviews, 
Fur BUflkWOOtft Magaiine, 
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For Ulaokwood ami three Reviews, 
I'm BlMkWQOd and tlM tWr neii.-us, 

N. B. — 'j'/ir pii'f in t-'iMf Britafc ■ 

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m \ i IM\ IS A GO., 



TliB sun looks over tlio custom hills, 
Cut his glance is chilling and Wld ; 

a weaving a robe for. tho gay Now Year 
From the lading threads of tho Old— 
Of emerald, azure, (rod gold, 
From tho fading threads of tho Old ! 
Tho winds, with many a midnight uliant, have reaped their 

flowers and loaves, 
•ind blithely in the morning hours have bound their rust- 


Tho snow-bird hops in tho brown old hedge, 

And his ohirp is merry and gay; 
Ho is calling his mate from hor wintry nest, 
On the rocking and snow-wreathed spray — 
Littlo heed of tho cold have they, 
On the rocking and snow-wreathed spray ! 
Their brown coats, smoothed upon their breasts, protect 

and keep them warm, 
A ml safa as swallows in the sun, they 'bide tho wintry storm. 

The boy looks forth, 'neath his golden curls, 

For tho gay and merry New Year ; 
fie is wishing tho days wcro soon flown away, 
He is hoping for pleasure and cheer — 
And joys ever promising near, 
In the days that bring pleasure and cheer ! 
He sees the fresh spring grasses wave beneath the deep- 

; snows, 

And lu-ars the summer's softest breath in every blast that 

r stands, with his frosty loeks. 
On the verge of tho gay New Year ; 
It is taking him back to the olden time, 
As ho silently drops a tear ! 
O'er the Old Year's snowy-wreathed bier, 
As he silently drops a tear t 
lid friends come back ; and olden days, and oldon memo- 
F ries dim, 

that long wcro looked in hy-gone times, como thronging 
back to him. 
To all there cometh a new, new year, 

When the days of the olden are o'er ; 
And it cometh to some on the verge of this, 
And to some on the farther shore ! 
When the days of the old are o'er, 
And to somo on the farther shore ! 
When Time, with his unfailing scythe, hath reaped tho 

flowers and leaves, 
Tho heart has left its harvest-field, to bind its golden 

a looks over the eastern hills, 
tat his glance is chilling and eold ; 
He is weaving a robe for the gay New Y'ear 
From the fading threads of the Old ! 
Of emerald, azure, and gold, 
From tho fading threads of the Old ! 
And thus do wo, as days go by, that come to as no more; 
Our robes prepare when wo shall stand upon the farther 




star-spangled banner that blows broad and brave, 
r the home of the free, o'er the hut of tho slave — 
(Those stars in the face of no foe e'er waxed pale, 
Rnd whose stripes are for those that the stars dare assail- 
tvhose folds every year broad and broader have grown, 
TTHrtfey shadow both arctic and tropical zone, 
From the Sierra Nevada to Florida's shore, 
And, 1 ike " Oliver Twist," are still asking for more — 
That banner whose infantine hunting can boast 
To have witnessed the Union's great charter engrossed ; 
Which at Boston saw Freedom's stout struggle begun, 
Ami from Washington welcomed its victory won — 

|our fathers iu rebel doiianco it spread, 

.it wa ves-brotherly greeting instead; 
Kd peace, not Bellona and Mars, 
ftjigland's Jack and the States' Stripes and 
i Can it be there are parricide hands that would tear 
1 This star-spangled banner, so broad and so fair? 
t And if there be hands would suoh sacrilege try, 
| Is the bunting too weak the attempt to defy? 

| Alas ! while its woof Freedom wove in her loom, 

r paused in her work, and the Fiend took her room, 
And seizing the shuttle that Freedom had left, 
Threw Slavery's warp across Liberty's weft. 

How the Fiend laughed and leaped as the swift shuttle flew, 
With its blood-rotted threads, the fair weft running through! 
■'Now cut out your web — it is broad, it is long" — 
Twist Fiend's work and Freedom's, let's hope it is strong ! ' 
And now that the blood-rotted warp is worn bare, 
The flag it is fraying, the flag it may tear ; 
fcFnr the Fiend cheers on those who to rend it essay, 
And the work he's had band in is apt to give way. 
Now, Heaven guide the issue ! May Freedom's white hands, 
Ere too late, from the flag pluck these blood-rotted strands ; 
And to battle iiml breeze fling the banner in proof 
That 'tis all her own fabric, in warp as in woof. 
If this may not be, if the moment be nigh 
When this banner, uurent, shall no more flout tho sky, 
To make fitting division of beams and of bars, 
Let the South have the Stripes, and the North have tho Stars. 
— Punch. 



Ay, there 's a glorious remnant yet, 
- - Whose 1 ! D3 are wet at Freedom's fountains. 
The coming of whoso welcome feet 

Is beautiful upon our mountains ! 
Men, who the gospel tidings bring 

Of Liberty and Love forever, 
Whose joy is one abiding spring, 

Whose peace is a3 a gentle river ! 

But ye, who scorn the thrilling tale 
Of Carolina's high-souled daughters, 

Which echoes here the mournful wail 
Of sorrow from Edisto'3 waters, 

Close while ye may the public ear — 

r malice vex, with slander wound them — 

The pure and "good shall tlirou^ to hear, 
And tried and manly hearts surround tbem. 

Oh, I'vor may the power which led 

Their way to such a fiery trial, 
And strengthened womanhood to tread 

The wine-press of such self-denial, 
Bo round them in an evil land, 

With wisdom and with strength from Heaven, 
With Miriam's voice, and Judith's hand, 

And Deborah's song for triumph given '. 

And what are ye who strive with God, 

Against the ark of his salvation, 
Moved by the breath of prayer abroad, 

With blowings for a dying nation ? 
What, but tho stubbie and the hay 

To perish, even as flax consuming, 
With all that bars His glorious way, 

Before the brightness of His coming? 

And thou, sad Angel, who so long 

Hast waited for the glorious token, 
That Earth from all her bonds of wrong 

To liberty and light has broken — 
Angel of Freedom ! soon to thco 

The sounding trumpet shall ho given, 
'And over Earth's full jubilee 

Shall deopcr joy bo felt in Heaven ! 

Tho might of one fair face sublimes my love, 

For it hath weaned my heart from low desires ; 
Nor death I heed, nor purgatorial fires, 

Thy beauty, antopaat of joys above, 

Instructs me In tho bliss that saints approve ; 
For, ! how good, how beautiful, must be 
The fiod that made so good a thing as thee, 

So fair an image of tho heavenly Dove ! 
■Fer-giro- mo if I cannot turn away 

From those sweet eyes that are my earthly heaven, 

For tbey are guiding stars, benignly given, 
Jo tempt my footsteps to tho Upward way ; 

And if I dwell too fondly in thy sight, 
ye and lovo in God's peculiar light. 

Atchison, Kansas, Doc. 20, 1860. 
Wm. Lloyd Garrison : 

My Dear Sir, — Sitting here in a comfortable room, 
thinking of friends in the city afar, with the mercury 
considerably below freezing point without, and the 
white snow drifting silently down over the bare brown 
blufis and roads, I concluded that it would be pleasant 
to me, and not objectiouable to you or your readers, if 
I should pen a few notes about the affairs of Kansas 
and its present condition. 

I have been here two weeks to-day, but hope to be 
eastward-bound on Monday next. During the visit, I 
have seen much that was sad, and little that was en- 
couraging, in the condition of the inhabitants of this 
Territory. Atchison being the only railroad point in 
Kansas is, therefore, the head-quarters of the Relief 
Committee. I stopped in this town three days before 
going to the interior, watching the operations of the 
relief office, and conversing with scores of men from 
different sections relative to the distress prevailing 
among them. Words cannot paint in their tearful re- 
ality the terribly vivid pictures of distress and suffer- 
ing their simple words described. Men, many of 
whom I have known, — stalwart, sober, industrious, 
live men, — come here from one to two hundred miles, 
with ox teams, leaving wives and children on from 
six to twelve days' allowance of food, portioned out in 
rations much less in quantity than those doled out to 
plantation negroes. They come for their settlements, 
to obtain such relief as the Committee can give. In 
many cases, there is nothing on hand, or the mill 
which is running steadily cannot grind the corn to 
meal fast enough to keep them supplied. I wish you 
could have seen, as I did, when landing here, the 
long line of wagons on the levee, with hungry-looking 
oxen, and their still hungrier-looking owners, standing 
shivering in the biting wind, their garments, in many 
instances, fluttering to its breath, so ragged and woe- 
begone that one's heart grew tender, and eyes filled 
with sad tears. Fifty wagons were in on that day, 
two-thirds of which had come from the far southwest- 
ern settlements, and on the next, and on the third, 
twenty-five to forty arrived ; and so it lias been con- 
tinually. To-day, there are not so many in town, but 
it is only a temporary lull. Such stories as these men 
tell ! One or two instances of actual starvation are 
reported, but as they are not so well authenticated, I 
refrain from giving them. Let me give you the out- 
lines of one statement. 

The man's name is Spillman. He lives on one of 
the branches of the Verdigris river, in the extreme 
southwest, one hundred and seventy miles from here. 
He is well known, and considered reliable. Nothing 
was raised in his neighborhood. The people are 
mostly new settlers. They have sold their cattle, 
&c., to live upon. Previous to Mr. Spiilman's leaving 
for this point, all of the provisions in the community, 
which consists of two hundred persons, was divided 
into rations, which it was then estimated would last 
ten or twelve days (I am not certain which). The 
teams had been eight days in reaching Atchison, and 
could not possibly get back before the rations were 
exhausted, and the people several days without food, 
except such nuts and roots as the woods afford. 

This is not a solitary instance. "Whole communities 
in these remote counties camp together, putting their 
provisions into a common stock, and send up a wagon 
or two to get supplies- A rain storm may cause the 
streams to rise, so as to make them impassable for 
days together; and in any case, these long journeys 
over tracks barren of grass, with animals weakened 
"fey; scanty fodder, and men scantily clothed and poorly 
supplied with food, is one of the worst features of this 
destitution. Yet it cannot be helped. It is impossible 
to forward the stuff toj^iem, because it would cost so 
much to pay freight as fo swallow up much more than 
is likely to come in. Again, the system adopted seems 
admirably well calculated to prevent fraud, and relieve 
those in need. Each township or county appoints a 
committee. When supplies are sent for, one^or more 
men are selected to go, generally with regard tft the 
fact that they either have a better team, or are iu-> 
possession of more decent rags by way of clothing. 
When I say rags, I mean literally that. * I have not 
seen a half dozen men whose shreds of garments could 
be called by any other name. But to return. These 
men are furnished with an order on the General 
Agent here, signed by all the members of the Com- 
mittee. On arrival at Atchison, the order is presented, 
and entered on a book kept for that purpose. As soon 
as possible, the distance the applicant comes being 
taken into consideration, he is furnished with such a 
quantity as the supplies on band will allow. The 
general amount hitherto has not been for each town- 
ship more than ten sacks of corn meal, and the same of 
potatoes. Now the supplies come in more rapidly, 
and are consumed with equal speed. Some commu- 
nities are receiving special consignments sent by their 
local agents. After the supplies are given, the settlers 
sign a printed receipt for the amount, which is kept in 
a book for that purpose. With a freight account and 
cash books to refer to, as well as a published statement 
weekly of supplies given and received, it would seem 
as if fraud could not be possible. I have made dili- 
gent inquiry as to the workings of this system, and 
find it meets the general approbation. Of course, 
there will be some cases overlooked, and some grum- 
blers : but the result is very different from the opera- 
lions of the Central Committee of Kansas in the win- 
ter of '56-'7. 

I do not know what New England is doing to re- 
lieve those who arc crying for aid from this Territory. 
I am informed that, with the exception of a few small 
individual donations, and a contribution from a church 
in Connecticut, nothing has yet been received from 
the Eastern States. What is the reason? I know 
that contributions have been made, and have heard 
that some Committee which received them intend 
sending an agent to distribute the same. Why don't 
they do it note ? The people are in want, and so far 
as my observation extends, they have improvised 
good working machinery, which will be a more effec- 
tual harrier against imposition than can be the individ- 
ual sympathies of any good-hearted, well-meaning 
man who may be sent to distribute your fund, who 
will, from his ignorance of the special necessities of 
each locality, be liable to be imposed upon by any tale 
that may touch his sensibilities. It seerrfl as if the 
common Western complaint, that Eastern men have 
no faith in any body else's good sense or reliability 
except themselves, was true indeed. But I have faith 
in New England, and only hope that they will re- 
member in earnest these words of Holy Writ — "For 
the poor ye have always with you." 

Then: is one practical method by which a very 
pressing need here may be supplied. If our Eastern 
friends could sec the ragged garments of those who 
come in for supplies, they would not long suffer it to 
be so. I have heard of women wearing moccasins 
made of gunny bags, and have seen numbers of men 
with the most miserable apologies for shoes, &c. Bear 
in mind that those who come here are invariably the 
best clothed of their respective communities. They 
tell of whole households barefooted, and well authen- 
ticated cases of complete nakedness have been narra- 
ted. Men's, women's and children's boots and shoes, 
of all sizes, are very much needed. Stuffs for under 
garments and women's clothing are also needed. 
They can be made here. Any stout, serviceable arti- 
cle of wearing apparel will be of service. Tho United 
States and American Express Companies will bring 
such goods to this point free of charge. 

If the friends could stand but one half day in the 
relief office here, anil see ami hear for themaelvea, I 
foel sure the apparent apathy of the Eastern States 
would not continue. There are forty thousand per- 
sons in Kansas who will need support of some kind 
during Hie present Winter. I have hut few words to 
Bay to the readers of the l.ihvmhir on Ibis Subject 

The men and women now suffering in Kansas have, 

by their heron; devotion, their undaunted courage, 

their unflinching steadfastness, have saved a region 
from the grasp of the Slave Tower as large as that oc- 
cupied by the original Confederation. They have 
given an Anti-Slavery State to the West, to he a 
" leaven which shall leaven the whole lump," made 
possible the sublime sacrifice of that Virginian gal- 
lows, educated those seventeen young heroic souls 
who flung themselves at Harper's Eerry against the 
curse of slavery, in a daring hope for freedom, and 
lifted the whole nation higher by their Christ-liko 
spirit of self-sacrifice, have given birth and expression 
to such men as James Montgomery, Dr. Jennison and 
Preacher Stewart, who declare that all men shall be 
protected from the fangs of the bloodhound and the 
malignity and avarice of the man-hunter. This com- 
munity is in danger of being broken up, these people 
are likely to perish of hunger, fever, and the ills which 
grow out of such a terrible insufficiency of food. Will 
the anti-slavery people of New England and the North 
allow this ! They will have to be up and doing, aid- 
ing those who cry aloud, or much suffering will 
ensue. Yours, 



North Scituate, Dec. 3, 18G0. 
Dear Friend Garrison : 

It is mortifying to see even Unitarian clergymen 
more excited about consequences than causes. If the 
Boston pulpits had labored the last twenty years to 
create an anti-slavery spirit, the present hue and cry 
about the awful state of the Union would have been 
prevented. But no, they keep quiet, and conserva- 
tive, and prudent, till the sore breaks, and then tlisy 
are frightened, and preach discourses of fear and ter- 
ror. They have seen the slow match ignited and 
burning steadily and surely for years, without saying 
a word about putting it out, and now the explosion is 
near at hand, they preach " timely and impressive dis- 
courses." So be it. Every man in his place ; some 
for solemn funerals, and some for preventing sickness. 
One cannot help, however, admiring superior wisdom, 
and the foolish may learn by experience. * * * 

Our fathers, in framing the Constitution, swerved 
from the right, when they demanded the free States 
to take part in enslaving our fellow-creatures, by de- 
livering the fleeing bondman to his pursuer; and no 
permanent peace nor prosperity can bless our native 
land till she changes her contract on this subject. 
Better, far better, that the North and South should 
be separate confederacies than we continue to perpetu- 
ate this wrong ; and best of all, that the States be pre- 
served in Union by a National Convention to amend 
the Constitution, by striking out the unrighteous pro- 
vision to deliver up the fleeing slave. We are in fa- 
vor of the Union, not only of our States, but of all the 
nations of the world ; but not of a contract to perpetu- 
ate the horrid sin of slavery ; and God will sec to it 
that, sooner or later, a Personal Liberty Bill shall he 
enacted and observed in every State of the Union. 
Massachusetts may or may not stand Arm in the com- 
ing and the future conflicts between freedom and sla- 
very, righteousness and unrighteousness ; but there 
are individuals who will remain steadfast, till what 
our Governor says of the State shall hold good and 
true for the whole country. W. G. I 


[Translated by Dr. J. S. I!och,for the Liberator. \ 

On the 13th inst, at half-past 7 o'clock, P. M., Capt. 
Church, of the American brig ' Uranus,' and several 
men belonging to that vessel, discharged their revol- 
vers at the chief officer of this port, and the men in 
his service. Unhappily, one man was severely wound- 
ed in the arm and in his breast. 

The strangers who have committed this criminal act 
will learn that such an attack on the persons of the 
police {who had used no violence against the aggres- 
sors) can never be justified. Strangers must submit 
to the summons of the police — the regulations being 
the same for strangers as for natives. According to 
established custom, the stranger who arrives in a coun- 
try accepts the laws which regulate that country, and 
more especially so do the captains from foreign coun- 
tries, who, on entering their ships at the custom- 
house, sign their declaration of arrival, and swear at 
the snme lime to submit to the regulations of the port. 
Another thing which must not he lost sight of is, that 
foreign vessels' which come here to trade, do so at least 
on the faith of a- treaty, or on that of the liberty of 
commerce. Now, the captains find themselves, in the 
one case or the other, immediately under our protection. 
How then is it, that those men come here to obtrude 
upon us so odiously in defiance of the laws 1 Here 
the law is the same for all. We are convinced that 
Captain Church and his sailors, whc. have com- 
mitted this intolerable act, will find pardon neither 
from the laws of this country nor those of the United 
States, nor her representatives here ; for if the latter 
do not lend their influence and aid to the Haytien 
Government to put down such acts of violence, Ameri- 
can commerce will soon be in peril in our ports. 

The Consular Agent of the United States (Mr. Lor- 
ing) has nobly promised justice for the conduct of these 
American citizens. As to the Haytien authorities, 
who are now investigating this case, we know that 
they will be just, and do their duty. The Command- 
ant of the Arrondissment has already used great mod- 
eration, which was necessary to calm the excitement 
of the masses, who were furiously aroused, and de- 
manded immediate justice. The town was, during 
the whole night, on the ' qui vive' — and why 1 To 
look after the natives, who would have organized 
themselves, and taken vengeance on hoard the " Ura- 
nus." Certainly, in the opinion of some of our fel- 
low-citizens, such a barbarous act, in the middle of the 
nineteenth century, on the part of men who pretend 
to be civilized, merits from us a response equally sav- 
age. But no — the good sense and moderation of the 
authorities and our citizens have checked the ardor 
of the masses; and it is honorable for us to bo able 
to say that the offenders are respected, notwithstand- 
ing their crime, because we know that they are under 
our laws, which they have violated. 

Notwithstanding our civilizing aspirations, this act 
will injure our commercial relations with the United 
States, if ever it is attempted to be repeated. 

Did all men banish from their thoughts millions of 
chatted slaves ! 

Then let us all together join to celebrate this fast — 
As great events come far between, this chance may be 

our last ; 
Let '5 weep and bowl, and rend our hair, and go with- 
out 0111- food, 
Believing such a solemn fast must surely do some 

Believing such a solemn fast must surely do some 

For the Liberator. 



Tune — The Poachers. 

Come, one and all, throughout the land, aside your 
labors cast, 

The " glorious " Union now to save, let 's hold a gen- 
eral fast ; 

Prom North to South, from East to West, pour forth a 
rending wail, 

And with a copious Hood of tears allay the rising gale — 

And with a copious flood of tears allay the rising gale. 

The "glorious" Union trembles now ; alas I and woe 

tho day, 
That Dissolution e'er should think to cross the Union's 

way ! 
The precedent is dangerous, we must in sadness own ; 
Then on this fourth of January let us fast and groan I 
Then on this fourth of January let us fast and groan! 

Slaveholders, groan, lest ye may lose all hope of 

Northern aid ; 
Groan, ye fire-eaters, ere ye reap the whirlwind ye 

have made I 
Buchanan, groan, between two fires, groan as you feel 

the flames — 
O, how impossible to play, at once, two dilloivtil 

0, how Impossible to play, at once, two different 

games ! 

Groan, ye wfco OOOt 'lid worship Clay, and Webster, 

11 mi I Calhoun — 

Groan, lest the sun which they adored should net in 

blood at noon 1 
A brilliant galaxy might shine, perhaps, upon their 


Did all men banish from their thoughts millions of 
Chattel slaves! 


The telegraph says that President Buchanan has 
appointed January 4th as a day of fasting and 
prayer for the Nation. It is well. If ever a nation 
had cause to last and pray, we have. Thomas Jef- 
ferson, in his day, in commenting upon slavery, said 
he trembled for his country, when he remembered 
that God was just; and we have not improved any 
since Jefferson's time. Let us fast, therefore, by 
all means. Let us fast, because when we had fought 
the war of the Revolution, we ever suffered slavery 
to exist at all in our country. Let us fast, because 
for eighty years this guilty nation has held millions of 
God's poor in bondage. Let us fast, because we 
have robbed the poor of their wages. Let us fast, 
because of the husbands and wives we have sepa- 
rated, and the families we have broken up. Let us 
fast, because we have shut the pages of light and 
knowledge from the eyes of a whole race in our 
midst. Let us fast, for the Bible that we have 
chained, so that the slave's eye shall not look upon 
its blessed truths. Let us fast, for our wicked priests 
and churches which teach that slavery is right. Let 
us fast, for our Tract Societies, our Missionary So- 
cieties, our Presbyteries and General Assemblies, 
our Associations and Religious Conventions, our 
New York Observers and our New York Heralds, our 
" South-side " Adamses and our President Lords, and 
all other sorts and conditions of moral cowards, in- 
dividual and collective. Let us fast, for our Fugi- 
tive Slave Law and its innocent victims. Let us 
fast, for our impiety in elevating man's wicked laws 
above God's " Higher Law." Lt us fast, for the 
African Slave Trade, and its twin-sister in moral 
guilt, the slave trade between the States. Let us 
fast, for our denial of humanity to the black man, 
and our impious reflection on God's goodness and 
wisdom in making him black. Let us fast, for the 
wicked rulers who bear sway over us. Let us fast, 
for a President whose weakness and imbecility are a 
direct encouragement to treason. Let us fast, for 
the corruptions of our Government, and for the 
hordes of mean politicians who get into office. Let 
us fast, for our national weakness and folly, for our 
prejudice and our passion, for our pride and our in- 
solence, for our departure from the ways of the 
fathers, for our worship of the golden calf, for our 
treachery to freedom; in short, for that long train 
of crimes and follies which have led us from the 
height of prosperity to the brink of destruction ! 

But mere fasting is not enough. We cannot deal 
with God as we deal with the politicians. He never 
makes any compromises. He knows nothing of the 
" rights " of wickedness " under the Constitution," or 
of legal obligations to do wrong. We cannot put 
Him off with any of our sophisms, or evasions, or 
prevarications. If we want God to help us in this 
strait, we must go to work at the bottom. We must 
stop talking about compromises, and concessions, and 
catching fugitive Christians, and go to doing right. 
The Jewish nation once got into a bad way, by rea- 
son of just such wickedness as ours — by oppressing 
the poor and trampling down the rights of the weak. 
They proposed a fast ; and Isaiah (chap. Iviii.) de- 
nounced them for the sort of fast they got up. 
" Behold," he says, " in the day of your fast ye find 
pleasure, and exact all your labors. Behold, ye fast 
for strife and debate, and to smite with the fist of 
wickedness." And then, in God's name, he tells 
them the kind of fast the Lord had chosen : " Is not 
this the fast that I have chosen ? To loose the bands 
of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to 


break every yoke." God is unchangeable, and 
the kind of a fast which became the Jewish people, 
would not be amiss for our own guilty Nation ! 

Let us fast, therefore ; but let it be such a fast as 
God can approve and bless. — Lawrence (Kansas) 


The Old Public Fungus at Washington, having 
perpetrated about all the evil of which he is capa- 
ble, and involved the country in calamity, civil dis- 
sension and disgrace — having engaged in the rankest 
corruption and venality of which History furnishes 
any record — connived at the slaughter of a Senator 
—undertaken the subjugation of a free people with 
torch and bayonet— permitted systematic piracy on 
the high seas — given the entire weight of his official 
power to strengthen and perpetuate the most dia- 
bolical system of human bondage known among 
men— and finally, betrayed the Republic by refusing 
to protect her fortifications against the depredation's 
of thieves and insurgents — recommends now that we 
all go to prayers! Accordingly-, he proclaims a 
National Fast- 
It is probable that this day which is designated by 
the old Pharisee — and which happens also to be 
hangman's day — will be made a caruival of cant 
and hypocrisy at the South, anil among the extra- 
conservative pietists of the North. But what saith 
the Scripture ? — 

"Ye shall not fast as ye do this day to make your 
voice to be heard on high." 

"Is not this the fast that I have chosen? to loose 
the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, 
and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break 
every yoke 1 " [Erie True American. 


(pronounced ZAKSIIEFSKA.) 

The friends of humanity who are interested in the 
happiness of womanhood, will gradually learn to as- 
sign to the name of Marie Zakrzewska a conspicuous 
place in their memory, and the exertions attending 
the conflict with a bristling array of Polish conso- 
nants, will only tend to make the retention of the 
name more memorable. 

Marie Zakrzewska was born in Berlin, September 
6th, 1820. Her grandfather served in the war against 
Napoleon I., and founded, in the latter part of his 
life, a sort of private hospital for invalid soldiers, 
who, together with their families, worshipped him as 
their guardian angel. The heroic old man carried 
on this work of humanity in his own house, by his 
own means, and with the unobtrusive and childlike 
simplicity, which always attends true grandeur of 
feeling and action. Marie's father was also a high- 
souled Polish gentleman of chivalric nature, and her 
mother was a German woman of great moral beaut?. 
Marie manifested from her earliest childhood a noble, 
independence of character, which afterwards resolved 
itself into a fixed purpose of directing her energies 
to the medical profession. Undaunted by the imped- 
iments which the prejudices and inanities of society 
oppose to such a purpose on the part of a lady, Marie 
succeeded in bringing her studies to a victorious ter- 
mination, in obtaining her medical diploma from the 
Faculty of Berlin, and in practising her profession. 
Penetrated with a strong conviction of the incalcu- 
lable advantages which women would derive from 
the medical assistance of one of their own sex, she 
next resolved on founding an institution hi which she 
would give lull scope to the practical application of 
tier designs ; and with this purpose fixed in her heart, 
and amply possessed with tho intellectual power to 
carry it into effect, she came, in 1853, to the United 
States. Here she had li> struggle with adverse cir- 
cumstances, which she overcame by virtue of unfal- 
tering courage &nd ancoropromiaing integrity. While 

her medical skill, and her electric power of impart- 
ing her knowledge to other minds, made her a lit 

compeer of persons of the highest aims and endow- 
ments, the liist year of her life in America was pass- 
ed in struggles for her daily bread, and iu occupa- 
tions Which brought her into contact with some of 
tho most unseemly and insipid ''lords of creation,'" 

Her. courage, as is generally the case with those of 

DOble spirit, rose in the midst of the most lanlali/.ing 
vicissitudes. Her original purpose, far from being 
weakened by adversity, was strengthened by the ne- 
cessities which she discovered in American life for 
the application of her science. She succeeded, at 

length, in li ding a hospital in New York (at No. 

64 Bleecker Street,) with the cooperation of Ameri- 
can lady physicians, and she lias lately officiated in 
B similar position in Boston. 

A letter addressed by Marie to one of her friends 
has just been published, under the title of " A Prac- 
tical Dlustration of Woman's Itight to Labor.""' 

A Scholar anil man of the world, (t 'omit G y,) 

celebrated for the ooBiprehenstre grasp of his erudite 

•ISoHtnii : Waller, Wisn ,v, (\i. 

and Statesmanlike mind, ami for Ins broad sympa- 
thies with the progress of humanity in all its mani- 
fold directions, lias remarked in regard to Marie's 

let! or :— - 

It is instinct with simplicity, and consequently in- 
stinct with grandeur. I have read it through at one 

sitting, with an eagerness and interest, which the most 
tlii'illinjr Incident in the life of a great hero of humani- 
ty could not have inspired in a greater degree. The 
utmost effort should be made to circulate millions and 
millions of copies of this book, anion;* all classes of the 
people, and in all parts of the world. ' 

It is rarely that real heroes speak much about 
themselves, and Marie Zakrzewska lias, consequent- 
ly, very little to say about herself. But the little 

which her letter discloses is immensely suggestive. 
We do not wish to offer any compliments to Miss 
Zakrzewska, We might as well undertake to con- 
gratulate the nightingale upon her gift of song, as to 
lavish encomiums upon this lady for her gifts of heart 
and mind. She has simply and grandly acted up to 
the highest inspirations of her nature ; and next to 
the gratification which she must derive from the ap- 
plauding voice of her own conscience, she will find 
a still greater source of happiness in the thought of 
having contributed so powerfully to raise the sense 
of the intellectual and moral possibilities of woman's 
usefulness in the sphere of action generally, and par- 
ticularly in her own chosen sphere of action, in which 
benevolence and humanity of feeling, clearness and 
coolness of judgment, self-abnegation and regard for 
others, quickness of perception, and skill in execu- 
tion, must be more harmoniously united than in any 
other profession. Every word in Marie's letter 
breathes the divine atmosphere of sincerity and 
truthfulness, and of the most womanly refinement, 
culture, and sensibility. Select beings like Marie 
Zakrzewska are the pioneers of a higher and nobler 
life of womanhood, and in a fiir higher degree, even, 
than that of the celebrated Florence Nightingale ; 
for comparatively few ladies command the pecuniary 
and social resources which facilitated the execution 
of Miss Nightingale's charitable project ; nor are the 
peculiar advantages which the mechanism of the 
Church of Rome presents to the vast army of Sisters 
of Charity, who for ages past have preceded Miss 
Nightingale in the work of nursing the sick, accessi- 
ble or desirable for women generally. No action, 
no movement, no reform, no benevolent or intellec- 
tual impulse, however beautiful or ennobling in itself, 
can ever take an abiding, influential, and historical 
position in the life of the race, in the life of humani- 
ty, unless it is attended by certain normal conditions, 
which have the faculty of appealing to the universal 
mind as powerfully two thousand years hence, as 
they would have appealed to it two thousand years 
ago. These normal conditions, unless they establish 
the pure, unsophisticated, adamantine genuineness 
and humanity of the action, beyond a cavil or a 
doubt, fail in their highest aim. Unless they estab- 
lish the fact that the action springs from the divine 
life within the soul, they will only result in partial, 
periodical, temporary conclusions, and never com- 
mand imperishable sympathies. 

But in Marie Zakrzewska's performances we find 
some of the normal conditions which contain the germs 
of an immortal influence. Her purpose of consecra- 
ting her life to the welfare of her fellow-beings 
sprung from her noble soul. It was unconnected 
with any selfish consideration. She bore up, on the 
contrary, with innumerable mortifications, humilia- 
tions, privations, moral, mental, and bodily suffer- 
ings, in pursuing her end. She displayed energies 
of which the strongest man might justly feel proud, 
and a loving disposition which the most tender- 
hearted woman would feel tempted to admire and to 
emulate. She displayed intellectual powers and 
professional skill in a profession from which, with 
few exceptions, women have hitherto been excluded. 
She has at length accomplished her purpose, in the 
midst of a foreign country, aided certainly by some 
worthy and congenial minds, but yet beset by diffi- 
culties which a foreign language 1 , foreign manners, 
and an alien mode of thinking and Icciiug must more 
or less create. The performances of Marie Zak- 
rzewska will strike root in millions of minds who 
stand outside the pale of reformatory literature and 
religion, for they* possess those normal conditions of 
unimpeachable sincerity, honor, virtue, modesty, hu- 
mility, goodness, courage, intellect, and heroism, 
which will impress the most ignorant and lowdy chil- 
dren of humanity, while they will, at the same time, 
exact the reverence and admiration of the most cul- 
tivated and proudest men and women of the world. 
Marie Zakrzewska's letter, once sown broadcast 
among the masses of women and men, is destined to 
encourage many poor, struggling girls to bear up 
their hearts high in adversity, and to make a spirited 
use of their God-given faculties ; it is destined to in- 
duce many wealthy and cultivated ladies to make a 
noble use of their pecuniary, intellectual, and social 
powers ; it is destined to make mean men blush, and 
to make high-souled men rejoice, at living in a cen- 
tury which offers no better guarantees for the con- 
stant and providential improvement of the condition 
of womanhood, and hence of society, than in the gen- 
erous impulses and endowments of beings like Marie 
Zakrzewska. — New Yorlc Christian Inquirer. 



Sir, — The Anti- Tobacco cause, for which I labor, 
is decidedhy too poor to pay for superfine language 
or popular eloquence ; hence I address you in a style 
rather concise, but in words of no " doubtful signifi- 

Your article in the Atlantic, stripped of its insidi- 
ous garb, is an apology for the common use of 
tobacco, and, like the gigantic nuisance to which 
it panders, is highly popular. Wherever I meet a 
visionary of your profession or my own, a somnam- 
bulist of any type who has smoked and dreamed 
away years of precious life, and designs to smoke 
and dream away the residue, he is full of its praises. 
Wherever 1 meet a genuine dandy,| well fumigated, 
whose elixir of life is expressed by a slight play on 
tenses, — fnmo, fnmavi, furaabo, — he uttcrsn'ke praise, 
and lights his cigar with fresh zest and pride. These, 
with the sons of smoke on every hand, thank you 
for raising a rampart around a darling vice, and con- 
sign us poor reformers to " the tomb of the Capulets.'" 

Your production, doctor, is doing mischief. I fence 
I must do the little I can to neutralize the poison 
which it is infusing into the veins of rising millions. 

The outline of your argument is easily stated. 
You give us the history of Tobacco and statistics of its 
consumption, and from its enormous consumption and 
great popularity you draio the sage conclusion that its 
influence, is innoxious ! 

You argue, 1. "That an article so widely 


HRGBW iMl A T>ESiRAm.F. KFFFCT." Tobacco, we 
admit, as an article in Materia Mediea, used as a 
sedative, a laxative, a clyster, a cathartic, an emetic, 
or when used to kill moths, bugs, or other vermin, 
does " produce a desirable effect " — just such as God 
intended it should produce. But never does its pro- 
duce this effect on man, so long as he stands erect in 
health and beauty, lie must become a sick man, a 
subject for medicine, before this nauseous, noxious 
poison acts benelicially upon him. A gentleman 
once said to Dr. Franklin, " Doctor, why have yon 
never used tobacco'?" The doctor rejoined: "'Sir, 
1 never saw a well man, in the exercise of common 
sense, who would say that tobacco did him any good : 
why, then, should I use it ? " 

If by "desirable effect" yon mean that the victim 

of the quid and pipe, while gratifying his appetite, 

feels batter for the time. I answer, the drunkard, the 
libertine. I lie opium-eater, leel better in the gratifi- 
cation of their debauched tastes, for the time, and 
your logic bids you apologize for every vicious and 
popular indulgence on the globe, as well as lor the 
practice of (his particular vice. 

Man. doctor, man iu his normal condition, which 

is allegiance to God, abhors tobacco; and its popular 

use, instead of unhealing any "desirable effect," 
shows thai, ils devolees have "sought out many in- 
ventions." Alas! it shows their stupendous folly in 
attempting to fill up the void between them and (iod 

by abominable Darcotics, 
Vmi argue, 8dly, "That an artigm so wide- 

i.v ©BED CANNOT ruom rt-: any MARKED pfi 111 
mors BFFEOT. M l's popular use, if I apprehend 
your logic, is evidence of its harmless character. 

Glance at yourargumenl in the lighl "f analogy, 

ami see to what absurdities it conducts von, Fifty 
years ago, alcoholic drinks were ■• widely used" in 
every seel ion of our country; temperance was the 
exception inebriety the rule: hut was iheir popu- 
lar use anv evidence I hal thev " produce! no ninrlcti 
itclt'tcrious I'JlWt"? Did they not light the incen- 
diary torch, sink ships, and lay unnumbered thou- 
sands in dishonored graves? 

* Slat nominis umhrn. 

t A genuine MtpMtit Amniraiui of civili/alion. 

Idolatry is "widely" practised Six-eighths of 
mankind, instead of worshipping the true God, wor- 
ship senseless images and bnrribhi deities ; but Hoes 
the popularity of such worship show that it "pro- 
duces no marked dchlcrions eflfect"? 

Sin, in all its developed forms, stalks abroad from 
" sea to sea, and from the river to the ends of the 
earth;" but does the popularity of sin show that it 
cannot " produce any marked deleterious effect"? 

Such, doctor, is your logic ! — the full amplitude of 

your logic ! The orations of Demosthenes, it is said, 
smell 01 oil. Your article smells of smoke; and 
those, gentlemen who assigned it a place, iu the At- 
lantic, I regret to say, gave evidence of " the delete- 
rious effect" of the weed on themselves, at least, 
when they disfigured a graceful periodical by admit- 
ting an article which panders to a loathsome vice. 

Von, doctor, are without excuse. You know that 
this drug is a poison. Medical science, the world 
over, attributes to it the essential elements of a poi- 
son as deadly as prussie acid, stramonium, or strych- 
nine ! You know that it is a poison in relation to 
human organism ; that nature unabused sternly re- 
pels its first aggressions, and cries, " I will spue thee 
out of my mouth." You know that you use it pro- 
fessionally as a dernier resort, and with great caution, 
and that you would not place the decoction of one 
cigar on the empty stomach of your child for Cali- 
fornia, with all its treasures. 

You know it would prove fatal more frequently, 
did not constitutional vigor, exercise, perspi ration, 
and expectoration, acting like safety valves, eliminate 
much of the poison. 

You know that, used by the millions, it must pro- 
duce some effect. The idea that it produces no ef- 
fect is simply ridiculous. You know that it can pro- 
duce no good effect on a man in health. It aids 
neither the power of the mind, nor the strength of 
the body. The inference is irresistible, that its com- 
mon use is " evil, and only evil, and that continual- 
ly." This is undeniable. Still you, an educated 
physician, a sworn guardian of health, in a popular 
magazine, in a highly elaborated article, the style of 
which is the seductive " attire of a harlot," tell 
credulous young men in this happy land that tobacco 
" must produce some desirable effect," and "cannot 
produce any marked deleterious effect " ! 

"We confess we lose our composure when educated 
physicians, educated in our beneficent institutions, 
educated on purpose to care for the mighty interests 
of health, prove recreant to their high calling, re- 
creant to science, and give the millions to understand 
that they can use this and other rank poisons with 
perfect innocency in the sight of God and man. Is 
the vulgar notion a true one, that phvsicians delight 
in the ruin of the general health ? This we are al- 
most constrained to believe when members of the 
profession become special pleaders for common vices. 

Accuse us of an exuberance of zeal in battling an 
evil which destroys fellow-men soul and body on a 
wholesale scale ! In view of your shameless apolo- 
gies, we are ashamed of the little we have done ; we 
are ashamed of a heart so lukewarm in a cause so 
vital to the salvation of mankind. 

As Whitefield was once in the midst of an elo- 
quent discourse, three British officers, regardless of 
good manners, mixed their punch and drank it be- 
fore him. The orator, dropping the thread of dis- 
course, and raising his hands towards the skies, cried, 
"I am ashamed, I am ashamed of my cowardice in 
thy service, O Lord, whilst these servants of Satan 
are so bold ! " 

But here, right here, sir, we must pay homage to 
great men of your profession, who denounce this 
narcotic as a mournful and terrible scourge. ^Ve 
are surprised that you count the solid testimony of 
Rush, Twitcuell, Warrex, Mussey, and other 
revered Americans, as not deserving even a passing 
notice. You parade before us European names in 
abundance. You bid the "lovers of pleasure" on 
every hand — princes, poets, maniacs, debauchees and 
sots— sound the praises of the weed, and fight your 

now can I do better, doctor, than to close the lit- 
tle I have now to say with testimony against tobacco 
by a few foreign physicians of science and distinc- 
tion ? I begin now, and will finish at a future time : 
the testimoxy of phtsiciaxs agaixst tobacco. 

J. B. Budgett, M. D., L. S. A., says: "Tobacco 
is a poison of a most virulent and terrible character. 
I do not know one of a more destructive kind in the 
vegetable kingdom, and I believe that a drachm of 
deadly nightshade would not be more fatal than ths- 
same quantity of tobacco." 

Dr. Peout says : " Although tobacco is one of the 
most virulent poisons, mankind resort to it to insure 
its stupefying and pernicious agency. Surely, if the dic- 
tates of reason were allowed to prevail, an article so 
injurious would speedily he banished from common 

Dr. Pidoeck states that leeches are killed instantly 
by the blood of smokers ; and in no instance is the sin. 
of the father more strikingly visited on his children 
than the sin of tobacco smoking. 

Ttrrell testifies that it is one of those " pleasant 
vices" which the just gods make instruments to 
scourge us ; and proceeds to show that it destroys the 
ve y principle of manhood. 

Dr. Paxtox says: "Tobacco is soothing to the 
nerves — a temporary intoxication. In plain English, 
it is a poison." He adds : " The sallow complexions, 
debilitated frames, and disordered digestion of the 
young men of the present day attest the noxious in- 
fluence of tobacco. The plant possesses no salutary 
qualities ; its use is subversive of the purely natural 
functions of life, impairing the finer sensations of taste, 
smell, and correct feehng." 

Dr. Hassel says, it is an acrid narcotic, and that a 
few grains cause death. It is a source of intemper- 
ance — induces drinking — drinking, jaundice — jaun- 
dice, death. 

Dr. Pugh mentions cases of amaurosis, softening of 
the brain, paralysis arising from the nervous prostra- 
tion induced by tobacco, and thinks, with Sollt, that 
the happiness of nations may be jeoparded by the prac- 

Maurice Joxes, a surgeon of Xarbeth, says: "A 
greater curse never befell this country than die mtve- 
duction of tobacco. Let its advocates flourish under 
their delusion, and may they never rue the day when 
they yielded to its charms." 

Dr. Higgiseottom, of Nottingham, gives this tes- 
timony, after fifty years of extensive practice : " To- 
bacco in every form has no redeeming property what- 
ever, and at the present time is a main cause of ruin- 
ing young men, pauperizing working men, and ren- 
dering useless the best efforts of ministers of religion." 

J. Boxald Martin, P. K. S., a great living author- 
ity in diseases incident to warm countries, states, from 
his own observation, that the miseries, mental and 
bodily, produced by cigar smoking, chiefly in young 
men. far exceed anything detailed in the " Confessions 
of an Onium-Eater." 

The birlionmiiir efas Srirnces Jftdicahs says: "Pa- 
rents cannot too much oppose the tearful custom of 
using tobacco. They allow it without appearing to 
foresee the evils to which they deliver youth whom 
they permit to contract this habit." 

This testimony we can extend indefinitely. We 
can specify, 011 sound medical authority, mere than 
fifty diseases which spring from this vile narcotic, or 
which are greatly intensified by its use. And yet 
you, a city physician, in this year of GRACE i860, 
tell the world that " it must produce some desirable 
effect," and ■■ cannot produce any marked delete- 
rious effect " ! What infatuation I what blindness ! 
The Lord interpose, doctor. GO Ileal your patients, if 
v.iii treat them as von treat \ our readers! 


"Tur. Union, thb Cohstitutzost, una hmi En- 

rOEGSMBHX OS BBS I.vws!" Plus » as the tiivoriie 
motto of the ISellevereits during the hist Presidential 
Campaign, and no paper in this section of die country 
bad more (o s;i_v about hno and ordrr and constitutional 
rights than that notorious pro-slavery sheet, the BostOQ 
i'ouriir. Now the editors of that incendiary journal 
not only uphold traitors and rebels in and out of otlice. 
hut one of their number, Mr. GteozgQ I.iint. has be- 
come bold enough to declare that Abraham Lincoln 
shall never be inaugurated, if 1„- eat) prmmf it. The 
only way the law -loving l.unt can prevent such an . let 
would be to assassinate Mr. Lincoln. The lair inter- 
ference then is that GEORGE l.l'NT has determined 
on the assassination of the President elect ! We would 
caution the Wide Awnkea to look after this blood- 
thirsty individual. — Jftufew 1 g, 

ANOTitru Skcrpkii. Col. Harney, the old war 
horse of the Louisville DOMOCrat, W oui-aiui-out DoQg- 
las paper, thus secedes : — 

" We M With the South. '1'bis 1'ite ofoold w cat her 
has tinislied 11s. No reasonable man v> ill consent logo 
with the colder div i.-ion. We go with the WOW mod- 
erate elimiilo, and look forwaid tQ mild vealher as 
soon 11s the hue U] draw n. In t'ael. this spell ot' weath- 
er shows the evil of a union wiih the ' principal elo 
litems of the North.' We shall rejoice when the lino 
is drawn, M did the good old dame when it 
lino was run. and she found she was in that State in- 
stead of South Carolina. ll was a blessed thini; to 
know it, she'd 'always beam tell South t'al- 
hm \> as onhoallhy.' 

POPI 1 v MOW or low \. I 
numbers 676,486, It was, in 11*60, only 1'/ 


— IS iTm.Isiii:n — 


— AT — 


ROBERT F, WALLCUT, General Agent. 

11 advance. 

ito dollaxd and fifty cents jjct iiimuui, 

JE^" Five copies will bo sent, to ono addross for ten 
dollars, if payment be made in atlvanoo. 

UgF* AH remittances arc to bo uiudo, and all tetters re- 
lating to the pecuniary concerns of tbo paper are to be 
directed (post paid) to tbo General Agent. 

E3f Advertisements inserted at the rate of five cents per 

5^* The Agents of tho American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for Tun Liberator. 

J^f The following gentlemen constitute tho Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of tho 
paper, viz : — Frascis Jackson, Edmund Quincv, Edmund 
Jackson, and "Wendell Phillips. 

Tho United States Constitution is "a covenan 
with death, and an agreement with haU, 1 ' 

jy " What order of men under the most ah 
monarchies, or tbo most aristocratic of ropoblffis, was ever 
[iiVMted with each aa odious nod anjo t 
of tho separate and exclusive representation of leas than 
talf :. million owners of slaves, in the Hall of thU House, 
in tbe .■h.'iir of the Senate, and in the PrwUSBtUJ DUD- 
sion? This investment of power in tbe owneri of mw 
«pocics of property concentrated in tho highest on 
of tho nation, and disseminated through Hurt 
twenty-six States of the Union, constitute* a privileged 
order of men Ed the community, more adreue to the rights 
of all, arid more pernicious to the interests of the whole, 
than any order of nobility ever known. To call govern- 
ment thus constituted a Democracy is to iniOlt the under- 
standing of mankind. ... It'll doubly tainted with tho 
infection of riches and of slavery. There is 00 name in 
the language of national jurisprudence that Can define it. — 
no model iu the records of ancient history, or In the politi- 
cal theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It 
was introduced into the Constitution of the Uni! 
by an equivocation — a representation of property under tho 
name of persons. Little did the members of the Conven- 
tion from the Free States imagine or foresee what a sacri- 
fice to Moloch was hidden under tho mask of this conces- 
sion." — Jons Quxnct Adams. 


(Qux <£»mtnj is tlw WmU, m fyiminjmm w alt ItoMtut. 

J. B. TEEEIHTOU & SON, Printers. 

VOL. XXXI. NO. 2. 


WHOLE NO. 1569. 

Hiring* of ®wxmx«u. 


Extract from the Valedictory Address of Hon. N. 
P. Banks, late Governor of Massachusetts, deliver- 
ed before both branches of the Legislature, January 
3d, 1861: — 

During the first year of my administration, I 
recommended to the Legislature the revision of the 
Act for the Protection of Personal Liberty, by the 
repeal of some of its objectionable features. I lim- 
ited my objections to such provisions as imposed se- 
. rious disabilities upon the citizens of the Common- 
wealth, iu derogation of their rights and its duties to 

The amendments I suggested relieved our own 
citizens, who, in the pursuit of their own lawful pur- 
suits, or under the orders of the government itself, 
might contravene its provisions, and subject them- 
selves to expensive prosecutions, or dishonorable dis- 
charge from public service. It was all I was then 
able to obtain from the Legislature. Since this 
period, the pendency of legislation in harmony with 
the original law has prevented recurrence to this 
subject. The important events of the time now 
imperatively demand further consideration of the 

Legal advice is sometimes sought for the purpose 
of ascertaining to what extent prosecutions can be 
avoided or impeachment prevented, rather than the 
discovery of what is just and right. Adopting rules 
of construction which would govern States standing 
in jealous or hostile attitude, this Act, as it now 
stands, although operating in an unfriendly spirit 
against one of the laws of the United States, and 
pressing the rights of the States to the liin- 
i its, might be said not altogether to transcend the 
powers of the Legislature. But there is one provision 
of the habeas corpus Act which cannot, within any 
reasonable rules of construction, be so regarded. I 
refer to the sections relating to, and regulating, the 
trial by Jury. 

The" Constitution of the United States declares 

i that " the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall 

' not be- suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion 

ir jfnvasion the public safety may require it." _ It is 

jivrit, therefore, to which resort may be had in all 


There are offences, for the punishment of which 
■-—'^aade hsr State and Federal goveriitnents, 
and, m such cases, "w&seei^anvjger&xa is bright 
before the courts of this State, it is the brevince of 
the court to recognize the jurisdiction of that gov- 
ernment having the offender in its possession by 
priority of arrest or prosecution ; but where the pro- 
cess, statute and jurisdiction is exclusively in either 
government, the other must surrender any claim to 
control the procedure, or qualify the final judgment. 
By the Constitution of the United States : " No 
person held to service or labor in one State, under 
the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in con- 
sequence of any law or regulation therein, be dis- 
charged from such service or labor, but shall be de- 
livered up on claim of the party to whom such labor 
or service may be due." 

The Legislature of this State has not attempted 
by legal enactment to give effect to this constitution- 
al provision. It is true, that the statute authorizing 
the writ of Personal Replevin provides, that in pro- 
ceedings under such a writ, if it appears " that the 
defendant is entitled to the custody of the plaintiff 
as his child, ward, servant, apprentice, or otherwise, 
he shall have judgment for a re-delivery of the body, 
to be held and disposed of according to law." 

But this statute was not intended to carry into 
execution the constitutional provisions for the rendi- 
tion of fugitive slaves, neither would it be admitted 
that the courts to which such writ should be return- 
able would be required to return a fugitive slave to 
the person to whom his labor or service might be 
due. Such a disposition would not be " according 
to law " of this State. We have, _ therefore, 
statute law to give effect to this provision of the Con- 
stitution, and we cannot under our own legislation 
even claim, as in some other eases, a common juris- 
diction to be determined by precedence of arrest or 
other cause. 

The Supreme Court of the United States has de- 
cided that the power of legislation upon this subject 
is exclusively in Congress. It declares that the 
clause of the Constitution contemplates the existence 
of " a positive, unqualified right ou the part of the 
owner of the slave, which no State law or regulation 
can in any way qualify, regulate, control or restrain." 
This opinion was pronounced for the Court by Mr. 
Justice Story ; It has been approved by the Legisla- 
ture of this State, and confirmed by its Supreme Ju- 
dicial Court. Congress has exercised the exclusive 
power claimed for it, and it must be admitted that 
its enactment upon the subject of fugitives from ser- 
»> vice or labor cannot be annulled, restricted, or con- 
trolled by State legislation. 

I .ask. then. Senaiors and Raprfcsent»tiv<a# r to- look- 
at the operation of the sections of the chapter of the 
General Statutes, relating to the writ of habeas cor- 
pus, to which I have referred. 

In the first pU;i,, they refer to fugitive slaves. No 
presumption shall arise in behalf of the claimant, it 
is said, " from proof that the alleged fugitive, or any 
of his ancestors, had been actually held as a slave, 
without proof that such holding was legal." (§ 21.) 

"When it appears by the return of the officer, or 
otherwise, that the person, whose restraint or imprison- 
ment is in question, is claimed to be held to service or 
labor in another State, and to have escaped from such 
service or labor, the court or justice shall, on the ap- 
plication of any party to the proceeding, order a trial 
by jury, as to any farts stated in the return of the officer 
,„■ ttfS&fed, and may admit said person to bail in a sum 
not. exceeding two thousand dollars." (§ 19.) 

"If one jury disagrees, the issue may be submitted 
to another jury, or continued to the next term." (§ 2<J. ) 

In every case of disagreement, another jury may 
be summoned and quaEfied "forthwith, or at & fu- 
ture day." (§ 20.) The court or justice is authorized 
to admit the person whose service or labor is claimed, 
to bail. (§!!>■) The jury is authorized to decide 
"as to any facts stated in the return of the officer or 
alleged." The words " or alleged " must be under- 
stood lo mean, alleged by any party to the proceed- 
ing; for the jury may be demanded by cither party. 
Tbe construction of a law for the protection or per- 
sonal liberty' should be ID favor of personal liberty. 
No eonslruetion of a Statute which defeats its obvious 

ends, '''in be authorized or just when a different con> 

BtrtiCtSoB, equally acenrdani. with the ffOrdsaod sense, 
will enforce and protect them. Tin- proceeding 
Opens tO the jury every quest ion involved in the gen- 
eral issue, even to the " proof that l.lie alleged tugi- 
tivc or any of his ancestors was or had been held as 

: , !;,..■ and that SUCh holding was legal; and the 

jury, by special provision, is invested with the power 
of Junes in criminal cases, to decide both the law 
! the fact." 

It may be that eases may arise to which these pro- 
visions may be constitutionally applied, but it does 
not seem to me that it can be held, in any view, not 
to interfere with and control the course of procedure, 
under a constitutional provision and statute which 
the Supreme Court of our own State, and that of 
the United States, hold to be exclusively in the pow- 
er of Congress. 

It is not my purpose to defend the constitutional- 
ity of the Fugitive Slave Act. The omission of a 
provision for jury trial, however harsh and cruel, 
cannot, in any event, be supplied by State legisla- 

While I am constrained to doubt the light of this 
State to enact such laws, I do not admit that in any 
just sense it is a violation of the national compact. 
It is only when unconstitutional legislation is en- 
forced by executive authority, that it assumes that 
character, and no such result has occurred in this 

No State on the Continent has been more faithful 
to her constitutional duties as a government, and es- 
pecially under the Fugitive Slave Act. Her judicial 
tribunals and her Legislatures have acquiesced in 
and confirmed the decisions of the Supreme Court of 
the United States, in the case to which I have re- 

Her highest court has enforced the law of Con- 
gress passed in pursuance of that decision, unnatural 
and uujust as some of its provisions seem to be. She 
has upheld the decisions of her own courts, recog- 
nized the degrees of the magistrates of the United 
States, and the rights of claimants of other States, 
which deuy to our citizens then- lawful rights. She 
has sustained them all by the strong arm of execu- 
tive power, though the struggle has chilled her warm 
and generous heart. She has honored, indiscrimin- 
ately with other citizens, those who at the bar en- 
forced the rights of claimants, or as soldiers protected 
them in the possession of property to which they had 
legal rights, but no power to hold. It is true that 
she has not thought it expedient that important of- 
fices in the State and national governments should 
be filled by the same man at the same time, and I 
cannot but approve her wisdom. 

Not only the courts, but juries, have given unim- 
peachable evidence of their devotion to the law. 
When the master of a vessel kidnapped a colored 
man in one of the maritime counties, and sent him, 
without authority, precept, or officer, into slavery, so 
tenacious was a Massachusetts jury of the rights of 
parties, and so true to their duty as men, that under 
the instructions of a Judge whom I thought worthy 
of the highest judicial commission, they acquitted 
the offender, upon the technical plea that the crime 
was not committed in the same county where the 
cause was tried, seeking to put upon the files of the 
court a verdict that the accused was " not guilty, by 
want of jurisdiction." 

It is doubtless true that violence and crime have 
sometimes attended the performance of these harsh 
duties. It is equally true, that the same manifesta- 
tions attend, at times, the execution of our own laws, 
by our own officers. 

It became my duty to recommend to the Legisla- 
ture of 1859, the modification of the law of 1858, 
relating to the high crime of murder, so far as to in- 
clude the murder of an officer in the discharge of 
his duty, by express enumeration, in the class of mur- 
ders of the first degree, and I understand the Attor- 
ney-General renews the recommendation in his re- 
port the present year. It is not remarkable that a 
single officer of the government of the United States 
should incur the dangers that surround our own. It 
was in consequence of these crimes, occurring in the 
execution of National and State legislation, that the 
change in the criminal code was suggested. I do 
not hesitate to say, that as a government, in every 
sense, Massachusetts has been faithful to her constitu- 
tional duties. 

It is because she has been thus faithful, that I de- 
sire to see her legislation in harmony with her acts. 
It is because I do not like to see her Representatives 
in Congress, and her sons»cverywhere, put upon-the 
defensive, when they have just cause to be proud 
of her acts; it is because, in the face of her just 
claims to high honor, I do not love to hear unjust rc- 
proaches cast upon her fame, that I say, as I do, in 
the presence of God, and with a heart filled with the 
responsibilities that must rest upon every American 
citizen in these distempered times, I cannot but re- 
gard the maintenance of a statute, whether constitu- 
tional or not, which is so unnecessary to the public 
service, and so detrimental to the public peace, as 
an inexcusable public wrong. I hope by common 
consent it may be removed from the statute book, 
and such guarantees as constitutional freedom de- 
mands, be sought in new legislation. 

It is said, I know with some reason, that no change 
would satisfy men engaged in treason and rebellion. 
We ought to remember, however, that South Caro- 
lina presents this class of laws in her counterfeited 
Declaration of Independence, as the first great 
wrong her people have suffered, and that removal 
will obviate her first cause of complaint which is 
made the basis of every other substantive grievance. 
It is said also, that the time is not propitious, that 
it does not become Massachusetts to act under threats. 
■ Every State maintains its own dignity by doing what 
is right. A State that under threats of coercion 
does what is wrong, does not greatly suffer in com- 
'parison with another, that under similar plea, refuses 
to do what is right ; there is a difference in process, 
but the difference in results is not worth contest. 
Besides, this is not an accepted American doctrine. 
When France refused to pay an indemnity secured 
to us by treaty, under the pretence that she had been 
threatened with war by a President of the United 
States, her excuse was not received as a sufficient 
explanation. The President threatened her again. 
Congress supported his declarations by a war appro- 
priation, and England, as arbitrator, compelled 
France to fulfill her treaty stipulations. In fact, the 
comity of States furnished no good reason for not 
doing what is right; and rulers are permitted less 
than others to swerve under the influence of bribes 
or menaces from the direct and exact line of right. 
The topic presents considerations of policy also. 
The difficulty in government, as in life, is to ascer- 
tain what is right. It is easier to follow the line of 
right, than it is to divine ir, as wisdom is a highei 
quality than courage; and the world is full of proofs 
that an obstinate; adherence to that which is imprac- 
ticable, indefensible and immaterial, often compels 
the truest, and boldest men to surrender that which 

is just in itself and vital to their cause. Our experi- 
ence in this regard will not differ from that of other 
men. _ 


The Hon. George. Ashmun, of Springfield, Mass., 

who presided over the convention that nominated 
Mr Lincqln for the Presidency, has written a letter 

to lion. R. C- Winthfop, in which lie uses the. fol- 
lowing language : — 

* * * "I say, then, iviihoiti hesitation, that in 
my judgment the enactments of our Legislature, 
which are intended or calculated to impair the force 

and effect of the fugitive slave acts of Congress, are 

wholly unconstitutional and void. They should" 
never have been passed, and ought not to be permit- 
ted to remain on our statute book. I denounced 
them when they were first projected, and have never 
failed to feel and express a deep regret that any of 
our people should have been led, by acts of injustice 
on the part of any of our sister States, to retaliate 
by an act of indefensible wrong on our own part." 
" Let us, in coming before the august tri- 
bunal of public opinion, and asking for the best judg- 
ment of the civilized world and of posterity, strip* 
ourselves of every impediment which may embarrass 
us in the conflict. Let Massachusetts stand erect, 
conscious not only of the righteousness of her cause, 
but of her fitness for its advocacy." 

The Governor of Maine Contributing 
Funds to aid in Stealing- and Running off 
Negroes ! We clip the following from the Rock- 
land Free Press and Democrat : — 

Previous to the September election, a gentleman in 
this city, a Democrat, and doing business as a mer- 
chant, was accosted in his store by one of the Goverm- 
' Council of this State. It happens that the mer- 
chant to whom we refer has a partner who is a Repub- 
lican, and the Hon. Councillor made tiie sad mistake 
of taking the Democrat to be the Republican, and ad- 
dressing him by the name of the latter, introducing to 

hiui a Mr. , of Syracuse, N. Y. Mr. 

opened his business by saying that he was an agent for 
the Underground Railroad,, that during the past year 
1,000 slaves had been run off' from the South into 
Canada, and that as the business was becoming expen- 
sive and required a large fund to carry it on, it had be- 
come necessary to solicit subscriptions from Republi- 
cans for that purpose. Mr. then produced a 

book in which were the names of subscribers, and told 
our Democrat to examine it, which the latter did. To 
his surprise ho found that it contained the names of 
leading Republicans in this city and State, and other 
States. Among them were 

JOHN A. ANDREW, §25 00 

LOT M. MORRILL, 5 00." 

Here were the subscriptions of the Republican 
Governor elect of Massachusetts, and the present 
Governor of Maine, to aid in stealing slaves, and 

Mr. was going about among the Republicans 

for further subscriptions. Unless Republicans of this 
city will perjure themselves, we can prove every 
word of this from their own lips. They had the 
documents shown to them, and some of them con- 

Tliis is not the first time that every respectable 
citizen of Maine has been put to the blush by the 
conduct of Lot M. Morrill during his Governorship 
of this State. That pilfered Fast Day Proclamation 
has not yet been forgotten. 

What think you of this, citizens of Maine ? How 
does it comport with your honor and dignity to have 
your Governor secretly contribute funds to aid in 
stealing and rimning off negro slaves ? How far 
will the repeal of obnoxious Personal Liberty Bills 
go to restore harmony to a distracted country, when 
Northern Governors and Governors elect are found 
secretly contributing money to thieves and robbers 
to violate plain provisions of the Constitution? 

This Lot M. Morrill is now a candidate for the 
United States Senate, to fill the vacancy caused by 
the resignation of Hon. Hannibal Hamlin, and with 
more than an even chance of an election. If his 
election were doubtful before, this last act of his will 
undoubtedly recommend him so highly to the Repub- 
lican members of the Legislature that his success be- 
fore that body can no longer be problematical. — 
Bangor (Me.) Union, Dec. 2dth. 


A secession meeting was held in Orange county. 
Va., on the 27th ult., at which the following resolu- 
tions were passed : — 

Resolved, From the proceedings*™ Congress, and 
other sources of information, we believe the policy 
of the Republican party will be the coercion of se- 
ceding States. 

Resolved, That the union of the South is the safe- 
ty of the South. 

Resolved, As the opinion of this meeting, the cot- 
ton States will secede ; that their destiny is our des- 
tiny ; and that Virginia should retire before the 4th 
of March next, and place herself at the head of the 

Resolved, That every slave State should secede 
before the 4th of March, and co-operate afterwards. 

Resolved, That, with a united South, Abraham 
Lincoln will not make war upon fifteen States ; but 
should lie do so, may God defend the right 1 

Resolved, That be a committee to raise a 

thousand dollars to assist in the equipment and pur- 
chase of arms for the county of Orange. 

A meeting of the advocates of immediate and sep- 
arate secession was held in New Orleans on the 25th 
ult., and was largely attended. The following reso- 
lutions were passed : — 

Resolved, That the people of Louisiana tender to 
their brothers of South Carolina congratulation and 
God-npecd in the glorious career upon which they 
have entered, and in hailing their noble State as a 
new and independent power, send her this word 
from the Commercial Emporium of the South: — 
" We are patriots, treading fast in your honored 
steps, and shall co-operate speedily with you m build- 
ing up a new confederation, which shall bring ns safe- 
ty and honor, from the crumbling materials of the 
old one, wlnCB now seeks to degrade, dishonor and 
oppres UB, vfan we have SEGETJEX) from it, and can 
meet you as only sovereign can meet a sovereign." 

(Resolved, Tlat the guns of old Fort Moultrie and 
those of the plains of Cliabnclte, which spoke so elo- 
quently in 177C and 1815, in behalf of liberty and 
independence, will speak again louder and deeper, 
and in, unison, shnild the integrity of Southern soil 
be menaced. 

Resolved, That as Napoleon said of the. Empire, 
the Confederation tf the South is peace pence by 

every exertion of moderation, forbearance and pa- 
triotism; peace, until the last resources of argument 
are exhausted; but tome unhappily the other alter- 
native, of which theft are at times threats, It will 
not find unprepared a people 

« Who know their rights. 

And knowi»g dure maintain." 

$ tltttittun. 





cding to K, 

look a saw, 


' Liberty, 
" notion ! ' 

Yankee I hmdle 01 :l limb, 

I ike another w idle, 
Cul between the trei and flfm, 
A,,, I dotwi name ) inJue Doodle! 

Yankee Doodle bro* I Ill's lleek, 

Every t <■ about hi n, 

Ami then the Tree of [liberty 

Diil very well with m him 1 

wk Journal <>f Go/timorce 

appy Mam ! — And is this to be the end of 
lV.4k%^raecfu! Administration with which, for our 
sins, you have been permitted to curse this long- 
suffering people ? Is it not enough that by your 
mismanagement millions have been lavished in futile 
expeditions, that by your corruption untold amounts 
of the public money have rewarded your political 
partisans ? And now, as the day hastens when you 
are to resign tho guardianship of the Temple of 
American Liberty, with wliich you were foolishly 
entrusted, will you pull down its pillars, and bury us 
in its ruins ? 

I shall not attempt to confute the transparent 
sophistry by which you, in your Message, and the 
Attorney General of the United States — I mean the 
Attorney General of James Buchanan — would de- 
ceive an outraged people. Is any man so foolish as 
to suppose that you deceive yourself by your false 
issues of "War against a State," and other such 

You have nothing to do with " States,"— you are 
required to punish trajtors ! But not only would 
you try to persude us that you have no authority 
to punish treason, but, doing as much as in you lies 
to destroy the last hope of the Nation — the courage 
and energy of Congress — you strive to emasculate 
our National Representatives by terrifying them 
into the mortal tremor which convulses your own 
august person. Nor do you stop here ! You fling 
a " Parthian dart " behind you, in your ignominious 
flight, aimed at the next Administration, by de- 
claring that unless those States wliich are alleged to 
have passed laws deemed by some unconstitutional, 
shall repeal these laws, the Southern States will be 
justified in resisting the Federal Government ! 

Monstrous doctrine ! As if every well-instructed 
school-boy did not know that it is the province of 
the Supreme Judicature, not that of any particular 
State, to decide whether laws are or are not uncon- 
stitutional ! And yet, almost in the same breath, 
you tell us, despite these local laws, that in every 
case which has occurred under your Administration, 
the Fugitive Slave Law has been enforced ! If it 
be right for two or three hands to contribute to the 
manufacture of a document signed by one person, 
surely it is not unreasonable to ask that the signer 
shall at least read what has been inserted into his 
W&sfal "Message"" by others: — otherwise, strange 
contrasts of fabric, texture and color will be apt to 
strike unpleasantly the public eye. 

Sir ! have you not lent yourself — I should say your 
high office — to the purposes of one portion of the 
Confederacy in antagonism to the other ? Have 
you not demanded certain concessions by the North, 
with the threat—" Give them this, or they will de- 
stroy your country, and I will let them destroy it ! " 
But, not to enter into a consideration of this phase 
of the question, may I be permitted to ask — Who is 
it that with Pharisaical scrupulosity refuses to use 
au item of power with which, as he untruly asserts, 
he is not clothed by law ? Listen, ye disciples of 
Gi'otius, of Wheaton and Yattel ! It is the same 
man who, in the famous (I mean infamous) Ostend 
Manifesto, openly advocated the robbery of Cuba 
from Spain, provided that robbery were deemed by 
the United Slates essential to their interests! He 
would break all laws, divine and human, national 
and international, to steal territory, but he would 
not deviate from the code — no, not " in the estima- 
tion of a hair"- — to save thirty millions of his fellow- 
citizens from the peril of anarchy and civil war! 
But we ask no use of unlawful authority. Not only 
arc you fully invested with authority to punish trai- 
tors, but you have solemnly sworn that you will do 
so. When, unhappily for yourself, your country, 
and the cause of liberty throughout the world, you 
were raised to the Presidency of these United States, 
you took this oath : — ■ 

" I do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute 
the office of President of the United States, and will, 
to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend 
the Constitution of the United States." 

A pretty defender, forsooth, you proved yourself 
to be on the only — or, certainly, the most important 
—occasion which has ever called for your active in- 
terposition ! Do you ask for your warrant to re- 
press the Rebellion which is now raging in South 
Carolina ? Here it is, in language clear as a sun- 
beam: — 

" The President shall be Commander-in-Chief of 
the Army and Navy of the United States, and of 
the -Militia of the several States, when called into the 
actual Service of the United States." — Constit. United 
States, Art II., Sec. 2. 

Therefore, he has power to call upon the Army 
and Navy of the United States, the Militia of each 
State, and every man in every State, to aid him in 
punishing ollcnces against the United States. 

What "is the intended offence of South Carolina, 
and perhaps of other States? Treason— according 
to the explicit definition of the Constitution of the 
United States: — 

"Art. 3, Sec. 3. Treason against the United States 
shall consist only in levying War against Hum, or in 
adhering to their enemies, giving them Aid and Com- 
fort," &e. 

Now is it not certain that " Treason against the 
United States, i. c, that levying war against 
the United States, has occurred in South Caro- 
lina, and that traitors are openly enlisted to resist 
the laws of the United States? And is it not 
equally certain that it is the duty of the President 
or the United States (who is now leaving a few 
hundred of his own soldiers to be murdered by a 

mob!) to innueilialrlv despatch an armed farce to 
punish every traitor in that State, or in any other 
State? Do you tell us that it is for Congress to de- 
cide when the lime has arrived to use foree in sup- 
pression of treason? 1 answer that the Constitu- 
tion and the Supreme Court of the United States 
tell you otherwise: — 

" /Vrtiele L, Section Vlll.. Clause 16. To provide 

for calling forth the Militia, to execute the laws of the 

Union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions." 

Judicial Constructions.—" The actof 1796 which con- 
fers powers <jii the ('resident lo ealHhrlli the Militia in 
certain exigencies is Constitutional ; and the President 
is tbe exclusive ami final judge whether the exig6U*CJ 

hja arisonr"— Martin <■. Molt, IS Wit. In. 

Towlc's Hist, mill Analysis of the Coufltit, pp. 128, 


Now, as vim have already declared that traitors 
in South Carolina are, or sunn *\il! be, in a slate of 

< n rebellion astainsl the United Siaies, it will not 

no, traitors in and representing other States^ — now 
openly avow their intention to "secede" from a 
Government which (and it is no marvel !) they de- 
e; and trpitors in, and representing New York, 
avow their intention to cut off the city of New 
York from the State of New York ! Let Congress 
act, and that with vigor, and if our representatives 
falter, for fear of not being able to find an execu- 
tive arm to carry out the laws — if President and 
Vice President refuse to obey the orders of Con- 
gress lawfully expressed — -let us, in our hour of 
peril, be cheered by the public declaration of the 
General-in-Chief^ hoary in the service of his coun- 
try, that as the President of the United States has 
abandoned the Constitution, and practically de- 
serted his post in the hour of trial, he, Win field 
Scott, General-in-Chief of the Army and 
Navy of the United States, stands ready, at 
the bidding of Congress, to cany out the laws of 
the United States! For it will be seen that the 
wisdom of our Fathers provided for just such an 
emergency as that wliich is now upon us. Section 
I., Article 2, of the Constitution, enacts that — 

In case of the removal of the President from office, 
or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharye 
the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the same shall 
devolve on tbe Vice President, and Congress may, by 
Law, provide for the case of the Removal, Death, 
Resignation, or Inability both of the President and 
Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then 
act as President, and such officer shall act accordingly, 
until the Disability be removed, or a President shall 
be elected." 

Inability " to discharge the powers and duties 
of his office, the nominal President of the United 
States has already pleaded. Then let the Constitu- 
tional remedy be at once applied. Let General 
Scott be clothed by Congress with authority to exe- 
cute the laws, and punish treason and traitors 
wherever found in this Republic I 

And as for you, unhappy old man ! well had it 

en for your long-abused and now betrayed coun- 
try, that you had never been born, or had remained 
in peaceful obscurity, engaged in the unostentatious 
discharge of those humble duties for which alone you 
fitted ! But obscurity, alas ! can never more be 
yours ! Should the United States now perish, by 
your treachery, be assured that wheu the history of 
this once glorious Confederacy shall be written — this 
once happy Republic, the blessings of which were 
designed by our fathers for us, for our children, and 
our children's children, — it shall be told to those 
children — perhaps distracted by anarchy, or mana- 
cled by despotism — that when the citadel of Constitu- 
tional Liberty was intrusted to your care, you, on 
the first approach of danger, not only deserted your 
post, but bound your country hand and foot, and 
basely delivered it to its enemies ! 

Think not, unhappy old man, " to escape the just 
judgment of God," the indignation of the world, the 
scorn and loathing of posterity ! Surely, if any suf- 
ferer since the hour of bitterness of the first fratri- 
cide can take up his lamentation, you may well ex- 
claim with him, even as regards this world only, 
" My punishment is greater than I can bear ! " 

But, oh, the " something after death " ! The meet- 
ing with the shades of the great Apostles of Liberty, 
who founded and cemented with their blood and 
tears, the Republic which you are about to permit to 
perish before your eyes ! How will you meet the 
awful gaze, the dread reproach, of Washington, of 
Franklin, of Hamilton, of Jefferson, of Jackson, 
when the story of your shame, and the destruction 
of your country's liberties, shall be rehearsed in the 
solemn convocation of the departed ! How can you 
anticipate the damning record of history: — 

After eighty years of prosperity" achieved 
by the labors, the sufferings and the blood of 
thousands, the Asierican Republic fell, without 
a blow, through the cowardice and treachery of its 
fifteenth President, James Buchanan ! Let it not 
be added — " and through the criminal supineness of 
the thirty-sixth Congress!" 



id that (li 



answer to pw 

Novel' ill tile hislnn nl' Rebellion was I here 

Case of dutV) never a more eownnlly or criminal 

negleet. ni'duiy] A nd what is the consequence of 
the miserable submission to treason proacheu toue 

bj the COMMANDEIWN f mr.F OF THE Aim V AM' 
N\\ v OF ill i : II.NiTi'in STATES? Other States 

The time is rapidly approaching when that which 
noble, just and true, shall be applauded and ac- 
pted joyfully by the people. Wicked raters and 
political demagogues will then, each and all, be con- 
signed to their own place, without influence or power. 
We wait now patiently through the present raging 
conflict, trusting in the Supreme Ruler of nations, 
knowing that all things shall work together for our 
good. We appeal, therefore, particularly, to every 
business man in the nation who has faith in moral 
principle, in humanity, in justice, in God, to stand 
firm in this hour of trial. If you waver, if you are 
afraid of the loss of business, of the wasting o\' prop- 
erty, of the fall of stocks, or even of bankruptcy, you 
are not worthy of the inheritance of our Pilgrim Fa- 
thers. Tlwy were willing to forsake houses and 
lands, wife and children, ami every earthly good, 
and poured out their life-blood in order to secure the 
blessings which we hitherto have enjoyed. Shall we 
imitate their example, or shall we with ignoble pur- 
pose surrender forcvcfljall I hey so gloriously achieved, 
and lay ourselves on the altar of injustice, and be a 
willing sacrifice to the arch enemy of freedom ? 
Never — we say, NEVER! There were traitors in 
the days of the Revolution, and them arc traitors 
now ; and history will point to James Buchanan, I lie 
present Executive of Hie nation, as the tni'tor-bi-chirf 
of our glorious Republic, lie shall be classed with 
Benedict Arnold, but shall have a lower place than 
he, for as our President, he has sworn to be our pro- 
tector ; he has solemnly covenanted before God and 
the people that he would enforce the laws, support 

the Constitution, ami be a minister of justice to all. 

Me has broken bis nalh, he is a self-coin hied perju- 
rer before Cod and man, and as such his name shall 

be branded with infamy, henceforth ami forever. 

No earthly power can prevent it. He is forsaken by 
his own Counsellors, his own (Viands, and his own 

pwty, throughout the length and breadth of the land. 

Never have we beard any ruler, of any nation) SO 
universally condemned. 1 1 is characfer and we 

wish it distinctly understood that wo apeak of him 
only in his official relations— is execrated and de- 
spised from one i-m\ of the nation to the other. He 

docs not please the North nor the South, the Bast 
nor the West -MB&odtf. Thank G« 
madness, his limidil v,' and his fbllv 
TUI he shall make his exit from tin 
we implore patience and kindnc 

which shall be as immovablo aa tl 

Hie Granite Hill-. Though countli 

though property depreciate, though stocks und bonds 

continue to tall', though civi] war --hall rage, and our 

enemies force ns into blood, and fhe nation be turned 
into sadness and mourning rattier I ban to do wrong. 

lo permit injustice, to countenance oppression, ho 
forsake our prmciplesjel ns be wiUingtc imitate our 
Fathers glorious names of the Revolution ami. if' 

need be, lay rfotCT) OUT Kws, If' if i* pOSSibll 

have peace, lor we love ouv country. EvOri toot l| 
its territory is dear to us, and the Cuion shall not In- 

tern asunder by our hands. We lo-'e the i)Copic,__ 
North and South, and will not invade the rights of a 
single human being. We love the bond as well an 
the free, for all are made in God's image, and all are 
to assemble, at last, before the same tribunal of im- 
partial justice, to receive their own reward, whatev- 
er it may be, without regard to name, color, or any- 
thing except their true moral character. Reader, if 
you desire real prosperity, stand firm for the right ; 
if you desire real peace, stand firm ; if you desire 
this nation to rise to superior grandeur, stand firm ; 
if you sympathize with the whole world, now groan- 
ing and struggling for freedom, stand 'firm; if you 
desire God's blessing, stand firm. Stand firm though 
James Buchanan and a whole cohort of other trai- 
tors should cry out compromise. Stand firm in the 
face of threats and denunciation. Stand firm though 
your own friends turn against you. Stand firm 
though recreant ministers call upon you to yield 
"just once more " into the arms of the slave power. 
Stand by your principles. Stand by those who will 
be strengthened by your example, by those who have 
lone been co-workers with you in the cause of human 
rights ; by those who have long been praying. - Tiiy 
kingdom come," Stand by the men who will soon 
be called to our highest places of trust and of power. 
Stand by the noble, honest, true-hearted President- 
elect, who needs your support, your influence, and 
your prayers. In the name of the oppressed and of 
the down-trodden of earth, of the poor and the weak, 
in the name of struo-fflins humanitv the world over, 
we beseech you— STAND FIRM !— Xew York In- 



Washington, D. C., Dec. 31, 18C0. 
We are in the midst of a revolution. Every day 
and every hour unfolds fresh treason and new traitors, 
in the very Government itself. Enough has already 
transpired" to make it absolutely certain that the Ad- 
ministration anticipated revolution in the slave States 
Erevious to the Presidential election, and there can 
e no doubt of the fact that prominent members in it 
three months ago began to make preparations for the 
treasonable movement. The Southern forts were 
purposely* left defenceless, the arms of the United- 
States were sold to the slave States at nominal prices, 
and the most unblushing traitors were left in some of 
the most important Federal offices. That the Presi- 
dent knew revolution was coming ;: sow evident as 
well as the fact that he sympathized with it, and ne-- 
glected to take the proper steps for the defence of the 
public property in the cotton States. I have just 
seen a gentleman who has been spending a fortnight 
in Charleston, having left there two or three days 
since. He says that the people of Charleston boast 
that thev have in their possession letters from the 
President, in which he openly pledges himself nor to 
re-enforce Major Anderson. The letters, it is said, 
were given to Messrs. Miles and Keitt several weeks 
ago, and the President is in continual terror lest 
these proofs of his complicity with traitors should get 
into print. Within two days of the writing of this, 
a Southern Senator, enraged at the recent movement 
of Major Anderson, threatened the President to his 
face that, unless the gallant Major was recalled, the 
White House should be burned to the ground.' En- 
tirely different were the words of the venerable Gen. 
Scott. Said he to the President. " Sir. DCajor An- 
derson has saved the country's honor, and 
ii ! " The South Carolina Commissioners demanded 
the recall of Anderson, ana for long hours the Presi- 
dent hesitated whether he would comply with that 
demand or not ! The Cabinet sat for six hours on 
Fridav night, and was about equally divided. Was 
ever imbecility like this known in any civilized gov- 
ernment? These traitors demand of the Govern- 
ment against which they have rebelled, that it shall 
dismantle its fortresses — and that Government dis- 
cusses the demand for hours ! Messrs. Holt. Toueey, 
Black, and Stanton were very firm in their support 
of Anderson, while Floyd, Thompson, Thomas, and 
Mr. Buchanan were for either recalling him or or- 
dering him back to Fort Moultrie. So the matter 
stood at midnight on Friday, and Secretary Floyd 
threatened to resign his portfolio if Anderson was 
sustained. A second Cabinet meeting was held early 
on Saturday morning. Meanwhile, the President 
held another long consultation with Gen. Scott, who 
was almost vehement in his defence of Anderson. 
It is rumored that he went so far as to tender hU 
resignation if Anderson was reprimanded or orderew 
away from Fort Sumptar. When the Cabinet was 
convened, Mr. Buchanan sided with the Northern 
Members, and the vote stood five to three in faverof 
sustaining the gallant Major who commands at Fort 
Sumpter. Floyd, the Secretary of War. instantly 

1, the days of his 

re nearly ended. 

l'!\.eeuiivc chair, 

;, but a firmness 
I Alleghanies or 
is millions be teat. 


resigned. Bv doing so he has saved himself from the 

consequences of an otfieial investigation into his con- 
duct for two years, past. That he is mixed up with 
the corruptions of the Administration, no candid man 
will doubt. 

That there is a wide-spread conspiracy to prevent 
the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, can no longer be 

doubted, and so general is the belief in it. that many 
Northern and Westers Members of Congress have 
written home for advice, and if needs be, military aid 
to defend the President-elect. A Northwestern Dem- 
ocrat, a Member oi' Congress, asserts that the deier- 
mination of the secessionists to prevent Lincoln's in- 
auguration in Washington, has led them to take se- 
cret measures for carrying into elleet their murder- 
ous and treasonable purposes, and that more thamone 
[\\-v State Democrat is engaged in the conspuvoy. A 
well-known Western doughaoe, in Cong" • 
ccntlv in Richmond, and came back bare boasting 
that the Republicans would never inaugurate their 
President m Washington. It is known here that I'x- 
Governor >Yise is at the bottom of this base plot to 

take possession Of the Capital, and drive the North- 
ern Members of Congress out of the District. It is 
only carrying out the idea which he promulgated just 
before Mr. Buchanan was elected; and ihc Richmond 

ICinpiiri r. edited by his son. issues its appeals daily. 
to the lawless people in Virginia and Maryland, to 
make jjQOd the Kx-Governor's threats, rndoubtedly, 
a secret organisation exists with this sineere purpose, 

and soma of the coolest and shrewdest Bapubhcans 
here believe the danger to be so great as to demand 

immediate action ou the part of the people of the five 
stales. No reliance can be placed upon tb 
Administration, lo make ;\n\ preparations for the oc- 
casion, toward off the danger. Instead ofthis,every 
element of mischief will be let loose, lloweil Cobb 

pnrpOSOlj ruined ihe credit of the 00, 

,l. n il is naj inj< ■ ; n;erest tor money. 

1 believe the prosout Secretary <'f i' 1 " 

in his sleeve over the condition of his department 

The Government is parab.ed, tin- ! 

ken, and the conntn disgraced in the e. 

world. This is tiie object of the SecodeXS. They 

wish to break down tne i ( 

the Administration 

[ n .i rorj row W ■■'>■ raoi ■ wen will ■■■ tiring be left 

worth fighting for, below tbe slave Inn 





Extracts from the Address of His Kxcellency John A. 

Andrew, ft the two branches of tho Legislature of 
Massachusetts, JentfSTy 6, 1861. 


The punishment of offenders is pejrh&ps t<hfl grav- 
est responsibility of civilized society, aud in modern 
tilnes, the utmost attention of the sinceresl thinkers 
and observers has been bestowed upon tin? philoso- 
phy and the phenomena of crime. In order that 
(he laws may be both just and humane, it is neces- 
sary that detection and punishment shall be speedy 
and sure, and also that prevention and reform shall 
be secured in the largest measure. The progress of 
civilization steadily diminishes crimes of violence, 
and also steadily discourages punishments of a vio- 
lent, cruel, or sanguinary character. The infliction 
*tf the penalty of death as a punishment for crime 
"will one day "be discontinued among civilized men. 
Already, philosophers, jurists, and statesmen, in 
large numbers, possessed of the most comprehensive 
experience of human affaire, and clothed with the 
highest authority, have pronounced against it; and 
it will initiate a new era in the. progress of Massa- 
chusetts when she shall conform her penal legisla- 
tion to the most enlightened principles of criminal 
jurisprudence, and consult her truest safety by its 
abolition. Whenever that event shall occur, whether 
as a private citizen, or in a public capacity, I shall 
respect the intelligence and assent to the policy by 
which it will be accomplished. 


1 cannot, however, forget, at this moment, some 
recent impeachments of our legislation providing 
safeguards for personal liberty ; out it is impossible 

fo r me to corspress within the restricted space allow- 
able for the purpose, a review of the objections al- 
leged against that legislation, or even of the reasons 
by which it commends itself to good citizens who 
believe in its propriety. The subject opens too 
broad a field of juridical inquiry and erudition to 
be mapped out on this occasion. But I think that 
if it could be remembered that the liberties of white 
men and of their children are involved iu its con- 
sideration, and if it could be forgotten, in the dis- 
cussion, that people of color have an existence, some 
advance would thereby be made towards clearing a 
vision now too easily beclouded, touching all matters 
which concern the African race. 

The governments of the United States and of 
this Commonwealth have coordinate jurisdiction, 
each within its own sphere, over the same territory. 
When either, by its appropriate officers, has ob- 
tained actual and lawful custody of a person or of 
property, for the purpose of legal inquiry into the 
title to the property, or the right to hold the person, 
or in order to try that person for crime, the person 
or the property, until that investigation shall be 
completed, is withdrawn from the exercise of the 
corresponding jurisdiction of the other government. 
Tliis is implied from the very coexistence of the 
two governments in federal relationship, and it is 
rarely expressed in the statutes of either, although 
it applies with equal force to both. It does not de- 
pend upon any supremacy or preference of the one 
government over the other, but upon the naked 
question which of them first acquires jurisdiction of 
the subject-matter to be determined. 

The application of this principle to the provisions 
of the General Statutes of Massachusetts concern- 
ing the writ of habeas corpus, relieves them from all 
constitutional objection. Although our Statutes in 
terms require this writ in all cases, except of im- 
prisonment or restraint by a sheriff or similar officer 
of the Commonwealth, to be addressed to the sheriffs 
and their deputies, (as being the appropriate officers 
to execute the process of the Commonwealth,) and 
to direct them to take, the body of the person al- 
leged to be restrained of his liberty, as well as to 
summon the person who is alleged to restrain him ; 
yet, if the person so restrained is held by a marshal 
of the United States, by virtue of a lawful war- 
..;nt from a judge or other authorized officer of 
?, United States, for the purpose of conducting 

- any legal inquiry, he cannot be taken out of the 
custody of the United States until the hearing upon 
that question has been finished, and the result de- 
clared. The most that c?m be done is to summon 
^-the -marshal to appear and show the cause of the , 

~ restraint; aud this summons the marshal is bound by 
his duty as a citizen and a subject of the State to 
obey. If he shows a process issued by lawful au- 
thority, valid to hold his prisoner, the State Court 
cannot take the prisoner from his custody for the 
purpose of a further exercise of its jurisdiction. 
But if the process, being produced, proves to be in- 
valid or insufficient for the purpose tor which it, is 
proposed to be used, or if an alleged fugitive is not 
in the custody of an officer of the United States, 
but in that of a private person, there is nothing in 
the "Constitution or Laws of the United States to 
prevent the trial by the State Courts upon habeas 
corpus, or other appropriate process, of the right of 
restraint alleged ; and in such cases, the modes of 
proceeding and rules of evidence are to be deter- 
mined by the Constitution and Laws of the State. 

By the Massachusetts Declaration of Kights, 
*' each individual of the society has a right to be 
protected by it in the enjoyment of his life, liberty, 
and property, according to standing laws, " and 
-" every subject of the Commonwealth ought to find 
a certain remedy, by having recourse to the laws, 
for all injuries and wrongs which he may receive in 
his person, property or character. He ought to ob- 
tain right and justice freely, and without being 
obliged to purchase it; completely, and without any 
denial; promptly, and without delay; conformably 
to the laws." The Legislature, in conformity to the 
spirit of the Constitution, and knowing that obscure 
and friendless inhabitants of the Commonwealth are 
most in danger of being unlawfully deprived of their 
freedom, have taken measures to secure to every 
person seized or in danger of being seized as a fugi- 
tive from service, a fair and impartial trial ; and 
have also imposed an adequate punishment upon 
any one who shall undertake to remove from the 
State any person in the peace thereof and not a 
fugitive from his service, " on the pretence" that he 
is such a fugitive, " or with the intent to subject 
Jiim" to slavery. By the well settled principles of 
the criminal law, and the ordinary rules of con- 
struction of penal statutes, the unlawful intent must 
concur with the unlawful act, in order to subject any 
individual to the penalties of this statute. 

In 1842, the Supreme Court of the United States, 
in the case of Prigg vs. The Commonwealth of 
Pennsylvania, declared that " every State is per- 
fectly competent, and has the exclusive right to pre- 
scribe the remedies m its own judicial tribunals, to 
limit the time as well as the mode of redress, and to 
deny jurisdiction over cases which its own policy and 
its own institutions either prohibit oit DISCOUNTE- 
NANCE." And again, the Court in the same case 
says, that " the States cannot be compelled to en- 
force them, [i. e., the provisions for the surrender of 
fugitives from labor,] and it might well be deemed 
an unconstitutional exercise of the power of in- 
terpretation, to insist that the States are bound to 
provide means to carry into effect the duties of the 
National Government, nowhere delegated or in- 
trusted to them by the Constitution." And again, 
the Court says, in allusion to the powers conferred 
upon State magistrates by the fugitive act of 1793, 
that as to the authority " conferred upon State mag- 
istrates, while a difference of opinion has existed, 
and may exist still, on the point in different States, 
whether State magistrates are bound to act under it, 
none, is entertained by this Court that State magis- 
trates may, if they choose, exercise that authority, 
unless prohibited by Stale legislation." 

This decision not only frees the individual States 
from all action in the matter, but also expressly 
recognizes the power of the States to prohibit action 
by their officers under the acts of Congress. Ac- 
cordingly, this Commonwealth, soon afterwards, in 
1843, enacted the statute popularly known as the 
"Latimer law," and made it penal for any of its 
officers to aid in the capture or detention of a per- 
son claimed as a fugitive, from service; and, in 1855, 
it enlarged ils legislation upon this subject, by the 
addition of more comprehensive and stringent pro- 
visions, framed in the same spirit and for the same 
purpose. But in 1858, in order to prevent any con- 
fusion or uncertainty in the minds of the, militia, 
which might arise from the idea of a divided duty, 
it imposed the responsibility for violations of these 
Statute* by the militia, solely upon their command- 
ing officers, by providing that their prohibitions and 
Densities shall ''not apply to any act of military 
obedience and subordination perfbn&ed by any officer 
or prir&te of the militia." The prohibitions thus 
addressed to the civil and military servants of the 
Common weal t!i, of course do not and cannot apply 
to them in their [>rivato capacity as citizens ol the 
United States. 

It is certain that the legislation of Massachusetts 
intended to be constitutional; and I am bound to 
declare my belief that, it lias proceeded upon princi- 
ples of the strictest constitutionality. If, however, 
any party to any legal proceeding shall deem him- 
self aggrieved by anything found written in our 
Statutes, we are consoled by the knowledge that he 
has access to judicial tribunals which will bestow 
most intelligent and conscientious attention to his 
complaint. Whatever legal truth the judicial mind 
may perceive in this or in any other regard, will be 
declared, because the judiciary exists, not to make 
the law, but to expound it. 

There can be no doubt that the first and most- 
sacred duty of government is to protect the lives 
and liberties of subjects. I believe that every person 
who is prima facie free, being in possession of his 
liberty and claiming title thereto ; that every parent 
being in possession of his child; or guardian having 
custody of his minor ward, has a right to a judicial 
vindication of his rights in that regard, whenever 
and wherever they are practically drawn in ques- 
tion. And I do not think that a certificate issued to 
authorize a person from California to seize and carry 
away, as and for his fugitive apprentice, the child of 
a white inhabitant of Massachusetts, (which certifi- 
cate may, under the Fugitive Act of 1850, be issued 
without any previous notice to, or hearing of the 
child or its parent,) can bar the right of such child 
or parent to a determination, by a competent tribu- 
nal, of the right of the child to be retained in this 
community, from which, perhaps, he may never 
have departed since the hour of his birth. So, too, 
I deny that a certificate so issued to a person from 
Massachusetts, authorizing him to seize and carry 
away, as and for his fugitive apprentice, the slave of 
an inhabitant of Georgia, (which certificate may, 
under the Fugitive Act of 1850, be issued without 
any previous notice to the master,) can bar the 
right of such master to a determination, by a compe- 
tent tribunal, of his right to retain his slave under 
the local law of Georgia ; and the trial may, in 
either ease, be had in any competent forum within 
the jurisdiction where the person may thus be seized. 
The Constitution of the United States, while it pro- 
vides for the surrender of persons charged with 
crime, who have fled from one State into another, 
nevertheless, when it speaks of fugitives from labor, 
expressly restricts the authority to surrender to the 
instances of those only who were held to service or 
labor, and who did dee ; and the right of a person to 
reclaim an alleged fugitive from his service must 
always be subordinate to the original, prior, indefea- 
sible right of every freeman to his liberty, — to its 
preservation, to its instant and constant assertion, 
and to all the defences of it which pertain to the 
institutions of the Common Law. The proceedings 
under the Fugitive Act of 1850 are not judicial, 
and they are not adapted to determine the questions 
of right which arise whenever a free man or the 
wrong man is innocently seized, or recourse is had to 
the arbitrary provisions of the Act itself by mere kid- 
nappers, for nefarious purposes. On the propriety of 
exerting all the constitutional power which we possess, 
(but none other than that,) for the protection of the 
liberties of the people of the Commonwealth against 
kidnappers, there can be no debate ; and its neces- 
sity is illustrated by the surrender of persons claimed 
as fugitive slaves under the Act of 1850, who are 
known to have been free. In one case which I re- 
call, the Commissioner denied to the accused person 
time to send for his free papers, and declared that 
they would not be aehnissablc on such a hearing. In 
another instance, the person carried off was found 
by the claimant, as soon as he saw him, to be the 
wrong man, and was honestly allowed to regain his 
liberty. In still another, a woman who is ascer- 
tained to be of unmixed Caucasian blood, with her 
daughter and grandson, were saved by ransom, only, 
from the operation of a decision directing their ren- 
dition into slavery. And, I may add, that, in at 
least one case in this Commonwealth, a man was 
sent out of our jurisdiction, as a slave, the warrant 
against whom did not appear on its face to have 
been issued by any magistrate authorized by the 
Act of Congress. 

Suggestions are sometimes urged that great con- 
cessions should be made as matter of comity between 
States. But I do not understand that any State 
demands, or that any State can consent to, the ren- 
dition of free persons into slavery. This whole 
matter, however, involves no question of comity or 
inter-State politeness. It is a naked question of 
right between private persons, and of duty between 
the Commonwealth and its subjects; and all such 
rights can be protected by preserving a logical con- 
sistency, and not assigning to the certificate of a 
Commissioner a character to which it does not even 
pretend, viz : that of a record of a judgment set- 
tling the conflicting rights and titles of contending 

Supposing, however, that our legislation in this 
behalf is founded in mistake, the Legislature will 
only have endeavored to perform their duty towards 
the citizen, whom they were bound to shield from 
unlawful harm. The power to obtain the judgment 
of the Court affords ample redress to all claimants. 
Should a critical examination disclose embarrass- 
ment in raising and reserving questions of law for 
the appropriate tribunals, the Legislature will read- 
ily repair the error. 

In dismissing this topic, I have only to add that, 
in regard not only to one, but to every subject bear- 
ing on her Federal relations, Massachusetts has al- 
ways conformed to her honest understanding of all 
constitutional obligations — that she has always con- 
formed to the Judicial decisions— has never threat- 
ened either to nullify or to disobey — and that the 
decision in one suit fully contested, constitutes a 
precedent for the future. 

I submit these remarks and the subject to the 
wisdom and candor of the Legislature. 

A suit is now pending in Virginia, arising out of 
an Act of her Legislature by means of which a citi- 
zen of Massachusetts was subjected to the forfeiture 
of his vessel while trading at the port of Norfolk, a 
few years since. By that Act, our coasters are an- 
nually large pecuniary sufferers. This Common- 
wealth has heretofore made the needful appropria- 
tions for the defence against the suit referred to. 
It was argued before the Court of Appeals nearly a 
year ago, but a decision there has not yet been 
reached. In the opinion of eminent counsel in Vir- 
ginia, the Statute in question violates both the Con- 
stitution of the United States, and also that of Vir- 
ginia herself. I recommend an appropriation to de- 
fray the expense of a writ of error, and an argument 
thereon before the Supreme Court of the United 
States, if the cause shall be decided against the de- 
fendant in the courts of Virginia. 

®lu *$i&*t»t0*. 


No Union with Slaveholders ! 



Delinquent subscribers for the past year, — that is, 
from January 1, I860, to January 1, 1861, — are re- 
spectfully requested to remember our standing rule, 
by which their papers will be discontinued after Feb- 
ruary 1, 1861, unless payment for the same be previous- 
ly sent in. Wo shall be extremely sorry to lose a 
single subscriber in this manner, especially at this 
is in our national affairs ; but, as our printed terms 
indicate that payment is to be made in advance, we are 
sure if, instead of rigidly exacting it, we allow (as we 
do) a credit of fourteen months to delinquents, they can have 
no cause of complaint when their papers are stopped 
for omitting to make settlement; yet, with all this in- 
dulgence, we have known various instances in which 
such persons have taken this treatment almost as a 
personal affront ! "What ideas have they of the sacred- 
ness of contracts? And, surely, our subscription list 
is always too limited to make us willingly lose a single 
subscriber. Exceptional cases there will be, calling 
for special consideration; but it is absolutely necessa- 
ry that we should abide by the rule we havo laid 
down, to prevent losses which cannot be borne. 


The Twenty-Ninth Annual Meeting of the Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery Society will be held at' 
the TllEMONT TEMPLE, in Boston, on Thursday 
and Friday, January 24th and 2uth, commencing at 
half past 10 o'clock, A. M. 

The members and friends of the Society are ur- 
gently requested to make the attendance on their part 
larger than ever before seeu since its formation. In 
view of the position of the Anti-Slavery causejftid of 
the state of the nation, it will be' the most important 
anniversary the Society has ever held. Troublous as 
is the aspect of things, it is a sure indication that the 
cause of impartial freedom is moving onward with ir- 
resistible power, and that the day of jubilee is rapidly 
approaching, to he succeeded by universal joy, peace 

id prosperity. For nothing disturbs the repose, 
deranges the business, assails the interest, dishonors 
the character, and imperils the existence of the re- 
public, but SLAVERY. Freedom, and the love of it, 
and the advocacy of it, and the vmcompromising sup- 
port of it, without regard to color or race, can never 
work ill to whatever is just, honest, noble, humane, 
and Christ-bke. It is not the Abolitionists, who sim- 
ply espouse the cause of God's poor and needy and 
oppressed, that it may go well with our land, but the 
Southern slaveholders and slave-breeders, who traffic 
in human flesh and enslave even their own blood-kin- 
dred, and who hate every thing that savors of liberty, 
who have brought the nation into its present distracted 
and distressful condition ; for theirs is the spirit which 
chooses " rather to reign in hell than serve in heaven." 
Come, then, friends of freedom, to the Anniversary, 
strong in the righteousness of your cause, serene and 
undaunted in spirit, and resolute in your purpose to 
seek the speedy removal of the cause of all our na- 
tional suffering and danger ! 

Able and eloquent speakers will be present as usual. 
[The fist will be given hereafter.] 

In behalf of the Society, 


Robert I\ "Wallcot, Secretary. 


It is not the agitation at the North which excites 
our slaves and alarms our citizens. It is the agita- 
tion of the subject, in the South which we have cause to 
dread. The Democratic party is the true source of 
our present troubles. It n the Democratic speeches 
and papers which have excited our negroes. They 
never hear anything from the Northern Abolition- 
ists. Their notions of freedom have been gained 
through Democratic sources. They hear the Demo- 
cratic speeches, they read the Democratic papers. 
These teem with incendiary assertions about negro 
suffrage and equality which the success of the Re- 
publicans would bring about. We know that, in 
this county, the Democrats have repeatedly declared, 
upon the stump and in the presence of negroes, that, if 
the Republicans -were elected, the negroes would be set 
at. liberty, be permitted to note, and woidd marry our 
daughters. It was only a few days since we heard 
the very leader of the party in this county declare, 
in our public streets, and in the presence of some 
negroes who were standing by, that the Republicans 
intended to let the negroes vote. Those who hear 
the incendiary declarations of these men, communi- 
cate them to the rest of their color, and when their 
expectations are so excited that they become aroused 
to violence, we, are told that the Republicans have 
done it — that Northern agitation is the true source of 
our trouble. Let the responsibility rest where it be- 
longs. The Northern agitators have had no hand 
in the matter. The agitation might go on at the 
North until doomsday, without any injury to our 
slaves. Our negroes never read Ihc Northern pa- 
pers, nor hear the Northern orators. They read 
these things from Democratic papers, and hear them 
from Democratic speakers. Ave fasten upon them, 
therefore, the, charge of being the authors of our 

calamities.- Cambridge (Md.) Intelligencer. 

Gi'.NKitAf. Worn, "n THE Cuihih. The Troy 
Daily Timei contains two letters from Gen. Wool, 
taking strong around in fevor of the Onion, .and in 

favor of sustaining Anderson in his position at Fort 

Sumter, and earnestly urging that a firm ground bo 

adopted to put down rebellion. 



The agitations of this period, and the increasingly 
desperate position of the Slave Power, have of late 
brought out a crop of actively pro-slavery sermons 
from Northern clergymen. I propose here to notice 
one of the many and monstrous misrepresentations in a 
sermon of this sort, preached on Sunday, December 9th, 
in the First Presbyterian Church, (O. S.) at Brooklyn, 
N. Y., by its Pastor, Rev. Henry J. Van Dyke. 

Mr. Van Dyke quotes a passage, speaking reproach- 
fully of the Abobtionists, from a work " published in 
the year 1836," by Rev. Dr. Channing, of Boston, 
" whose name is a tower of strength to the Abolition 
cause, and whose memory is their continual boast." 

This is plausible, aud well suited to mislead the read- 
er, because few persons keep dates accurately enough 
in mind to be aware that Dr. Channing, whose name 
afterwards " became a tower of strength to the Aboli- 
tionists," was in 18315, and for some years after, then- 
decided opponent. He was a moderate and very cau- 
tious man, and, though always a disapprover of slave- 
ry, he came very slowly to a conviction of the energy 
and directness with which a disease so desperate should 
be treated. Dr. Channing became thoroughly con- 
verted to coincidence with the principles and methods 
of Abolitionists only in the last year of his life, and 
this coincidence may be plainly read in his Address at 
Lenox, before the Anti-Slavery Society there, in 1842. 

After quoting the paragraph referred to, of censure 
against the manner in which Abolitionists opposed sla- 
very, Mr. Van Dyke proceeds : — 

" Such is the testimony of Dr. Channing, given in 
the year 1836. What would he have thought and said 
if he had lived until the year 1860 q . " 

This question is very easily answered. Dr. Chan- 
ning, if permitted to speak to us in the close of I860, 
the date of Mr. Van Dyke's sermon, would have said 
that the prophecy was fulfilled which he uttered in 
1837, and which may be read on page 47 of his " Letter 
to the Hon. Henry Clay, on the Annexation of Texas 
to the United States," as follows : — 

" My interest in the South strengthens my desire to 
avert the annexation of Texas to the Union. That act, I 
feel, will fix an indelible stain on tho South. It will con- 
flict with tho generuus elements of character, which I take 
pleasure in recollecting there. The .South will cease to ho 
what it was. In the period to whieh I have referred, sla- 
very was acknowledge^ there, to be a great evil. I heard 
it spoken of freely, with abhorrence. The moral sentiment 
of the community on this point was not corrupt. The prin- 
ciples of Mr. Jefferson in relation to it, found a wide re- 
sponse. Tho doctrino that slavery is a good, if spread by 
the seizure of Texas, will work amoral revolution, the most 
disastrous which can bei'al the South. It will paralyze ev- 
ery effort for escape from this enormous evil. A doadly 
sophistry will weigh on men's consciences and hearts, until 
terrible convulsions, — Uod's just judgments — will hasten tho 
deliverance which human justice and benevolence were bound 
to accomplish." 

How much support is gained from Dr. Channing's 
opinions, for Mr. Van Dyke's position, may be seen 
by comparing with this extract the creed of the latter 
gentleman respecting slavery, which is given on page 
14 of his sermon, as follows: — 

" I cordially incline to the eurrcnt opinion of our Church, 
[the great Presbyterian Church, numerically third in im- 
portance, in tho United States] that slavery is permitted 
and regulated by the Divine law, under both tho Jewish 
and Christian dispensations, not as tho final destiny of the 
enslaved, but as an important and necessary process ia their 
transition from heathenism to Christianity." 

Thus it appears that Mr. Van Dyke's sermon is part 
of the fulfilment of Dr. Channing's prediction in 
1837.— c. k. w. 


We learn that the Essex County Convention at 
Lawrence, Sunday, December 30th, was very fully at- 
tended. Three sessions were held ; in the evening the 
meeting was crowded to overflowing. C. L. ltcmond 
and A. T. Toss spoke. Good order and spirited en- 
thusiasm prevailed throughout. The following Reso- 
lutions, introduced by Mr. Foss, were passed by a ma- 
jority of three to one in a hand vote. 

Resolved, That the Union of these States was form- 
ed by a compromise of the rights of man, and was 
therefore self-evidently wrong in ils inception, and 
could only be disastrous in its progress, and sure of an 

Ignominious end. 

fteaolved, That a union of slavery and liberty is im- 
possible, and wc rejoice in the prospect of a dissolution 
iif that abortion called the American Union. 

H U M II B It II. 

It is said by the Court, as I noticed in my last com- 
munication, that it is perfectly competent for one 
State to stipulate by a treaty with another to deliver 
up the fugitive slaves of the latter, who may come with- 
in their dominions. It seems to me this doctrine is 
not sound, and would not be maintained, if there were 
not some lurking notion in the mind of the Court, 
that though slavery is held by them to be "contrary 
to natural right and the plain principles of justice " 
in Massachusetts, yet it is not so in the slavcholding 
States themselves ; that what is essentially wrong in 
some places is essentially right in others. If slavery 
contrary to natural right and the plain principles 
of justice " in South Carolina as well as in Massachu- 
setts, a slave would have a perfect right to make his 
escape from the former State into the latter one, and we 
should not have the right, by an obedience to the autho- 
rity of the national Constitution on this subject, to send 
him back again to a State where he would again be re- 
duced to the condition of a slave, and be deprived of all 
his rights. The slave owes no allegiance to the State that 
holds him as a slave, neither is he bound by its laws 
made for this purpose ; for it is a well settled principle, 
laid down by all jurists, that where protection is not 
afforded by a government to any of its citizens, no alle- 
giance is due from them. And, certainly, persons 
who are deprived of all their rights, whether person- 
al, domestic or civil, as slaves are, cannot be considered 
as protected by the government under which they are 
. living. This being the case, they have a perfect right 
to make their escape from the State holding them in 
bondage, and no State or individual has the right, 
under any constitution or provision of law, to place 
them back again in this state of bondage ; but, on the 
contrary, have a perfect right to assist the fugitive to 
make his escape ; for it is a self-evident proposition, 
that what one man lias a right to do, another man has 
the right to assist him in doing. 

But, further, the slave, owing no allegiance to the 
slave State, and receiving no protection from it, is 
thrown upon his natural rights, one of which rights is, 
the right of defending bis life, his liberty and bis pro- 
perty irom any assailant by violence, and even by the 
death of the assailant, if necessary, whether he be an 
officer of the law or any other individual, who endeav- 
ors to deprive him of his liberty ; for, as the law will 
not protect him, he must protect himself, if necessary, 
and cannot be held accountable by any law for any vi- 
olence which be may practice which is necessary to 
effect tliis purpose. He is in the same condition that 
a person would be in, who was living in a state of na- 
ture, as savages, for instance, before a civil govern- 
ment was organized. 

It is true, that in giving their decision in the case 
before it, the Court say, that " such a stipulation (to 
return the fugitive slave agreeably to the Constitution) 
would be highly important and necessary to secure 
peace and harmony between adjoining nations, and to 
prevent colbsions and border wars. It would be no 
encroachment on the rights of the fugitive, for no 
stranger has a just claim to the protection of a foreign 
State against its will, especially where such a claim to 
protection would be likely to involve the State in war ; 
and each independent State has a right to determine 
by its own laws and treaties who may come to reside 
and seek shelter within its limits." 

There are two distinct propositions involved in the 
language here quoted, and it is necessary to examine 
them separately. One is, that a stipulation in a treaty 
to deliver up fugitive slaves might be necessary to 
prevent wars. The other is, that every State has the 
right to determine what class of persons it will permit 
to come aud take up their residence with them. 

As to the first, the necessity of such a stipulation to 
prevent wars. If each State has a right to determine 
its own institutions and laws, and what class of per- 
sons shall be permitted to come into its dominions 
and be admitted to the rights of freemen and citizens 
it is obvious that its determination to receive a certain 
class, and admit them to these privileges, as, for in- 
stance, those who have been accounted slaves in anoth- 
er State, cannot be any invasion of the rights of this 
latter State, or be a just cause of complaint or of war 
on its part ; for one S rate, as Massachusetts, for in- 
stance, has the same right to determine what particu- 
lar class of men, as the colored men, shall be freemen 
in Massachusetts, as South Carolina has a right to de- 
termine that they shall be slaves in South Carolina. 
And' the former State has also the same right to de- 
cide that it will allow these colored men to come and 
reside among them, with the privileges of citizens, as 
the latter has to determine that these colored men, 
while within their boundaries, shall be considered 
slaves, and treated as such. I am now speaking of the 
political rights of States, and not of their moral 
right, for, according to the latter, I do not believe that 
the institution of slavery can be sustained iu any 
State whatever. If these remarks are sound, as I 
think they are, there is no just cause for war in the 
case, for there would be no encroachment of one State 
upon the rights of another. 

The second proposition advanced by the Court is. 
that a State has a right to determine what class of per- 
sons it will permit to come and take up their residence 
among them, and have, as a consequence, the right to 
exclude fugitive slaves. Now this, as a general propo- 
sition, and without limitation or qualification, I should 
dispute, when regarded in a moral point of view. 
There may be cases which would justify a State in re- 
fusing to allow a certain description of persons to come 
into its dominions and reside within them. It may 
refuse to allow paupers to come into it from another 
State, when they will become chargeable within it. 
or it may refuse to allow a class of persons who are 
known to be inimical to its government and laws, and 
who might endeavor to subvert its government and 
laws. But, in my apprehension, it never has aright 
to exclude a class of men merely on account of their 
being persecuted in their own country, or their being 
subjected to unjust disabilities of any kind, whether 
political, personal, or religious. Mankind have a 
right to take up their abode in whatever part of the 
world they please, so long as they will conduct as 
good citizens, and be obedient to the government and 
laws, and be in no way chargeable to the govern- 
ment for support : and if they are subjected to un- 
just disabilities and privations in one country, the 
greater is the reason why they should remove to 
another, where they will be relieved from thein : and 
the greater is their claim on the score hi humanity and 
sympathy, that they should be received into the latter 
State, and permitted to reside in it : and it is the pre- 
eminent and perpetual boast in tliis country ami in 
this State, that it is the asylum for the poor and op- 
pressed from every clime and cveiy nation on the face 
of the earth. Surely, the mere lact of a.^ifference of 
color ought not to stand in the wsy" of the exercise of 
such axaltcd and general philauthropy. 

But, even admitting the principle enunciated by 
the Court in this to be a sound one, to its fullest 
extent, and without qualificalion or limitation, that 
"each independent State has a right to determine by 
its own laws and treaties wIjo may come to reside or 
seek shelter within its limits, and to prescribe I he 
terms," will this principle amotion and justify the pro- 
vision of the national Constitution iu reference to fu- 
gitive slaves? This provision dues no! say Hml slaves 
shall not come from any other State into the bounds 
of Massachusetts, and (hat if they do, they shall be 
compelled to leave (he State; and by so doing, treat 

them as ihe members if another political community, 
»hom the State has a light to forbid from coming or 
remaining within Its limits. But it recognizes the 
light of one poriion rf ihe people of another State to 

bold another portion in slanry, imt\ provides that the 

former shall assert md maintain that right within the 
territory of Mii^si.efnselis, all whose laws, principles 
and feelings are 'io tile to tins institution ; and that 
Ihe slave shall le delivered Up Within thin Statr to his 

master, to in- rvtumtd to (As Stall whtnot As ji>d, again to 

bt i'h'inj,d into ■'nmy. This provision of the United 
States Coiislvuliou recognizes the binding tiuve 

of slave laws Within the State of Massachusetts, the 
elation of master and slave, and the right of property in 
mini; and it does tliis in opposition to (lie first article 
of the Bill of Bights of this Slate, which declares 
that "all men are horn free and equal, and have cer- 
tain natural, essential and inalienable rights, among 
which may be reckoned the right of enjoying and de- 
fending their liberty.' This artie'e was considered by 
the Court in this very case as abolishing slavery in 
Massachusetts ; and yet, notwithstanding this fact, the 
Court here recognizes the right of one man to con- 
sider another man bis slave within the bounds of Mas- 
sachusetts, and, as such, to remove him from this 
State. If the Constitution of Massachusetts declares 
that ' all men are free and equal" it declares in effect 
that no man shall be considered and treated as a slave 
within its limits ; and it is in direct conflict with 
the provision of the national Constitution authorizing 
the return of fugitive slaves as slaves. It will also be 
recollected, that the Constitution of Massachusetts 
was adopted before the national Constitution, by this 
State, and therefore debarred, by the terms of it, the 
State of Massachusetts from giving its assent to the 
provision in the latter relating to fugitive slaves. 

If it was considered against the welfare and sound 
policy of Massachusetts and the other free States, 
that slaves should be allowed to come from the slave 
States, and reside among them, this object could hav. 
been effected by a simple prohibition to this effect ii 
the Constitution ; and, in this way, they could have 
been prevented from coming or remaining here. In 
such a case, when they made their escape, they could 
have sought refuge in some more congenial and hos- 
pitable State, where they would be protected and al- 
lowed to remain. Or, if they came here and were 
not suffered to remain, instead of being delivered up to 
their master, they could have been allowed to betake 
themselves to Canada, or some other foreign territory, 
where such a law or provision is not in operation. 

It seems to me, therefore, that the principle laid 
down by Judge Shaw, — and I say it with the utmost 
respect,— will not bear him out in the vindication of this 
provisiou of the national Constitution, as coming with- 
in the asserted right of a State to exclude any class 
of persons that it sees fit from coming or remaining 
within its fcerri lories. W. S. A. 


The Boston Journal of the 5th inst. gives the fol- 
lowing report of the Fast-Day Discourse of Rev. Ja- 
cob M. Manning, of the Old South Church: — 

The text selected for the occasion was — " Can two 
walk together, except they be agreed ? " — Amos 3 

After introductory remarks, he spoke first of the two 
sections of the Republic before they were united ; next, 
the events in whieh the National Union originated ; of 
the benefits to liberty which had resulted from the 
Confederacy ; of the perils to freedom which would 
follow dissolution. 

He then discussed the question of the hour as follows : 
We come now to inquire wdiat we can do and what we 
cannot do to save the Union from dissolution. If I had 
no distaste for personalities, I might speak in a very 
interesting manner of what has not been done. We 
are astounded at the imbecility of the acting Govern- 
ment. We hope its passive acquiescence does not de- 
serve a harsher name. What a page in history it will 
be, two hundred years hence, that a great nation al- 
lowed certain of its people to revolt against it ; that it 
was at no pains to protect loyal citizens from despera- 
does ; that it permitted its avowed enemies to arm 
against it ; that it took a conspirator into its councils, 
who, when he could no longer remain, received a kind 
adieu ; that Representatives and Senators, having re- 
signed their seats for the declared purpose of heading 
the rebellion, were not imprisoned, nor even detained 
and questioned, but allowed to depart with Executive 
blessings on their heads 1 Where is that chorus of 
Union-saving sentiment which swelled and reverbera- 
ted through the land a year since, when one poor map 
made mad by oppression, was heedless of Federal au- 
thority in his zeal for the slave 1 The hanging of trai- 
tors has gone out of fashion with remarkable sudden- 
ness ! Then the provocation— whieh was a moral 
wrong — could not excuse the criminal. Now the prov- 
ocation, which is a moral and political right, gets all 
the censure ! "Look on these wrathful secessionists," 
is the cry ; " behold them subverting the Government, 
and see what you Republicans have done '. " 

But I am not a man of blood. The Master I serve 
bids me discourage any resort to the sword. This is 
the general ground of a minister of the Gospel ; but of 
course there is one grand exception. When certain 
great principles of liberty, on which the happiness of 
future generations depends, are entrusted to us, it is 
our duty to protect those principles against any as- 
sault, and if need be, to lay down our lives for the sake 
of then. The fault of the National Executive for the 
last eight years, as it seems to me, has been in not 
showing a determination to repel any violence offered 
to its sacred trust. The last experiment of liberty 
must not be permitted to fail ; if it should, a sigh would 
go up from Nature, as when Adam fell, and the blast, 
full of hopelessness, would settle on our world. We 
must keep this political Pharos ; we must guard those 
holy waters gushing forth to all people, out of the rock 
on which the Pilgrims prayed. There are some objects 
ibr which human life ought to be sacrificed — never for 
pride — never for national aggrandizement or glory — 
not in self-defence even, but always and freely in the 
true martyr spirit, where the rights of men aud God's 
cause are imperilled. 

Fully convinced, as I am, of the legal power of the 
Government to preserve its integrity by force of arms, 
loving my country as every citizen should, and indig- 
nant at the least dishonor cast upon it, I still deny, 
save in the extremity just named, the moral right of 
war. I would rather see all the slave States out of the 
Union, and the Southern Confederacy an open fact, 
than feel that the Republic has blood on its skirts. Let 
our brethren go, if they are resolved to, provided they 
take with them only that which is their own ; and if 
there is reason to believe that the sacred cause of free- 
dom would not be permanently weakened, but rather, 
strengthened by their departure — if even the fiery little 
planet Mercury resolve to secede from the solar system. 
I think the other members of that Confederacy cannot 
do better than quietly stick to their orbits, and see what 
becomes of the undertaking. 

We cannot, for the sake of the Union, turn our backs 
on those whom we have chosen to offices of high re- 
sponsibility. That would be a singular proceeding, 
hardly equalled by the abandoning of a weak garrison 
to its foes. We cannot apologize for daring to elect a 
President holding the political views of Washington, 
in a manner prescribed by law. That 6th of November 
is a historical fact. If we would, thank God, we never 
can, erase it from Freedom's calendar! Shall we go 
down on our knees with bailers about our necks, lake 
back every word spoken, and blot out all the Christian 
deeds we have performed ? We have been honest 
throughout this long struggle, and it were base to deny 
it now. 

When defeated, wo have borne Ihe reverse patiently 
—not rushing to arms, but trusting lo the justness of 
our cause. Who shall persuade us by working on our 
fancy aud raising false alarms, lo yield back tlie vic- 
tory we have won ! We might do (his. if il were a 
question Only of honor and emoluments, but QOt « hen 
(be God given rights of a great people for all coming 
time are concerned. We cannot give up any advan- 
tage which we gain, but must hold on lo i( in ihe 
name of God, and pray for strength (o meet what may 
lie beyond. 

Lei us devoutly hope thai ow EteprMentattvH in 

Congress will have courage lo maintain their ground. 
Let us not withhold from them any convictions of 
Oars, wbloh might reinforce their calmness and 1'ailh- 
ful adherence tO Ihe right, in (his time which Ivies 
their souls. 

We cannot admit, the idea of property in man toeonie 
Into (he ( 'oust il u I ion. We cannot plead Ibr (he repeal 

of laws which we regard as founded In righteousness, 

We oannOl aid in Ihc enforcement of laws which seem 

lo us to contravene the laws of God 

VY'e c'liiiiol. abandon Hie failli Hint. this whole land is 

destined to he liberty's inheritance and borne. We 

cannot consent to any arrangement which would despoil 
us of otir manhood, and bring on us the just indignation 
of the civilized world. Anylhitigelse which statesmen 
in their wisdom may propose, if iL be not palpably' hos- 
tile to our Christian conscience, that wc will gladly 
do. Those of you who know the inside history of this 
matter, who have looked in on the little circles, where 
Northern and Southern hearts bleed with a common 
grief over this terrible iniquity, need not be told that 
to them properly iu nothing — to them pride of opinion 
is nothing. 

You will not charge them with wantonness or preju- 
dice against the South, where you see the hot teara 
falling, and the iron entering into their souls — while 
you see all the tendrils of their nature reaching forth 
after the graves of kindred, and sacred rnemorieB and 
best loved friends. Offer them any plan which prom- 
ises to remove this appalling sin, and they will give you 
every earthly hope and the last farthing they possess, 
to have it carried out. 

It seems to them at times that slavery is a common 
burden, but the accidents of birth and climate, in part, 
at least, have made it Southern, rather than Northern ; 
that so far as it has been a source of wealth, the free 
States have bad an equal, if not the lion's share ; that 
any wise scheme of emancipation which should rest 
with an even pressure on an even portion of the Con- 
federacy, would at length be made acceptable to all, 
and thus the integrity of the nation be preserved. 

Only let the North make an advance on this high and 
Christian ground, and it seems to them that the South 
would not long keep back. Let the matter be in the 
hands of the General Government ; let there be anoth- 
er Cabinet officer, styled Secretary of Emancipation,^ 
with power to appoint as many subordinates as the 
business might require; let a high tariff be laid, and 
the public land be consecrated to this holy work ; let 
private gifts go in from both North and South, and the 
credit of the nation be used to obtain necessary loans, 
and thus, without impoverishing the master, or suddea 
ly crippling the industry of the South, the incubus ij 
slavery might graduallj r be rolled off. 

The strong arm of the Executive might at once 1 
interposed between the two races, securing the rightl 
of both, and protecting each from the other. Theworf 
of enlightening the blacks might begin at once, under 
faithful teachers employed by the nation ; the blacks 
acting, meanwhile, as the paid laborers of the whites, 
the Federal Government holdmg their liberty in rever- 
sion for them, till they shall be fitted to take it fully - 
into their own hands. I know this would be a stupen- 
dous undertaking, yet there is nothing impracticable 
in it, and it would be the sublirncst achievement ever 
recorded under the heavens. It would make this Re- 
pubbe the glory and the envy of all other nations. 
Our America would become the Holy Land of modern 

I see no other plan, no compromise which leaves out 
the idea of emancipation, that can possibly perpetuate 
the present Union ; Congressional committees may cry 
" peace, peace," but there will be no peace ; emanci- 
pation or two Confederacies is the only alternative be- 
fore us, and no power on earth can save us from it. If 
it is settled that the slave States can never be made free 
States, everything I have hinted at failing, then the 
Christian freeman, instead of clinging to the restive 
slave owner, waiving the political right to coerce him, 
can only say as Abraham said to Lot — " Separate 
thyself, I pray thee, from me ;" while the doctrine of 
property in man, that great gulf between them, is 
adjourned to tlie Court whose decisions are final and 

The Old South was packed to its utmost capacity — 
the upper as well as the lower galleries and the passa- 
ges being completely filled. The sermon was repeat- 
edly applauded, the sacredness of the place not being 
sufficient to restrain the feelings of the audience. At 
its close, one gentleman, whose head i~ 
seventy winters, sitting in front of the pulpit, evA. 
ly forgetting the occasion and the place, rose, an* 
ed for three groans for Buchanan! The only res; ■ 
was a- fervent prayer from Rev. Mr. AI^Tajjji g ^int | 
wo-dd bless^lie_s_layji ^4-*flsTnaster, and all peapfe in 
tliis, our whole country. 


As the Bell-and-Everett party have no longer even 
a possibility of coming into power, it must be from 
pure love of slavery that they are continuing then- 
labors against bberty. The getters up of the "Ad- 
dress to the Citizens of Massachusetts' 1 which ap- 
peared in our papers a few weeks ago, signed with the 
names of Lemuel Shaw and a dozen or twenty others, 
have now commenced an attempt to enlist the clergy 
in their favor, and use their influence against the Per- 
sonal Liberty Law. They have sent the subjoined 
circular to every clergyman in this State, and efforts 
in accordance with the requests therem made are now 
going on among the people of many parishes. It re- 
mains to be seen whether the people will stand fast for 
liberty, in spite of the solicitations of prk'sts and poU- 
ticians. The call of duty to resist such influences is 
as strong now as when the aposdes and the first disci- 
ples were urged, by chief priests and rulers in concert, 
to abandon the exercise and the advocacy of Christian 
liberty. — c. k. w. 

Dear Sir, — The popular excitement in favor of 
Disunion has steadily increased in the Southern States 
for several weeks past. It seems to be prosirating be- 
fore it every conservative element in the Sian-s of 
South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Missis- 
sippi and Louisiana. 

It is gaining ground in the more Northern slave 
States. Iu these, there still remains a Union party. 
who will resist secession by every means in their 
power. But they find themselves weakened by the 
position which has been taken by some of the free 
States in antagonism to the Constitution. 

This false position of ours strengthens those whose 
design is to overthrow the Constitution. 

Shall the People of Massachusetts, through their 
Legislature, place this State on the firm basis of jus- 
tice and of Constitutional Law ? 

If you are in favor of a repeal of such laws as are 
unconstitutional, will you place in the hands of some 
of your active parishioners, who will obtain the signa- 
tures of their townsmen, petitions to the Legislature 
in such form as you may choose to write '. If you 
have any doubt about a legal form, the following may 
be used : — * 

" We, the subscribers, legal voters of the Town of 

, rv spcot fully lvqut'ii th.- 1 1 ■movable thr | 

lature of Massachusetts, to repeal the Personal Libert/ 

Act, and those portions Of tin Habeas Corpus A J 
whieh are in conflict with the Constitution ©t tli] 
United states." 

But thai form whieh best expresses your OWO ' iew | 
and those of ihe citizens who will be requested Uo^ 
sign, is As lest. As soon as (be signatures are 00 
tamed, please to direct that the petitions uaj be Be 

to your Representative in the Legislature, lo In H 
him presented at ihe earliest day possible. 
By request of (he Committee chosen to • 

(he "Address lo (bo Citizens of l&lassachusi 
Lemuel Shaw, and others. 

Mobbed. -The Springfield ..' ■■: 
Hint Charles 0. Burleigh, a rabid Abolitionist, doliroied *., 
noiitiiMii auiiri'ss at a sohool-ln>uso in West V'imns. Vcsl- 
Rold, Thursday aYenlsg,Md aUaxed sentiments ss eSbastve 
Hint a mob gsithand ami breks nu ths Meeting, and esle« 
bratad their fcriuupfe hj making a bontu-o of tat soheol- 
boess and Its wateoto. 

This paragraph is from (he Journal. It is thus cool- 
h that Ibis paper, aud (he Springfield fitfHll 

ni:m\ others, Bpeak of oouttrrenoes utu-vly disgraceful 

(o Massachusetts. How can we call (bis a FVes Stale, 
while the freedom of speech of ihe \MseM and Kst of 
its cili.cns is overthrown and Ivainpled upon at Ihe 
dictation of the slave power! 1? ibis (be Weetfleld 
where a manufactory ol literal slave "hips is in op- 
eration * 

1'he characterisation of so excellent a man. and so 

clear and sound a rvasoner as Charles C. Uuvleigh, BJ 
"aiahid Abolitionist." and the stigmatizing of scnti 

menta and arguments Against slavery u "offensive." 
shows the degeneracy to which Southern influence has 
abased our newspaper press. The maintenance ofour 

own liberties can !>e secured c 

>s\ the slavery which has frrought ibis den 
tion. — C Kt w . 




Dear Mr. Garrison : 

In your extra Liberator, Dec. Slst, you published a 
Preamble and five Resolutions passed by the South 
Congregational Chiirch in Georgetown, condemning 
President Buchanan's Proclamation for a Past, as an 
act of hypocrisy and spiritual usurpation, declining to 
comply with his request, and calling upon the people 
for repetttaaee of their actual sins, "especially of the 
ain of slavery " ; and you prefaced these proceedings 
with the remark — "AH honor to the Georgetown 
church, and its pastor, Rev. Charles Beeeher, for the 
testimony below." 

In the Atlas and Bee published on the Fast-day in 
question, Jan. 4th, I find the following counter state- 
ment by the Clerk of that church, in behalf of others 
of its members : — 

the georgetown resolutions respecting tub 

president's past. 
Seeing some resolutions passed by the Congrega- 
tional Church hi this place, I have thought it best to 
send you the following correction and protest, handed 
to me for record : 1st, A certificate signed by fourteen 
members that were there and voted against them, the 
published number being fifteen in favor and twelve 
against. 2d, The following protest, signed by twenty- 
three (2SJ members of the church. 
Georgetown, Dec 28, 1860. 

Whereas, the Congregational Church, the 22d of 
December, passed resolutions condemning the Presi^ 
dent's Message to Congress, and using that as a reason' 
why we should not keep the Fast proclaimed by him 
** at the request of pious and patriotic citizens and as- 

We, the undersigned members of said church, with- 
out in any way endorsing the sentiments of the mes- 
sage, desire to enter our protest against them for these 
reasons : — 

1st. They breathe not the spirit of Him who lias 
commanded us to pray for our enemies, to pray for all 
men, to pray always, and that "without wrath." 

2d. We believe that Christ did not, by his example 

or otherwise, teach the impropriety of public tasting 

in times of great national distress or public calamity." 

3d. We believe them to be insidious, wrong in spirit, 

evil in tendency, and pernicious in their results. 

A true copy, attest, H, PERLEY, 

Clerk of the ChurcJi, 
P. S. Many persons here express a doubt as to the 
truth of the statement, that there is an overwhelming 
majority outside the church in favor of the resolu- 
tions. H. P. 

It appears that the vote upon the set of Resolutions 
first published was fifteen to fourteen ; a vote which, 
no doubt, justifies the statement of the pastor that 
these Resolutions were adopted by the church. Never- 
theless, the second statement gives us a more accurate 
view of the condition of things in that church than the 
first did. 

Eveu this, however, does not show the whole case. 
As the fourteen dissenting members, on canvassing 
the parish, found enough like-minded brethren to in- 
crease their number to twenty-three, so the fifteen who 
voted with the pastor, on searching diligently among 
the members who were absent from the particular 
church-meeting in question, might enlarge their num- 
ber to twenty-four, thus keeping, for the Resolutions, 
the majority originally claimed. I, for one, am per- 
fectly willing to take this for granted. The point to 
which I wish to call attention is, that the actual state 
of Mr. Beecher's church shows something very differ- 
ent from the aspect of union and vigor in radicalism 
presented by the Resolutions first published. 

In Mr. Beecher's sermon— "The Antichrist of New 
England "—preached in September last, he boasts that 
the church of which he is a member twenty years ago 
adopted some Resolutions (there quoted) bearing 
"solemn testimony" against slaveholding in all its 
forms, admitting that it is a duty faithfully to reprove 
the oppressor, admitting that it is a sin to hold com- 
munion with slaveholders as Christians, aud declaring 
that they "will not hold fellowship or communion 
with any one who claims the right to hold, or holds 
his fellow-beings as property." 

It would be interesting to know whether these Reso- 
lutions also were passed (Jan. 4th, 1840,) by a vote of 
fifteen'fe) fourteen ; whether the absence of any pro- 
test against them by a large minority was owing to the 

*rt'.u\t t'.iey -neie aUu\ved-TD-Klumi)CJ- quietly in the 
clerk's book, without being printed in any sermon or 
newspaper at the time; and whether the quietness 
with which Mr. Beecher's church has passed along 
during the intervening twenty years, surrounded by 
pro-slavery churches of the same denomination, {as 
well as of other denominations in the group called 
"Evangelical,") be not owing to the fact that they 
have kept this two-edged sword carefully sheathed, 
laid up in a napkin, and kept in a dry place. 

This information, I say, would he interesting. But, 
in fact, we do not need it. The history' of Dr. Chee- 
ver's church for the last five years shows us what hap- 
pens — what would be sure to happen in nineteen 
churches out of twenty in al' the Northern States — 
when either the minister #A-es slavery its appropriate 
place among his warnings and exhortations on Sun- 
days and other day*-, or when the church lives such 
Resolutions in i« daily life, instead of " passing them," 
by a bare nwjority, and then " passing them by on the 
other si(Jc-" 

No minister in New England could give the subject 
of slavery this appropriate place in his preaching and 
m his life, without being reproached and maligned for 
it as Mr. Parker was ! No church in New England 
could unitedly and vigorously live out such Resolu- 
tions as Mr. Beeeher boasts of his church having 
"adopted," twenty years ago, without being worse 
censured than Dr. Cheever's church now is ! for that 
church has always had an opposing minority, and Dr. 
Cheever has been greatly limited and hampered by 
their want of sympathy with him. It is certain, then, 
that the undisturbed unity in which Mr. Beeeher and 
his church have lived with the pro-slavery ministers 
and churches of this State, results from their not hav- 
ing lived an anti-slavery life; and it is certain, from 
the fact that Mr. Charles Beeeher has not, for twenty 
years past, (until the publication of the Resolutions 
above quoted,) been protested against as a disturber of 
the peace of the church, that he has not spoken and 
acted for those in bonds "as bound with them; " just 
as it is certain that his brother, Rev. Dr. Edward 
Beeeher, is largely accountable for the guilt contracted 
by Park Street Church in this city, when, as their 
Pastor (in 1830) he presided over the deliberations of 
tfewftta] church-meetings, in which they voted, first to 
rob a colored man of his pew, bought and paid for, in 
the broad aisle of their church, and then to adopt a 
rule by which all colored people might be thus ex- 
cluded from the equal purchase and occupancy of their 
pews — a decision still held and acted on by that church 
— without opening his mouth in condemnation of this 
wickedness, or in defence of God's oppressed poor ! 

On page thirty-first of Mr. Charles Beecher's ser- 
mon above-mentioned, at tlie close of a note in which 
he brings out the Resolutions which have been drying 
twenty years in the clerk's book, lie adds this exhorta- 
tion : — 

"I would embrace this opportunity to urge every 
member of a Christian church, into whose hands this 
page may fall, to examine whether, in the church to 
which he belongs, something more may not be done, 
and done in earnest, aud done soon, for the immediate 
overthrow of slavery. May the great Head of the 
church unite the hearts of all hia people in adirectand 
faithful work upon this weighty matter." 

I embrace this opportunity to urge Mr. Beeeher to 
examine whether, in the church to which he. belongs 
and ministers, something more may not be done, and 
done in earnest, and done soon, for the immediate over- 
throw of slavery. " The great Head of the church " 
needs no exhortations. He will be sure to pei&rm 
His part. If those who call themselves " His mem- 
bers" will do theirs, the work will move on rapidly 
towards accomplishment. — c. k. w. 

ftl^The N. Y. Commercial AdvertUer says the se- 
eensionistfl, by acting against the Federal Government, 
at once vitiate their claims, under Ilk ir policies, which 
are estimated to amount to twelve million! of dollars, 
Jo the provision! of the policies, of American life in 
fturance companies, the insured forfeit the policy hi 
Consequence of treason or for making war upon til 
United States. 

1 OI 



The New York World of December 20th, 1860, con- 
tains some extracts from a work on the subject of sla- 
very by Sidney G. Fisher, of Philadelphia, in which 
it is predicated that the slavery question must at no 
distant day give -way to the negro question ; but which 
the author has already settled, according to the process 
of logic common to the amphibious class of writers of 
which he is a prominent representative. He is, on the 
slavery question, clearly of the Henry Clay school, 
confounding rule and law, and endeavoring to recon- 
cile contradictions. His morals are of the Nehemiah 
Adams type, which, to be understood by the readers of 
the Liberator, need only to have that fact declared. 

The writer deals with assumptions as axioms, and 
paralogism as legitimate deductions, although it is 
manifest that some of his premises seem chosen for the 
purpose of arriving at a foregone conclusion, and he 
foresees from this stand-point the " manifest destiny " 
of this nation, and of the white and black races, as 
an inevitable necessity which no power can avert, but 
which he yet calls upon the Anglo-Saxons to consider, 
prepare for, and postpone as long as possible. 

The premises assumed are that the white race is, his- 
torically and de facto, the superior race, which " creates 
civilization." The black race is " essentially barbaric, 
and never able to originate, maintain, or comprehend 
civilization." " There are certain mental, moral and 
physical conditions, tending always to keep the original 
races intact, and making new ones impossible." By a 
law of nature, "The two races cannot live together 
except as masters and slaves." "The superiority of 
the white race makes it a necessity that it must govern 
the negro, whenever the two live together." " The 
two races can never amalgamate, (!) although mulattoes will 
always exist, because constantly renewed." (!!) How? 
" Each race has a tendency to occupy exclusively that 
portion of the country suited to its nature." 

From these premises, the author argues that the 
spirit of caste, which drives the negro and colored per- 
sons out of churches, theatres, hotels, rail cars, steam- 
boats, &c., or assigns them a separate place therein, is 
an uncontrolable, or at least a natural instinct, which 
operates without statutes, without concert or design, 
without unkindness or cruelty; but unconsciously, 
simply, because "it cannot help doing"so." This is a 
divine law, "which executes itself in spite of party 
combinations, or fanatical legislatures, or philanthropic 
enthusiasts, or visionary dreamers about human per- 
fectibility and the rights of man." The evidence of 
all this is, that the same sentiment in regard to the ne- 
gro is found among the slaveholders of the South and 
the free-soilers of the North, and therefore the superior 
race may rightfully and morally enslave the inferior, 
whenever the two are found occupying the same soil, 
and that it is our duty as a nation to maintain slavery, 
and, if possible, meliorate, improve and perfect it. The 
slave is not by the divine law a tiling, a chattel, to be 
used merely as merchandize, but a man to be protected, 
entitled to humanity and justice, and the dominant 
race is responsible for his well-being and happiness. 
The laws of the South and the Dred Scott decision, 
which chattelize the negro, are unnatural and unjust, 
and the system should be established upon its normal 
basis of master and governor to protect and humanize, 
and servant or slave to obey and be happy ; and the 
duty of the North is, to the men of their own race at 
the South, to assist heartily and cordially in the difficult 
task of governing a subject race, whose increasing 
numbers threaten at no distant day to break down all 
barriers of restraint : for the proper region of the white 
race is the North, and the proper region of the blade 
race is the South, and white men at the South are out 
of place, bearing the burden and responsibility of gov- 
erning the black race, thus preventing or retarding the 
inevitable march towards barbarism, which the exist- 
ence of the black race in the South renders inevitably 
certain some time or other. 

The tendency of slavery is to cause the white man — 
who takes upon himself the humjine and generous 
task of retarding the progress of barbarism for so small 
a compeneation as the labor or Hie negro produces — 
the tendency of slavery in a warm climate, where the 
white man cannot labor, and where the black man can 
— the tendency of slavery where it can only return 
any profit— is to cause the white mau to dw-indle and 
decay, and if his place is not filled by immigration from 
the North, the white race must soon disappear, while 
the negro can thrive and multiply without the intro- 
duction of fresh blood from Africa, which he is never- 
theless constantly receiving. But as the South have 
not established and do not seek to maintain slavery 
upon the divine basis recognized by Mr. Fisher, but 
have made him a chattel, the North ought to sustain 
the South in their position as it is, until they can be 
influenced by some means or other to see the subject in 
its true light, and set about reforming the present im- 
perfect system. 

But whereas, notwithstanding, nevertheless, as there 
are already four millions of blacks— with a sprinkling 
of mulattoes produced some how without amalgama- 
tion, which is instinctively abhorrent — and this num- 
ber secures beyond a peradventure their perpetuity in 
the South country about the gulf; and as they will be 
in twenty-five years eight millions, aud in fifty years 
sixteen millions, and in seventy-five years thirty-two 
millions, doubling always in twenty-five years, and 
with this progressive increase the white race must per- 
ish utterly from amongst them, and cannot be perpetu- 
ated by immigration and the infusing of new blood 
into the superior race, because there will not continue 
sufficient motives to induce them to remain with the 
benevolent object merely of governing this mass of 
barbarism, therefore the South must at length be aban- 
doned to become the " Africa " of the Western conti- 
nent, where civilization, arts and science, industry and 
prosperity must forever bo strangers. 

As the destiny of the subject race depends not on 
itself in any degree, hut on the will of the superior 
race, and as the Saxon South and the Saxon North 
disagree on this question of ultimate consequences and 
mutual interests, and as the Saxon North claims all the 
vast regions of uncultivated territory exclusively for 
the benefit of the Saxon race, and refuses to allow the 
Saxon South to carry the negro with him into these 
virgin territories, the will of the Saxon North must 
prevail in settling this particular question, and there- 
fore the sentiments of the Northern people must rule 
the Government inevitably, without efibrt on its own 
part, but by an irresistible instinct. 

Mr. Fisher also maintains that as each race ought to 
inhabit a congenial clime, that slavery whether per- 
fected according to his idea or continued on the chat- 
tel principle, should be restricted to its present limits, be- 
cause wherever the white man can labor, he claims the 
soil for himself and for his own race alone, and where 
he cannot labor he claims it, and takes the negro to 
labor for him, all through the force of instinct; and 
instinct is divine right: because the negro is fitted for 
that lot and no other, and will not fulfil his lot unless 
by compulsion. 

The principles of this philosophy are found in the 
Constitution, and the Constitution grew out of these 
principles, and by its provisions covers the whole 
ground "as if inspired by prophetic wisdom." So 
long as we abide by the Constitution and the Union, 
we may reap what good can be derived from the negro 
and slavery, and so postpone the dark day of disunion 
and decline of fhe South; for with such an event the 
ultimate di sen th raiment of the negro from the do- 
minion of the white man is brought nearer at hand, for 
he cannot control the negro without foreign support in 
the Union or out of it, and when that, support is with- 
drawn the negro will throw off the yoke, and the 
region— where he now serves the cause of industry, 
ci vilization, refinement, morals, religion and law — must. 
become the sole possession of him who has so long 
toiled as a subject of another's will on the same soil. 

We commend the above considerations to South 
Carolina and b« supporters Northand Bouth, and also 

to that class of Abolitionist* who persist in the support 
of the Union, while the actual beneficiaries of its ail 

vantages are striving to rend the chain which binds us 
their hands. 

Whether Mr. Fisher's conclusion, that freedom to 
the negro must result in his essential barbarism be 
true or not, the argument that the dissolution of the 
Union must result in the freedom of the slave, appeals 
so logically consequent upon the fact, that we long to see 
the South successful in maintaining secession, for the 
same reason that Mr. Fisher deprecates it; and while 
we cannot help feeling disgust and contempt at behold- 
ing James Buchanan manifesting the vacillating weak-, 
ness of Louis XVI., and the perverseness of James the 
Second, we rejoice to have it so, and should consider 
the actual prevention of the inauguration of Abraham 
Lincoln in Washington, the most fortunate event that 
could occur in behalf of liberty both at the North and 
at the South. D. S. G. 


In the present excited state of the country on the 
slavery question, there seems no prospect of a peaceful 
adjustment of difficulties. All propositions, brought 
forward by Northern members of Congress as allevi- 
atives and pacificators, have failed to appease the 
Slave Power ; and the demands of that power will not 
be acceded to by the North — at least, there is little 
fear of it. It is also quite apparent, that if they were 
complied with, the effect would be but temporary. 
The causes of present disaffection still existing, 
of course, similar effects must follow. 

Now, the whole trouble seems to emanate from the 
Fugitive Slave Law and its non-execution by the free 
States. If it were faithfully complied with by all the 
North, it is doubtful whether the result would be at all 
satisfactory to the slaveholders, for this reason. Every 
fugitive who has been caught aad returned to bondage 
has proved a difficult fellow to manage, as he is more 
or less tinctured with ideas of freedom, which, if he 
does not act upon himself, he will instil into those 
with whom he associates, thus generating discontent, 
and so far paving the way for a host of runaways in 
fuinre. It is self-evident, that fugitives do not ap- 
prove the system, or they would not leave it. Now, 
if a plan could be devised whereby the disaffeetcu ne- 
gro's place could be supplied by one who would remain 
contented and pleased with his lot, one great cause of 
the present difficulty would be removed. 

Suppose, now, the Fugitive Slave Law should be so 
altered or amended that when a " chattel " escaped to 
another State, his place should be supplied by some 
white pro-slavery advocate of that State. By this 
plan, the new incumbent, instead of being troublesome, 
would be in a better position to strengthen the Slave 
Power by quieting all tendencies toward liberty by his 

Thus, whenever another Thomas Sims or Anthony 
Burns escapes to Massachusetts, let his place be im- 
mediately filled by a rabid lover of oppression— say 
Ilev. Nehemiah Adams, Geo. W. Blagden, or S. K. 
Lothrop, or some editor of like proclivities, Charles 
Gordon Green, of the Boston Post, for instance. Per- 
haps, if these gentlemen were not considered exactly 
safe and " sound on the goose," Richard S. Fay, or the 
Hon. Caleb Cushing might be selected for the distin- 
guished honor. Perhaps the Hon. Edward Everett 
would volunteer his valuable person, in case the Union 
was in great danger. How charmingly this scheme 
would work ! The Rev. Divine, after being thoroughly 
whipped into submission, could exhort the other slaves 
to obedience and submission, and pray to the pro- 
slavery god to spread liis protection over the dear 
system, and keep all quiet and harmonious. How 
very pleasant for the Rev. Nehemiah (after a hard 
days's work, hoeing tobacco) to indulge in the agreea- 
ble recreation of writing sermons, proving, from the 
Holy Bible, slavery to be a divine, God-ordained, and 
therefore heavenly institution, to be implicitly obeyed 
by all who love the Lord, and fear to break his com-' 
mandments ! 

Then the said Nehemiah might be hired out, at so 
much per Lord's day, to deliver sermons, exhorting 
servants to obey their masters. Should his proprietor 
think proper to go on a speculating tour to the free 
States, he might enter the pulpit with a chain and ' 
bafi attached to bis log-. *«= pnuHtculty exemplify TUg 
the beauty and desirableness of bondage. A few 
stripes on the back would heighten the effeet. 

The editors could write leading articles for the Rich- 
mond Enquirer or Charleston Mercury, after working 
hours, proving the entire constitutionality of slavery 
and its absolute necessity to a, free and enlightened na- 
tion, thus making their influence felt where it is most 
needed, more than in their present position. The 
Hon. Caleb might be let out by his owner during the 
election season, to deliver Union speeches, villifying 
and degrading free men and free institutions, extolling 
tyranny and oppression, lauding such fellows as Cal- 
houn, Clay and Wise as profound statesmen, and de- 
nouncing the Czar of Russia for banishing serfdom 
from his dominions. 

The Hon. Edward, of the New York Ledger, might be 
carried about by his master or owner to deliver eulo- 
gies on Washington, Webster, or other great men, im- 
mensely to the pocketary emolument of the said master. 
A hundred thousand dollars could be much easier earn- 
ed in this way, than by threshing rice or packing to 

In this manner, the Slave Power would have its ser- 
vants more directly under its absolute control; the 
slaveholders would be pacified and satisfied, at the 
same time, their Union perfected. 

By this plan, these men would be placed in a sphere 
they so much admire,/or others, and the free States be 
gradually rid of this non-progressive, pestiferous class 
of minds, who now only seek to obstruct all humanita- 
ry tendencies, which seek a higher and nobler civili- 
zation, tainting with a fatal miasma whatever moral 
atmosphere they come in contact with. Then shall the 
freedom-loving portion of the people find themselves 
delivered of those foul obstructions, that but impede 



God bless our noble Governor of the Old Bay State ! 
Such is the natural exclamation of the humane heart, 
after reading the high-toned and excellent Inaugural 
of Governor Andrew. For breadth of philanthropy, 
righteous philosophy, and true Christian courage, it is 
a model document ; and all the more to he admired for 
the pregnant hour in which it was uttered. What a 
refreshing contrast it presents, when placed in juxtapo- 
sition with the sycophantic and time-serving Valedic- 
tory of ex-Governor Banks — the " puff-ball " of a day ! 
This tells the Btory : the one emanate* from a true 
and manly heart; the other is the cunning bait of a 
trickster and ambitious politician. 

Let us thank God and take courage, that while mad- 
ness rules the hour in South Carolina, and other Cot- 
ton States, Massachusetts is sober and thoughtful for 
ltuman weal. At least, at her helm is a man, who 
dares place Freedom in the vanguard, as a boon too 
precious to be sold for cotton. But then, will it be 
done ? Will our Personal Liberty Law be repealed % 
This, with Abolitionists and every true friend of 
the oppressed, is the momentous question. We well 
know that efforts base and mercenary will be used to 
effect this object. The word has gone forth from 
interested politicians and timid hirelings, that this 
righteous act, instituted in the hour of need to protect 
our own citizens from the prowling kidnapper, shall be 
obliterated from the Statute-Book. We confess we 
feel the danger, and earnestly beseech our brethren to 
double their diligence. 

Last year, it was much easier to get signatures to 
our petition against slave-hunting than this. Many of 
the Republicans — and those, too, who are counted the 
most faithful — stand back with trembling knees, and 
beg to be excused. Our number will be greatly di- 
minished ; aud yet, in our righteous warfare, there 
was never a time when with more alacrity we should 
give our names and influence in this work — never. 
We liave now the hope to cheer us, that Gov. Andrew 
will not fail — will not, like his predecessor, veto our 
prayers for enslaved millions. Besides, the fresh bar- 
baria&uand unabated violence of the Slave Power — 
its demon spirit of ruffianism toward every man of 
Northern birth — its demands, so many and degrading, 
bid us to be "up aud doing, with a heart for any 

And nearer home is the incentive for action more 
marked than ever. Base tools of the South are 
trampling on the right of free speech. The threat has 
gone forth that the " golden lips " of our own Phillips 
and others shall be sealed. This is no hour for truce. 
No ; let us say, by the living God, who reigns to bless, 
we will bear it no longer. This "last straw shall 
break the camel's back." We may live as vassals or 
die like freemen. Shall we hesitate to make our 
choice ? Whether we be resistants or ?ion-resistants, we 
cannot debase our manhood, stultify our souls, and 
willingly wear the tyrant's chain. The word of Revo- 
lutionary times should echo from every true heart — 
"Give me liberty or death." G. W. S. 

Milford, Jan. 6, 1861. 


The following resolutions were adopted by the 
Jewett City Congregational Church, Rev. Henry T. 
Cheever, pastor, at the public service on Fast day : — 

1. Resolved, That this church and congregation, 
assembled on the 4th day of January, 18131, accordiug 
to the Proclamation of the President of the Nation 
and also of the Governor of this State, to keep a sea- 
son of fasting and prayer on account of the distress of 
the Nation, deem it proper, while humbling them- 
selves before God, to put on record their judgment of 
the exigency that has called for such a proclamation. 

2. Resolved, That we deem it owing, under God, 
solely to the existence and audacity of Slavery; — and 
we deem it to be the manifest and imperative duty of 
the President of the United States, in this exigency, 
as "the minister of God who bearetb not the sword 
in vain," promptly to enforce the laws, and to put 
down the rebellion and treason which have been plot- 
ted and perpetrated in South Carolina, by the use (if 
need be) of the whole disposable force of the army 
and navy of the United States. 

3. Resolved, That we further declare and put upon 
record our deliberate opinion that all the Christian 
people of the country should, and that an overwhelm- 
ing majority will, patriotically sustain the President 
in such a decisive and vigorous suppression of the 
rankest treason and rebellion. 

4. Resolved, That we declare, finally, that if, as 
being the executive head, and expressing the collective 
sovereignty of a great Nation, the President does not 
do this, but allows a treacherous conspiracy of rebels 
to have its way, that it is due at once, both to the 
safety and dignity of such a people, that he be forth- 
with impeached at the bar of the Senate of the United 


On the evening of Tuesday, January 1st, 1861, a 
large audience convened at the Twelfth Baptist 
Church for a purpose of which, for prudential reasons, 
only a few had been fully informed, but which, in due 
time, was made apparent by the announcement that 
Osborne P. Anderson, one of the companions of Capt. 
John Brown at Harper's Ferry, who had been a so- 
journer in this vicinity recently, was now about to 
leave the city. 

In view of this fact, some friends had taken the re- 
sponsibility of calling the meeting, that ways and 
means might be devised for an expression of feeling — 
a legitimate exponent of which would be "material 
aid" — for their brother, identified with them in com- 
plexion and condition, who had in so signal and heroic 
a manner testified his irrepressible love of freedom. 

Remarks were made by Rev. J. Sella Martin, Rev. 
Leonard A. Grimes, Geo. T. Downing, Robert Morris, 
Esq., John J. Smith, Win. C. Nell and others, cm- 
bodying earnest appeals, statements of facts, and in- 
teresting incidents, with readings from Mr. Anderson's 
book, just issued, entitled "A Voice from Harper's 
Ferry." It was stated that some anti-slavery friends 
in Boston had promoted the publication of this book, 
which it was hoped would obtain a wide circulation, 
both as a means of imparting the only authentic in- 
formation of these memorable scenes, and of assisting 
the author, who, from a combination of causes, now 
happened to be in need. 

The exertions of an impromptu financial committee 
of ladies and gentlemen, resulted in a Contribution of 
about forty dollars, which was considerably increased, 
we believe, by the proceeds of a Levee in the Vestry— 
the refreshments for which were generously furnished 
by Mr. Downing— together with other subscriptions, 
sales of hook, &<•., which, considering that no notice 
of mi appeal tor funds had been given, will perhaps he 

regarded as an acceptable New Year's present. 

Mr. Anderson has left Boston, hut Ins book can he 

obtained ai the anti-shtTery office for ir> cents each, or 
JIO a hundred. w. C. N. 

Boston, Jan. H, 1891, 

[flT' The Editor bus been loo ill lo he able to give 
any attention to the Liberator this week. 


The Republican members of the House caucused in 
the Post-Office Committee room again on the 6th upon 
the present state of affairs. Speaker Pennington in 
the chair. There was a full attendance. 

The unfinished business of Friday was resumed, 
being the report of Mr. Hale of Pennsylvania, from 
the sub-committee of the border States, who said that 
he believed the members of his committee represent- 
ing the border States would agree to his proposition, 
that all the territory of the United States north of 
thirty-six degrees tliirty minutes should be free, and 
all south of that line to remain as it is, with liberty to 
the people to organize into States whenever they 
please, with or without slavery. He was of opinion 
that it might be better for the North to take this propo- 
sition than to precipitate the country into war. 

Mr. Howard of Michigan, said he objected to any 
compromise, because he behoved it to be an acknowl- 
edgment of an error, which he would not concede. 
He defended the motives of the Republicans in the 
Committee of Thirty-three, and expressed the opinion 
that they had done nothing that could be interpreted 
as a surrender of their principles. Those who under- 
stand Mr. Adams's position do not believe this. 

Mr. Lovejoy of Illinois, speaking of the malcontents 
of the slave States, and the proposed compromise of 
dividing the territory between freedom and slaverv to 
the Pacific, siiid, " There never was a more causeless 
revolt since Lucifer led his cohorts of apostate angels 
against the throne of God ; but I never heard that the 
Almighty proposed to compromise the matter by al- 
lowing the rebels to kindle the Area of hell south of 
the celestial meridian of thirty-six thirty." 

This outburst of the eccentric member from Illinois 
created a deal of sensation and some merriment. 

Mr. Sherman stated that, as a member of the bor- 
der sub-committee from the border States, he could 
not vote for the proposition proposed by Mr. Critten- 
den, to restore the Missouri line and extend it to the 
Pacific. He was also opposed to the compromise to 
prevent the abolition of slavery in the District of 
Columbia. While he did not wish to abolish it now, 
he opposed the yielding up the right of Congress to 
do so at any future period. 

_ Mr. Grow of Pennsylvania, expressed himself de- 
cidedly opposed to all compromises. He asked what 
better platform the North or the South could have to 
stand upon than the Union, the Constitution and the 
laws ' The RepubUcaa party has elected :i President 
in accordance with the forms of the Constitution ami 

is entitled to fair play. If his administration of the 
government is resisted b.v those opposed to Mr. Lin- 
coln, the crime will be (heirs. When the Republi- 
cans took their position, before the election, thev " 
they would have to meet, this Mill- 
thev should not. put. the burden ui 
Messrs. Hickman and Btephe 

and Case of Indiana, opposed 

Mr. I'dil nf Indiana, from the sub-committee of 

border States, said he bid opposed all the propositiona 

in that committee except the one proposed bv Mr. 
llnle, upon which he did not vote, lie defended the 

border States tor their efforts to arrange matters. 

Mr. Boa! of New York, inquired why his State vas 

not consulted. 

Some one then asked why Arkansas and North 
Carolina were invited to join I he sub committee. 

Mr, Stanton of Ohio, and Mr. Nixon of New ,ler 
B6y, expressed themselves in liivor of some compro 

The caucus unanimously agreed to press the busi- 
ness of the country in the House. 
Mr. Dawes of Massachusetts, moved that no vote 

he lukeii on any of the propositions, nml Hint the 

caucus adjourn stfte affc, which was carried. 


The Mississippi Convention met January 8th. The 
Commissioners from South Carolina and Alabama 
were invited to take sents in the Convention. A reso- 
lution was adopted to- amend the Constitution of the 
State, so as to authorize the borrowing of money for 
the purpose of military defence. The Standing Com- 
mittees were appointed, including one to prepare a se- 
cession ordinance. A dispatch was received stating 
that Georgia was determined upon immediate seces- 
sion. Adjourned to to-morrow, when a secession ordi- 
nance will he reported. 

At a military parade to-day a flag with fifteen Btars 
was carried. There was a mimic battle, skirmish- 
ing, &c. 

An ordinance for immediate secession has been 
unanimously agreed upon by the Committee of Fif- 
teen. It will pass the Convention to-morrow in secret 

The Alabama Convention is in session at Montgom- 
ery. Mr. Calhoun, Commissioner from South Caro- 
lina, addressed the Convention on Tuesday. His 
speech was well received. Dispatches to the Governor 
from Virginia, Florida and Mississippi were read to the 
Convention. They excited much enthusiasm. A 
committee of thirteen was appointed to report a seces- 
sion ordinance. The Convention determined to hold 
secret sessions by a large majority. 

A special dispatch from Richmond, Virginia, to the 
New York Herald, says that the Committee of the 
House of Delegates of Virginia would report a bill for 
a Convention on the 9th. The election of delegates is 
to take place on 'the 7th of February, aud the Conven- 
tion is to meet on the 18th. The question relative to 
increasing the military force of the State was referred 
to a Committee. A resolution proposing to appropriate 
ten millions of dollars for that purpose was also re- 
ferred. It is the general opinion that Virginia will se- | 
cede about the aJth of February. 

The correspondent of the New York Times, writing ' 
from Washington, January 2d, says: "A gentleman 
arrived this evening from Charleston, in company with 
Com. Shubrick. Both say the panic which prevails 
there is unparalleled. There is a great lack of food ; 
business is prostrated ; the people are idle ; the patrols 
are wandering up and down to preserve order. On 
the day Com. Shubrick left there was unusual excite- 
ment, aud upon inquiry he found that news had been 
received that the steamer Macedonian was on her way 
with eight hundred troops to bombard the city and re- 
inforce Major Anderson. He could not convince them 
to the contrary, and expresses the opinion that they 
cannot long hold out in their present condition, unless 
Georgia comes to their relief. No vessel entered or 
left the harbor while they were there." 

It is also said that the. merchants, alarmed for their 
property, have removed their valuable goods to the 
interior. Business is at an end, and some of the stores 
are closed; traders are the first and greatest losers by 
the secession movement. The hotels at Charleston 
have few patrons, and their business for the winter is 

Much disaffection exists among the German and 
Irish volunteer troops at Charleston, who are taken 
away from their business and homes to perform mili- 
tary duty, while the secession leaders are enjoying the 
luxury of treason comfortably, and without any per- 
sonal exposure. 

The rumor that the steamer Star of the West has 
sailed for Charleston with reinforcements for Major 
Anderson is ascertained to be a fact. 
The Government is hourly expecting intelligence of 
startling character, as the people of Charleston have 
threatened to prevent the landing of troops at Fort 

It is expected that the steamer will be sunk, if the 
traitors possess sufficient force to accomplish it ; but 
they will doubtless be obliged to encounter a stern re- 
sistance, not only from the military on board the 
steamer, but from Major Anderson's garrison in Fort 

A private letter received in New York, dated Colum- 
bia, S. C, Jan. 1, contains the following: "We arc 
this day drafting our quota of men to go to Charleston 
to fight. All the other Southern States are sending 
men to us daily, and the prospect is we shall have seri- 
ous work soon. All the men over sixty are forming a 
regiment to mount guard at Columbia, during the ab- 
sence of our regular troops and artillery." 

The vote in Congress, upon the resolution approv- 
ing the course of Major Anderson, and sustaining the 
President in not recalling him, is regarded by the 
Southern men as indicating a majority favorable to the 
passage of a force bill. They are intensely excited, 
and threaten vengeance if a force bill is attempted to 
be passed. The Republicans also regard it as showing 
a majority in favor of such a measure. 

The Senators of the States which have called Con- 
ventions have adopted the following resolutions : — 

" First, We recommend to our States immediate se- 

Second, We recommend holding a Convention at 
Montgomery, Alabama^ on a day: not later than the 
15th of February, and establishing a Southern Con- 

Another resolution was passed, considered confiden- 
tial, but understood to pledge the Senators to remain 
at Washington, and defeat army and navy appropria- 
tions and other bills, if proposed. 

Mr. Thompson, Secretary of the Interior, resigned 
on the 8th, on the ground that troops had been sent to 
Charleston by the steamer Star of the West, when, as 
he alleges, there was a distinct understanding on the 
31st of December that none were to be ordered to the 
South without the decision of the Cabinet. 

The U. S. arsenal at Mobile was taken on the morn- 
ing of January 4. It contains six stand of arms, 1500 
barrels of powder, and 300,000 rounds of cartridges. 
No defence was made. Port Morgan was also taken 
during the night, and garrisoned by 200 Mobile troops. 

Charleston, Jan. 5. A. B. Longstreet, President 
of the South Carolina College, issues a pamphlet en- 
titled " Shall South Carolina Begin War ? " He ear- 
nestly desires that the Collector on board the Harriet 
Lane be allowed to land, be treated politely, introduced 
to Mr. Colcock, and every means used by the two 
Collectors to settle their respective claims m a spirit 
of courtesy and kindness. 

If the forts were reinforced, there would be an un- 
fair conflict; hundreds of our sons would be slain, 
Moultrie would become deserted, and the wrath of the 
United States be brought on our devoted city. He 
implores his fellow-citizens to let the first shot come 
from the enemy. 

Reports from Charleston state that the troops are 
suffering severely from sickness and exposure. There 
is no business doing. The city is in the hands of a 

The Governor has received a telegram from Mayor 
Munroe of New Orleans, stating that New Orleans 
fully sympathized with Charleston in the perils to 
which she is exposed, aud will not Ml to support her 
when occasion requires. 

SoirTitKHs-i.Ks is Wa*iiis(;t<jv. The Washington 
correspondent of the New York Times says : — 

" There is already a considerable numlwr of South- 
ern men here. Many of them, but almost invariably 
such as appear to he under age, wear the blue cockade, 
which is thi' fashionable badge of treason. Their num- 
ber and power were attested by the uproarious applausu 
which greeted the treasonable Speech of Renjaniin on 
Monday last. Men of this stamp have no hesitation in 
threatening the overthrow of the Government ; and 
would put Hannibal to the blush by their fluent dis- 
course upon the art of war. 

But let me not underrate the importance of them 

threats. It is said that levolutionsare always precipi- 
tated by the daring of a few leaders, backed by a mi- 
nority of the people ; and the history of the world 
proves that a hundred men, armed and organized for 
war, are more than a match for thousands of brave cit- 
izens who are peaceably going about their business. 
Weak as are the Secessionists, therefore, in point of 
numbers, when compared with the great mass of law 
abiding people, of all parties, it would be a fatal mistake 
to rest in quiet security, without an effort to counteract 
their machinations. They are not wanting in courage 
and audacity, and there are men among them who are 
not unfamiliar with military science." 

IIoiiRinLE Ml 'RREit by Slavks. Lucius Woodruff, 
a wealthy citizen of Weldon, Northampton County, N. 
C, lias been murdered by his slaves, under horrible 
tortures. The negroes, with the exception of the 
ringleader, have been arrested. There are rumors (of 
course) that Abolitionists are at the bottom of the 
crime. A determination is expressed to hang all the 
slaves concerned in the affair, immediately. 

S3T" A meeting was held at Norfolk, {Va.) on the 
7th inst., which favored secession, the arming of the 
State, and denouncing coercion. 

Conventions, in the State of New York, to be addressed 
by Rev. Beriah Green, Rev. S. J. May, Aaron M. Powell, 
Susan B. Anthony, and others, will be held as follows : — 
Rochester, Friday, Saturday, Sunday, Jan.ll, 12, 13- 

Utiea, Monday, Tuesday, " 14,15. 

Rome, Thursday, Friday,- " 17, 18. 

Cortland, Saturday, Sunday, " la, 20. 

Fulton, Tuesday, Wednesday, " 22, 23. 

Oswego, Thursday, Friday, " 24,25. 

Port Byron, Saturday, Suoday, " 26, 17. 

Syracuse, Tuesday, Wednesday, " 29, 30- 

Auburn, Thursday, Friday, Jan. 31, Feb. 2. 

Peterhoro', Saturday, Sunday,] Feb. 2, 3. 

Tbe sessions of the Conventions will be afternoons and 
evenings, at 2 and 7 o'clock. Afternoon sessions free — 
Evening sessions, 10 cents. 

JE^" Let there be a grand rallying of the People. 

The friends in the several places will give free enter- 
tainments to those in attendance from the country. 

Annual New York State Anti-Slavery Convention will bo 

[ at Albany, in Association Hall, Monday evening, 
Tuesday and Wednesday, afternoon and evenings, Feb. 4, 5, 
6. Hon. Gerrit Smith, Lucretia Mott, Rev. Beriah Green, 
Ernestine L. Rose, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Oliver John- 
son, Rev. S. J. May, Aaron M. Powell, Susan B. Anthony 
and others will address the Convention. 

Afternoon sessions will commence at half-past 2 o'clock. 
Admission free. Evening sessions at half-past 7 o'clock. 
Admission, 10 cents. 

£p- WOMAN'S RIGHTS.— The Second Annual New 
York State Woman's Rights Convention will be held at 
ALBANY, in Association Hall, Thursday and Friday, 
afternoons and evenings, Feb. 7 and 8. 

Lucretia Mott, Ernestine L. Rose, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 
Hon. Gerrit Smith, Rev. Beriah Green, Rev. S. J. May, 
Aaron M. Powell, Susan B. Anthony, and others, will ad- 
dress the Convention. 

Afternoon sessions at half-past 2 o'clock. Admission free. 
Evening sessions at half-past 7 o'clock. Admission 10 cts. 

P3F SIXTEENTH COURSE.— The Seventh Lecture be- 
fore the Salem Female Anti-Slavery Society will be given 
by Miss SiLLib I7ii,LEr, of Rochester, N. Y-, on Sunday 
evening, Jan. 13, in Lyceum Hall, at 7 o'clock. Admit- 
tance five cents. GiROLIXE BALCH, Rec. .. 

^- H. FORD DOUGLASS will will speak at 
Groton, Friday, Jan. 11 

Peppercll, Sunday, " 13 


id i 


Affairs at tub South as Reflected from Pri- 
vate Sources. A gentleman recently from Charles- 
ton, and who has resided there for several years, says 
the people at the North can form no idea of "the excite- 
ment which exists in that city. He believes that the 
people are as much insane as most of those who are in 
our mad-houses, and nothing but a sound drubbing will 
dispel their illusions. They have the most exaggera- 
ted notions of their own strength and importance, and 
the most ridiculous ideas of Northern dependence upon 
ihetr countenance and favor. They acknowledge the 
business stagnation in their own city, but seem to take 
a patriotic pride in their pecuniary sufferings, believing 
that the distress and destitution at the North is tenfold 
greater. It is the universal belief that the danger of 
bread riots in the large cities of the North is imminent 
— that the manufactories are all stopped — and that the 
operatives are starving. They express a great deal of 
sympathy for our poor, but say they have nobody to 
blame but themselves for their abject condition. They 
laugh to scorn the idea of coercion on the part of the 
General Government, and say the first blow struck will 
be the signal for a civil war ;it the North, in which the 
Democratic aud Bell-Evexett parties will throttle the 
Republicans, and insist Ihiit the independence of the 
slave States shall be acknowledged. 

In short, like the fly on the chariot wheel, thev en- 
tertain the most exaggerated ideas of their own impor- 
tance and power. These ideas are fanned bv the lead- 
ers of the mob — for the control is virtually hi the hands 
of the mob— and whatever can iv gleaned from North- 
ern papers to strengthen the delusion is diligently cir- 
culated. As their own papers do not show the bnsEnese 
stagnation and the destitution which exist in Charles- 
ton, they imagine that the Northern press is also pru- 
dentialiy silent upon the social and business Condition 
Ot the free States. They are expecting every dav that 
the North will come down on its knees to South Cam- 
Una, and beg her to remain in the Union. 

How the delusion of 
State is to be banished 

though time and the thickening dangers about them 
will probably sohe the problem.— Journal, 

E^" MEDFORD. — Miss Sallie Holley, an Agent of 
the Massachusetts A. S. Society, will speak at Medford, 
Thursday evening, Jan. 17. 

MANCHESTER, N. H.— A. T. Foss, He-tht C. 
Wright and J. M. Hawks will speak in Manchester, N. 
H., Sunday, Jan. 20, day and evening. 

2^- FREE DI3&ENSARY, for Women and Children, 
274 Washington street, Boston. Open every day, from 13 
to 1 o'clock. 

The above institution (in connection with the Ladies' 
Medical Academy) is now open for the gratuitous treats 
nient of Women and Children, and for Surgical Patients of 
both sexes. Difficult cases may have the benefit of a Con- 
sultation on Wednesdays, at 12 o'clock. 

Midwifery. Attendance by duly qualified female prac- 
titioners will be provided for the poor, at their own homes, 
free of charge 

^- BESSIE S. LOCKWOOD, M. D., JVo. 34 Avbm 
Street, Boston. Particular attention paid to the Diagno- 
sis and Treatment of Chronic Diseases. 
Office Houitsfrom 11, A. M., till 2, P. M. Nov.23 — Urn 

&" SITUATION WANTED— A lady who has had 
largo experience in matters of house- keeping, and who is 

eminently qualified satisfactorily to discbarge the duties 
connected therewith, desires a situation either as house- 
keeper, or matron of some establishment, either in this 
city or vicinity. The best of references given. Address 
X., Anti-Slavery Oaice, 221 Washington street. 

e citizens of the Palmetto 

annot new be anticipated, 

Si ltors Cm'tuukd. The U. S. steamer Mohawk. 

Lieutenant Craven, has recently seized two vessels 
tided oul for the slave trade, wiille oruiaing off the 

Cuban coast. One was the brig Iowa, and the other 
the barque Mavv I.. Kimball, of New Orleans. Thev 
were taken to Key West and phnvd in euslodv of the 
I!. 8, Marshal. 

£f? ' A large meeting was held at Hamilton. ('. W 

-i Wednesday evening, in relation to the Anderson 

ado justifying 

lopted to 


scape, and 

arorj exertion to prevenl bis rendilMn. T!i,> 
Canadians art' greallv exeited about Ibis matter 

S'fT" Several slaves have been arretted at ManQn«fl 
Mr, near Kielmtond. Va.. on (he charge of insiibonli. 

nation, and conspiring lo form «n Insurrection 

The British Reviews, 


Blackwood's Magazine. 


THE LONDON QUARTERLY, (Conservative.) 






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For all four of the Reviews, 

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For Blaekwod and one Review, 

For Blackwood and two Reviews, 

For Blackwood aud three Reviews, 

Per Blackwood and the four Kovirwr, 
N. B.— Thcimce in Great Britmt tf thr fb* 

jj $31 prr Dunum. 
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Fourth Edition. 

ONE BTJKDBSD ani» i-'OKTY-tvrR pwposttw 
bhaologlo&l, moral, historical »ml 

proved afflruatinl^and negatively, bj quctati 
Soripvan ; embodying taosl of the palpable and ssriklna 

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A. J. DAVIS ■ 
0.*> 6m -271 OaaaJ Street, New York 


Tut; inbewilMt baa just opened house No. 
street, for see aooom m oda ti oii .'(transient Board*!*. 

The location is a pleaaaul one, within a lew BUD 

of the most osalrai portions of the city, Kvarj exertion 
will be made tor tbo eouifbrl .-i those who bhu ;i call. Rooms famished null Of WW . 

Tonus moderate. 
Jaa. 11. B. Mi 

jgr The oI>ot« awoimuodnUom nro wry aaple and at- 

traoUro, tad ire hop* that (Hoadi saBtnorarit) in 

will givo the woilhy ho?t .i esll. 


J^V^U^VIIY ±1. 

f 1 1 1 1 . 


by jous a. wiyrrnm. 
The day is breaking in the East, of whioh the prophets told, 
And briglitous up the sky of Time the Christian Ago 

of Gold ; 
Old Might to Right is yielding, battle blade to clerkly pen, 
Earth's uionarebs are her peoples, and her serfs stand up 

as men ; 
The isles rejoice together, in a day are nations born, 
And the slave walks free in Tunis, and by Stamboul's GoUl- 

ea Horn ! 
Is this, oh countrymen of niino ! a day for us to sow 
The soil of new-gained empiro with Slavery's seeds of woe ? 
Tcv-feed with our fresh life-blood the old world's oast-olf 
* crime, 

Dropped, liko some monstrous oarly birth, from the tired 

lap of Time ? 
To run anew tho evil race the old lost nations ran, 
And die, like them, of unbolief of God, and wrong of man ? 

Great Heavens! is this our mission? Ends in this the 
prayers and tears, 

The toil, the strife, the watchings of our younger, bet- 
ter years? 

Still, as tho old world rolls in light, shall oura in shad- 
ow turn, 

A beamless chaos, cursed of God, through outer darkness 
borne ? 

Whcro the far nations looked for light, a blackness in the 

Where for words of hopo they listened, the long wail of 
despair ? 

Tho Crisis presses on us ; face to face with us it stands, 

With solemn lips of question, liko the sphinx in Egypt's 
sauds ! 

This day we fashion Destiny, our web of Fate wo spin ; 

This day for all hereafter choose wo holiness or sin ; 

Even now from starry Gorizim, or Ebal's cloudy crown, 

We call the dews of blessing, or the bolts of cursing 
down ! 

By all for which the Martyrs bore their agony and shame 

By all the warning words of truth with which the proph- 
ets oame ; 

By tho Future which awaits us ; by all the hopes which 

Their faint and trembling beams across the blackness of 
the Past ; 

And in the awful namo of Him who for earth's freedom 
died ; 

Oh ye people ! oh my brothers ! let us ehooso the right- 
eous side ! 

So shall the Northern pioneer go joyful on his way, 

To wed Penobscot's waters to San Francisco's Bay ; 

To mako the rugged places smooth, and sow tho vales with 

And bear, with Liberty and Law, the Bible in his train ; 

The mighty West shall bless tho East, and sea shall an- 
swer sea, 

And mountain unto mountain call : Praise God, for we 

A11E FERE ! 

[Translated for tho Liberator from Hans Audorsen, by It. It.] 




( ,( Star- Spangled Banner.'") 
Perhaps your land is brave enough, though your 

freedom waves " 
With its crimson stripe of murderous hue, dyed in the 

blood of slaves ; 
And your country may be " free" enough, but you should 

still the cries 
That float, from up your Southern swamps, and rend the 

frowning skies. 
Perhaps a land is " glorious," whose men are bought and 

sold ; 
But from your banner, gemmed wit 13 ' iLars, tear out the 

t H ow dare yon hang the flag aloft, to float beneath the 

Which your fathers, with their noble lives, for you and 

freedom won, 
When the clanking of your brother's chain is heard be- 
yond the Stars ? 

And is your Father's child less dear because of stripes and 
scara ? 

Are your poor sisters' souls less white because a darker 

Covers the glow of Christian light that burns as bright 
within ? 

Think you that Jesus' pitying eye with less of sorrow 
turns . 

To the slave-mother, in whose heart your scourge of iron 
burns ? 

Can ye not hear from out the heaven His warning voice 
to thee : 

" As ye do to the least of these, ye do it unto me " ? 

"Is there no balm in Gilead, and no physician there?" 

Is not your path to the sweet heavens by the same gold- 
en stair? 

Hath not your Savior left, for all, one universal prayer ? 

And do ye think that God in heaven will make a pen of 

To keep the sons of Afric in — your brothers, whom ye 

The children of the Heavenly King, who, for their Chris- 
tian grace, 

Te labeled at a higher price upon the market place ? 

Go, rend their clanking chains apart, and lift them from 
the sand, 

Then sing your song of Liberty in triumph through the 
land ! 

Then raise your stars and stripes aloft — let Freedom's ban- 
ner wave, 

Abroad, through all the glorious land — tho land without 
a slave ! 



They threaten now to leave us, 
. False sons of worthy sires, 
Whose frosty souls have never felt 

The glow of Freedom's Area. 
With foot upon a brother's neck, 

How can they sympatlme 
With Freedom's glorious light that sbinea 

O'er all our Northern skies ? 

And let them go — if go they will — 

Who shunned the well-fought day, 
When Plymouth's son3 refused to bow, 

But flung their chains away. 
Reluctantly they signed the bond 

Which Freedom's signet bore. 
And grudged tho boon to others which 

Our fathers claimed of yore. 
On each return of that proud day, 

When we remember those 
Who penned that Declaration, 

The terror of our foes, 
They must with pain those words rehearse, 

" All men by birth are free," 
While on their auction-block, for sale, 

A brother man they see. 

The cannon's roar — the wild huzza, 

Tho trumpet's swelling strains, 
Blond painfully with whistling whips, 

And clank of cofllo chains. 
They feci the threatened judgment now, 

Tho iron's in their soul, 
While shades of coining sorrows o'er 

Their guilty conscience roll. 

Aye — lot them go: the sun will come 

Back to this Northern clime ; 
Bringing, as it has ever brought, 

The seed and harvest time. 
The tido will rise and fall as now, 

The moon will wax and wane, 
Oppression's sons, from every climo, 

Will crowd to Freedom's fane. 

Our free schools o'er tho land shall still 

The seed of knowledge sow, 
Our churches, crowding hill and vale, 

Tho way of peace shall show ; 
Our ships shall sail, as now they sail, 

In every clime and sea — 
And wo Hindi bo, as wo have boon, 

Tho freest of the free. 

In the garden, all the apple trees were In blossom ; 
they hud bloomed before the green leaves shot forth : 
in the yard, the ducklings walked around, and the cat 
also sunned herself, and Heked the sunshine from her 
paws : and when one looked over the field, there 
stood the corn, each stalk alike shining in magnificent 
green, and a twittering and chirping could be heard 
from all (he little birds, as if it were a great holiday, 
which in truth it was; for it was Sunday. The bells 
were ringing, and the people were going to church, 
dressed iu their best clothes, and all looked so pleas- 
ed — yes, there was something pleasing in all : it was a 
day so warm and blest, that one could indeed say — 
God every where is very good to us men ! 

But within, in the church, the pastor stood in the 
Chancel, and spoke so loud and so menacing! He said, 
" Mankind were all wicked — that on account of this, 
God would punish them, and when they died, they 
would all go to hell, and burn everlastingly," zealously 
quoting that " the worm never dies, and the fire is 
not quenched," and that no " peace nor rest could ever 
be found " ! This was awful to listen to, and he utter- 
ed it with such convincing sincerity ! describing hell 
as a pestiferous pit, where all the offal of the world 
flowed together, and there was no other air than the 
hot, burning, sulphurous flames — no ground or bot- 
tom, and they (the wicked) ever sank deeper and 
deeper into everlasting silence ! His description was 
awful, hut he spoke it from his full heart, and the 
people in the church were completely terrified by it. 
Outside, in the meanwhile, the little birds sang de- 
lightfully, the sun was beautifully warm, it was as if 
each bird and plant said — How perfect is God's good- 
ness toward us all ! Indeed, outside, it was not at all 
like the pastor's preaching. 

The same evening, near the hour for rest, the pas- 
tor gazed at his wife as she sat there absorbed in 

" What ails you? " inquired he of her. 
" Indeed, what ails mo 'J " said she. " I find I am 
not able to collect my thoughts rightly ; that I cannot 
justly comprehend what you preached to-day, that 
there are so many wicked, and that they shall burn 
everlastingly ! Everlastingly, ah, how long ! Iamahu- 
man being, a sinner before God, yet I could not find it 
in my heart to suffer the most wicked to burn eternal- 
ly ; and then how should the dear God be able to, he 
who is so endlessly good, and who also knows how 
evil comes from without and within 3 No, I can never 
believe it myself, although you say it," 

It was autumn ; the trees were stripped of their 
leaves ; the zealous, austere pastor sat by the couch of 
one dying — closing the eyes of a pious, believing 
soul — the wife of his bosom. 

" If any one can find rest in the grave, and grace 
before God, it is thou," said he ; and he folded her 
hands, and read a psalm for the dead. 

They bore her to the grave ; two great tears rolled 
down the cheeks of the severe man, and in the par- 
sonage it was still and empty — the light of the house 
was extinguished. She had gone home. 

It was night ; a cold wind dashed across the head 
of the pastor ; he opened his eyes, and it seemed to 
him the moon shone into his room, but there was no 
moon. A figure was there, standing before his bed ; 
he saw the spirit of his dead wife, which looked so 
sad and grieved — it was as if it would speak to him. 

And he half-raised himself in bed, stretched out 
his arms toward her, and said, " To thee also is ever- 
lasting rest grudged ! Thou sufferest ! Thou the 
best and most pious ! Is it in my power to procure 
thee rest in the grave ? " 
" Yes ! " was the reply. 
"And how?-" 

" Give me a hair, only a single hair, from the head 
of the sinner whose fire will never be extinguished — ■.. 
of the sinner whom God will cast into the torments 
of hell." 

"Yes, easily can you be set at rest, thou pure, 
pious one ! " said he. 

" Then follow me," said the dead ; it is permitted. 
At my side you can float whither your thoughts will ; 
we can penetrate invisibly to the most secret resorts 
of men; but you must accurately select the one who 
is chosen for eternal torment, and find him before the 
cock crows ! " 

And rapidly, as if borne by winged thoughts, they 
found themselves in a great city, and from the walls 
and sides of the houses shone, in indelible characters, 
the names of the mortal sins, arrogance, avarice, 
drunkenness, sensuality— in short, the whole seven- 
colored bow of sin. 

" Yes within there, as I believe, as I know," said 
the pastor, " live those who are doomed to eternal 
torments ! " — and they stood in front of the splendidly 
lighted portal, the broad steps magnificently decorated 
with carpets and flowers, and through the gay saloon 
sounded the joyous music for the dancers. The por- 
ter in silk and velvet, with his great silver-mounted 
staff, stood at the entrance. 

"Our ball can be compared to that of the king!" 
said he, turning contemptuously to the gaping crowd 
on the Btreet. What he thought was plainly indicated 
by his air and motions : " Ragamuffins ! you who stand 
peeping there, the whole of you, in comparison with 
me, are but a rabble ! " 

" pride ! " said the dead ; " do you see ? " 
" That there 1 " replied the pastor, " it is only a 
fool, a poor simpleton, not destined to the torments of 
everlasting punishment." 

" Only a fool ! " resounded through the house of 
arrogance. That was each one there. 

They floated on until within the four bare walls of 
the miser, who, meagre as a skeleton, trembling from 
cold and hunger, an old gray-haired, sat with all his 
thoughts fastened on Ms gold. They saw him fever- 
ishly spring up from his miserable couch, and take out 
from the wall a loose stone ; there in an old stocking 
lay gold coins. Anxiously, and with damp, trembling 
fingers, he examined his ragged coat sleeve which had 
touched the sewed-up pieces of gold. " That is mad- 
ness, a joyless madness, beset by anxiety and evil 
dreams ! " 

They quickly withdrew, and stood before the hold 
of the criminals. In long rows the unfortunates slept 
near each other. Like a wild animal rose up one from 
his sleep, and uttered a horrible cry. He gave to one 
of his comrades a hard punch on the ribs with his 
sharp elbow, and this turned sleepily around. " Hold 
your tongue, you savage, and sleep ! thus yon do 
every night." "Every night?" repeated the other. 
" Yes, every night this comes and torments me. In 
my rashness I have done many bad acts. I was born 
with a wicked feeling, which has brought me here for 
the second time ; hut if I have done wrong, I suffer 
my punishment. This, however, I have not confessed 
to any one. When I left prison, I passed by the farm 
of my former master; my blood boiled within mc be- 
cause of what had happened to me, and I struck a 
match on tho wall ; it may have been a little too near 
the straw roof. AH burnt down. Tho heat came 
from the fire such as often comes over me. I myself 
aided to rescue the animals, and help in other matters. 
Nothing was burned, except a flock of pigeons which 
flew into the fire, and a chained dog of which I had 
not thought. We heard 1dm yell out of the tire— 
and his noise I continually bear when I try to sleep ; 
and when I do sleep, so comes this great rough dog, 
and howls, and worries me, and lays himself upon me. 
Hear, I pray, what I tell you 1 You snore the whole 
night ; you snore while I can hardly sleep a quarter of 
an hour." AgaiQ the Wood rushed into the eyes of 
the passionate prisoner ; he threw himself upon his 
comrade, and struck his face with his clenched fist. 

" The wicked Mat/, has b6GO&M mod Again ! " they 
shout to the sentinels. The other prisoners seized 
him, wrestled with him, bent him down, so that his 
head was between his knees, and then bound liim no 

firmly, that the blood almost gushedjrom the eyes and 
pores of Mats!. 

You will kill him, the unfortunate I" cried the pas- 
tor, while he stretched out his hand protcclingly over 
him who had already too much' atoned. 

The scene changed. They flew into the saloons 
of the rich, the rooms of the poor. Desire and envy, 
all the mortal sins strode past them ; an angel of pun- 
ishment read their fault, and their defence. Tins lat- 
ter, to be sure, was not brilliant, but it was presented 
to that God who reads all hearts, who fully knows 
every thing, the evil which is born with us, and which 
we leave to that God whose is himself grace and love. 
The hand of the pastor trembled ; he dared not stretch 
it out ; he ventured not to draw a hair from the head 
of a sinner ; and the tears gushed from his eyes, like a 
stream of pardon and love, whose cooling waters should 
extinguish the everlasting flames of hell. 

There the cock crowed. 

" All-merciful God ! Do thou give peace to her whom 
I am unable to ransom ! " 

" I have it now ! " said the dead. "' It was your 
harsh words, your doubt in humanity, your gloomy 
belief in God and his creatures, which brought me to 
you ! Become acquainted with mankind ! Even in 
the wicked lives a part of God, such a part as can 
conquer and extinguish the flames of hell ! " 

And the preacher felt a kiss on his lips, a shimmer- 
ing light shone around him, the clear sun of God 
streamed here into his room, where his wife, living, 
mild, and full of love, had awakened him from a dream 
which God had scut to him 1 

has wrought the wonders we to-day behold. I'.'iiih 
fully proclaimed, It shall subdue kings, and break in 

pieces kingdoms, till Truth shall triumph everywhere, 
and Righteousness reign forever and ever. 

The rustling of the Liberator is like the wing of 
the Heavenly dove. At the voice of Phillips, even 
the devils tremble. The stern demand of the Ameri- 
can Anti-Slavery Society, " No Union with Slavehold- 
ers," is that breath of the Omnipotent, which shall 
never return void. 

Yours, with faith unfailing, 




Salem, Ohio, Dec. 25, 1860. 
Dear Brother Garrison : 

On Sunday evening, the 23d inst., a large audience 
of our most substantial citizens listened to an address 
by Parker Pillsbury, on the present condition of the 
country. He gave us, as was meet, in these stirring 
times, one of Ids choicest efforts. He made it clear to 
every capacity that events, past and present, every 
way justify the radical Anti-Slavery policy,; that our 
udy way out of present difficulties, as the only method 
of avoiding still greater in the future, is, no union 
with slaveholders — no complicity with their crimes. 
The audience, composed mainly of such as have hith- 
erto shown least sympathy with our movement, gave 
evidence that they are beginning to appreciate the 
work of Abolitionists. They were not backward in 
expressing their approval of the course of manly and 
uncompromising resistance recommended by Mr. Pills- 
bury. Indeed, the course of events seems bringing 
all classes to a perception of the true policy. Said a 
Breckinridge patriot to me, the other day, " Our 
Government is going to be broken up ; and d — n you, 
you (abolitionists) have done it." Happily, all the moral 
forces of the country are tending to this end, — the 
zeal of Abolitionists, the folly and madness of slave- 
holders, and even the past and wicked conservatism of 

- Mr. Pillsbury's visit to the North- West, at this time, 
is most opportune ; and if our experience in Salem is 
a good criterion, he will sway the judgment and move 
the hearts of many, hitherto deceived by their position 
and blinded by their prejudices. Thanks to South 

Mr. Pillsbury leaves to-day for Illinois and Wiscon- 
sin, proposing to spend there some six weeks in labor. 
We are now, also, enjoying the benefits of Mrs. A. 
K. Foster's labors, in this part of the State. A quar- 
ter of a century of labor has not abated her ardor, or 
diminished her purpose of bringing deliverance to the 
slave. Now, as in earlieT years, she plans and works 
as though all rested on her single will and arm. Sor- 
rowfully, it must be said, her physical system refuses 
to perform all the service she allots it ; but her pur- 
pose and industry are unabated, and her devotion is 
as single-eyed and unselfish as ever. Her audiences 
are generally large. The true friends of the slave 
welcome her with glad cooperation ; and many who, 
-fbr j'_ear-s. have been the dunej of prejudic e, in regard 
to her, as well as her principles, now listen, and learn 
with astonishment their mistaken estimate of her char- 
acter and labors. 

All eyes in the West are turned to Boston. Your 
moh of cotton-merchants and money-changers was 
our first credible evidence that South Carolina was so 
beside herself as to be in earnest. May Heaven pro- 
tect the James Otis of this revolution ! He and his 
associated heroes will, without fail, squelch out New 
England tories, if Southern madmen continue their 
folly. The North- West will be with you. 


Georgetown, Jan. 2, 1861. 
Mr. Editor, — I was pleased to see, in the last 
Liberator, a copy of the resolutions recently adopted 
by the church in this town, of which the Itev. Charles 
Becchcr is pastor. These resolutions were passed by 
a majority (15 to 12) of the church, after a most de- 
termined opposition on the part of certain influential (!) 
members, who were evidently exercised lest the South 
might withdraw the patronage hitherto bestowed upon 
the shoe trade of this town. Perhaps it will interest 
you to hear how the thing was done. 

Well, these resolves were introduced at the regular 
Tuesday evening meeting, by the pastor, but were 
laid over until the following Sunday evening, when — 
after a prayer, reading the Scriptures, and singing the 
hymn, "My country, -'tis to thee " — the resolves were 
again read, and one of the deacons took the chair, 
when the fight began. One of the leading members 
led off, by attacking tho afternoon sermon ; thus, in 
ignorance of parliamentary law, introducing a subject 
not under consideration. After delivering himself of 
a somewhat lengthy criticism of the sermon, the mem- 
ber sat down, evidently well pleased with his effort. 
A brief pause, when another brother took up the 
cudgel against the resolves, and wanted to sleep about 
twenty-four hours ou the subject, when it was sup- 
posed he might become sufficiently refreshed to act a 
manly part, by making his record as a Christian tally 
with his political professions of hostility to slavery. 

It is a noticeable fact, that, with one exception, 
every one of those who voted against the resolves is, 
politically, a Republican, and of course opposed to 
James Buchanan. Put, like church members gen- 
erally, they were opposed to injudicious action ou this 
irritating subject. 

Others spoke in opposition, but they were promptly 
met by the pastor, and the resolves triumphantly 

Thus, you see, there is one anti-slavery church 
in Old Essex — the first that has taken decided action 
on the subject. When it was announced that the 
resolves were passed, there was hearty applause on 
the part of the outsiders present, greatly to the annoy- 
ance of the aforesaid twelve. This unusual demon- 
stration, on the Sabbath, and at a church meeting, 
occasions considerable remark, aim is not generally 
approved, even by radicals. 

Some dispute has arisen in regard to the count, 
some alleging that the vote stood fourteen to fifteen, 
leaving but one majority ; and it is rumored that four- 
teen have signed a. paper stating that they did vote in 
opposition. But whether they did or not, is wholly 
unimportant : there was a majority, and that purified 
the church. 

We have thus given a brief account of the result of 
the " irrepressible conflict " in this church ; and I 
must not omit to mention, that one of the opposition 
advised the young to "beware of the corrupting in- 
fluence of their pastor" — a piece of advice that, con- 
sidering its source, will, quite likely, be followed by a 
course of ' ( masterly inactivity," on the part of those 
to whom it was gratuitously given. The remark 
above quoted is but a sample of the tone used by the 
twelve, in the discussion, during the evening; and it 
is worthy of remark, that a forbearance was shown by 
the other side which, considering the provocation, was 
really remarkable. While I differ with Mr. Beecher 
on theological matters, as widely as any believer in 
Parkerism can, yet it is but simple Justice to say -that 
Mr. B . displayed, on the occasion of which I am speak- 
ing, a courage and determination worthy the highest 
praise ; and if other churches and pastors will but 
follow the noble example set before them, the day is 
not far distant when " the sun shall not rise on a mas- 
ter nor set on a slave." 

Yours, truly, S. P. C. 

revolution exist? The Executive admits it. After 
describing the state of things, and indicating what 
his duty would he, he declares, — 

"This duty cannot by possibility be performed in 
a State where no judicial authority exists to issue 
process, and where there is no Marshal to execute it, 

ami where, even if there were such an officer, ihe en- 
tire population would constitute one solid combination 
to resist 1dm." 

What language can describe a rebellion, if this 
does not ? and yet it, is to leaders of this rebellion the 
President says " we." " We ought to be restrained 
from present action"! Thus, distinctly classing 
himself with the insurgents ! 

Amazing ! And yet, the churches are to kneel 
and pray for success to the schemes of this aelf- 
gibbeted traitor. 

Who ever before heard of a Chief Magistrate, 
and commander-in-chief of armies of a great em- 
pire, say we to rebels? 

He ought to say ye. lie ought to use the second 
person, and say, Throw down your arms, and sub- 
mit to the laws. But no, he says, " We must be 
restrained from present action." At the same time, 
he refuses reinforcements to the United States forts, 
and, by public message, tlirows the whole blame of 
the rebellion on us, and commands us to fast and 

I ask, then, if it be not a duty we must perform, 
to hurl back the charge of treason where it belongs ? 
Ought not every church in the land to say, Thai- 
tor * 

be sure that we say, calmly, firmly, mul ivilb a. voice. 
loud as a trumpet, just that word Christ looks lor 
some one to utter in such a day as this. 

Let us put OH record to-day such a testimony as 
we shall rejoice in when we look back from the 

judgment- Such a word, clear, keen, firm, true, and 
terrible only to evil-doers, as we shall thank God he 
gave us grace to utter, to all eternity. 


Sterling, (HI.,) Dec. 30, 1860. 
To the Editor : 

I am having my first look at a prairie in winter ; 
and my first experience of the severe temperature 
was tins morning ; and at ten below zero, it seemed 
quite as severe to face as twenty in New Hamp- 
shire. I have heard it said that the summer tempe- 
rature of ninety is more enervating here in the "West 
than ninety six near the sea coast. My own impres- 
sion is, that the rule of difference will hold, both win- 
ter and summer. 

And the wind sweeps over the prairie as over 
the sea. No grove or forest breaks its course, often, 
as far as a wild horse might canter in a day. The 
storms all seem like storms at sea. One might 
think these vast plains were once sea ; and that 
suddenly, while part of their surface was rolling in 
billows, and part slept serene and still, the whole was 
suddedly curdled into land, and so remains, flat or un- 
dulating, and almost as naked as before. 

In winter, the lakes and the fiat prairie appear just 
alike. The lakes are frozen, and both being cover- 
ed with snow, one ean hardly tell where shore leaves 
off and sea begins. 

And, fearful as are the storms and cold on the prai- 
ries, thousands and thousands of cattle lie out all un- 
protected, from autumn until spring. Night is some- 
times made hideous with their piteous bowlings ; and 
many are sometimes found dead in the morning, ab- 
solutely frozen. There is not timber for sufficient 
barns ; hut many farmers, more compassionate than 
their neighbors, will throw their enormous straw-stacks 
into rude shelters, round, or under the lee of which, 
the stock may he very comfortable. Many, however, 
as soon as the grain is threshed, set fire to the straw, 
and burn it to ashes. I saw many such fires in the 
autumn ; when a straw -mountain, burning, gleamed 
up in the night, at a distance of more than twenty 
miles — the straw of thousands of bushels in a single 
pyre ! 

The winter opened his terrible programme this year 
earlier than usual — and a farmer told mc to-day that 
not half the Indian corn in this region is yet harvest- 
ed. From where I now write, I can see enormous 
fields of it, shivering in the wind. And the price is 
so low, that families buy, in the car, for fuel, finding 
it cheaper than wood or coal. There were times here, 
before the day of railroads, when great qnantil.ies of 
corn would stand in the shocks till spring, and then 
he burned to*iakc way for the plough. In those days, 
bacon was used for fuel, as well as corn ; and fanners 
would even give away well-fatted hogs, and thus save 
butchering them. 

You need not he told that anli-slavery work is no pas- 
time in this inhospitable slimatc.wilh the worn/ mercury 
chilled also as low asParenheit's. Butthepeoplfidonot 
all sleep out on the prairies. Warm and hrrve hearts 
are here, as well us elsewhere. " No enncessinns, no 
more compromises ! " — such arc the cries. I have not 

yet heard among the Republicans one discordant note 

here at the West; especially since the last demonstra- 
tions and declarations of ihe new " Bepublio^of South 

Carolina" ! And to stand (irmly there, is all we can 
ask, and more, perhaps, than we Hhoiild expect of tho 
pai'ly, in such a crisis. 

Still, our work is, and must remain the s.'ime, R 1 1 M • - 

slavery lasts: while Oppression and injiiMiiee reign 

ill whatever form, in whatever clime. Our gospel 


Extracts from a Sermon preached before the South 
Congregational Society, Mass., on Sunday, Dec. 
23d, 1860, by Rev. Charles Beecher: — 

The principles of the great campaign, just brought 
to its close, were not radical. Many thought them 
censurably mild and conservative ; but they were 
well meant, and in the direction of the elevation of 
Humanity and the glory of God. But States where 
free speech and a free press are unknown, and 
where the whole produce of labor is stolen from the 
laborer, have revolted, and are in treasonable con- 
spiracy ; therefore, — and I now quote the words of 
the proclamation, — " let us, with deep contrition and 
penitent sorrow, unite in humbling ourselves before 
the Most High, confessing our individual and na- 
tional sins, and acknowledging the justice of our 

Mark it, my hearers, that punishment which 
Southern rebels, corrupt politicians, Wall-street 
stock gamblers, and State-street millionaires have 
inflicted on us — " acknowledging the justice of our 

And in this work of utter prostration before a 
corrupt and treasonous conspiracy, the Church and 
clergy are to take the leap. 

We, the professed followers of Christ, are to open 
our churches, and employ the sacred associations of 
the house of God, and the solemnities of our holy 
religion, to turn the tide of popular exultation into 
dejection, and transform a triumph into a defeat ! 

Tell me, my hearers, is there no design in that ; 
to make the Church and clergy the tool of the Gov- 
ernment ! 

This is a government of public opinion. Public 
opinion is sensitive. Every engine that forms pub- 
lic opinion is a power. Such is the press. Such 
are parties. But these the despotism that has so 
long centralized itself at Washington has lost. 
They could not suborn the press. God would not 
let them remain an unbroken party organization. 
God, in his providence, sent confusion into their 
counsels. Their sands were ebbing. Their hour 
was come. What resort was left? What engine 
for reaching public sentiment? 

There was one — the Church ! 

yes, the Church; the ministry, that never med- 
dled with politics, must meddle now. The whole 
American 2ion, that never did anything but follow 
public opinion before, must lead it now. 

Gird yourselves with sackcloth, lament and howl, 
fast and weep, preach and pray, and turn the tide 
of public opinion from liberty back to despotism. 

Prepare tho way by a panic. Reduce men's 
courage by a pressure. Tame their heroism by 
hunger. Bring down their pride by depletion. 

Then, when all is ready, sound an alarm in the 
holy mountain, and put the religious machinery of a 
million churches in motion, and the fortunes of bat- 
tle may yet be retrieved ! 

That is the snare that is spread in the sight of 
the bird. 

What answer, then, ought an honest Church and 
people io give to sm-li a Proclamation? Whai re- 
ply docs a love tor the slave, a love for trulh, true 
patriotism, and. above all, a sincere loyally lo God, 

demand of us ? 

I. The Executive condescends to apologuM for 
us, graciously Intimating that our guilt does not. 
quite amount to treason. Can we say as much for 

him? Has he not committed himself? Does he 

not argue the case, and decide i hut .secession is revo- 
lution ? Listen : — 

"Let us look tho danger fairly in the fnce. Seces- 
sion is neither more nor less Hum rerohiltmi ; ii may 

or may not be justifiable, I'm still it is revolution." 

Such are (he words of I lie l\oeu(i\r. Kill none 
is belter aware Hi, in he, that revolution is rebellion. 

If those engaged are defeated, the gover onl 

always deals with thorn ! > M rebels. But does such 

But what should we say, then, to his proposal 
to amend the Constitution ? Ought we not to say, 
that to treat with rebels with arms in their hands is 
contrary to the first principles of all government? 
Who ever heard of such a thing ? Even the Di- 
vine Government does not do that. God offers free 
pardon, but every rebel must submit. Is it not an 
anomaly for the Executive of a mighty empire to 
n-opose amendments to the Constitution, so that 
■ebels may yield ? And ought we not, therefore, to 
say this in the fewest, plainest words possible? 

3. Kay, since the very idea gives a kind of shock, 
as involving an attack upon our principles, ought we 
not to take occasion to say, in temperate language, 
that the amendment which the age demands is a 
withdrawal of that sanction the Constitution, whether 
rightly interpreted or wrongly, has been supposed 
to give to a sinful system ? 

The President informs us expressly that we are no 
more responsible for slavery at the South than for 
serfdom m JRussia. If so, why call on us to suppress 
insurrections and restore fugitives ? and why allow 
the South a property representation ? Why should 
they have votes in Congress for what their laws call 
property, and not we for what our laws call prop- 
erty ? 

_ If amendments are to be made, and if that ques- 
tion is to come up, why not say that it must be in 
this direction ? A line would be enough, viz. : The 
term person, wherever used in the Constitution, shall 
not hereafter be interpreted to mean slave. 

4.^ And since the present distress is the grand 
motive used to bring us to repentance, why should 
we not at once trace it to its true cause ? Not be- 
cause we have begun at last to do right. Not be- 
cause at length we have said to encroaching Des- 
potism, thus far, and no farther ; but because we did 
not begin sooner. Because we let the system take 
roof. That system which this church, twenty years 
ago, declared to be a sin — with which, and it's abet- 
tors, we could hold no fellowship. Because we have 
suffered it to grow, and invade, and attack, and- 
conquer, and tear in pieces, and devour. 

Therefore, God, in his Providence, is now suffer- 
ing us to suffer the effects ; using evil men as His 
rod, and threatening to dash us in pieces — unless we 
repent of this sin ; unless we think of the slave more, 
and of ourselves less ; unless we think of God, and 
really break off our sins by repentance. Why not 
calmly, but distinctly, say this ? 

5. And finally, as to the proposed day of fasting, 
and the attempt to make use of the Church, to em- 
ploy the ecclesiastical system of the country for un- 
worthy political ends, ought we not to express, in 
unmistakable terms, our honest feelings? 

I doubt not we all feel that, however pious the 
words the President uses, the whole thing is a piece 
of hypocrisy — an attempt at spiritual usurpation. 
What if the Pope should have appointed a day of 
fasting for all Christendom just after the Refor- 
mation broke out? What would the Protestant 
churches have said ? But is not this a similar act ? 
isfc not a cunumg-aTrdr^t^tiy- appro-at-h to the es- 
tablishment of a Spiritual Despotism ? Is it not an 
unprincipled attempt of a defeated Administration 
to break down its successor by moral influences ? 

If the subject were not so serious and so painful, 
we should say there would be something ludicrous 
in the present attitude of the Executive. 

A great political conflict has just taken place. 
Great parties have recently met in the shock of 
battle. One of these has triumphed. Now, the 
weaker, the defeated, says to the stronger, the victo- 
rious^ — Let us confess our sins ! let us pray ! 

Yes ; power is sweet. Place is dear to those who 
have been wonted to rule. It is hard to pack up 
and begone. It is sad; it is mournful. 

And the low-spirited incumbent feels as though a 
general time of groaning and sighing and sobbing 
would do him good. So he says to the victorious 
party— just about to move in — just about to ascend 
the heights of power — " Stop— don't you think you 
had better have a day of fasting and prayer ? " 
Was there ever anything more absurd ? 
It reminds one of the siege of Yorktown— when, 
after innumerable hardships, reverses, fatigues, 
wounds, after all manner of discouragements and 
despair, the Continentals at last had triumphed — 
and Washington was about to receive Cornwallis's 

Suppose Cornwallis had issued a proclamation to 
the whole American army— ■ 

Or, no ; suppose King George had issued a proc- 
lamation to all Great Britain and the United Colo- 
nies, to hold a day- of tasting and prayer ! 

I presume Washington would have said to the 
British : You may fast and pray to your heart's eon- 
tent; but we prefer to feast and pray. We prefer 
to have a thanksgiving. We propose to celebrate 
peace, with all the enthusiasm and energy of our 

Even so I, for one, say now. Other people may 
fast on the 4th of January— but so shall not I. I 
shall pray indeed — especially for my enemies and 
the enemies of my country — but I shall specially re- 
rejoice; and I only hope my friends and neighbors 
will do the same. 

Finally, in these sentiments, views and feelings, I 
would say, let us be united — as a church, as a soci- 
ety, as a community. 

However we may differ on other subjects, here, 
methinks, we might agree. 

We are all attacked together, by a formidable 
enemy ; let us leave all minor strifes, and unite for 
the common defence. 

We are all insulted alike; an outrage is offered te 
our intelligence, to our moral nature, to our honor, 
to our whole manhood ; let us unite to give fitting 
expression of those sentiments. 

And since the Church was to have been the in- 
strument of treacherous assault, let the Church take 
the lead in the defence. 

Since the. ministry were to be suborned to pur- 
poses of despotism, let them give the trumpet-blast 
of liberty, tho watchword of the Camp of Inde- 

Let us rely on God, and give scope to (he gen- 
erosity of our hearts. Lei us trust in the Almighty, 
while we pity the poor slave. 

O let us forge! the perils of our own government, 
which have been exaggerated for effect, and think 
of the desolate condition of those poor creatures, on 
whom our wheels roll crushing] 

let ns not be so annoyed by n little slackening 
of business; a little trouble; a little towering M 
wages; a little pecuniary pressure; but turn OUT 
eye towards those who own nothing, who have 
neither home, nor marriage, nor lawful rights, and 
let us deeply espouse their cause iu our souls. And 

as u> the threats and the ill language of those insur- 
gents, as to the fancied horrors that are to visit us, 

let us have some faith. 1. el us believe that 'lure is 
B God. and thai He will take rare of I hose who trUBl 

in Him and do right 

Let it be supposed (h;il we e.anunl ple&Bfl God 
and South Carolina— which shall we choose? 


" The following remarkable relation," sayB an ex- 
change, " will commend itself to the attention of our 
readers, without comment. It is now cut from the. 
Baltimore Clipper of about live years ago, which then 
republished it, as appeal's from its heading. We can- 
not vouch for the truth of it, though we see no reason 
why the incidents might not have occurred aB related. 
As the Italians say, ' Si non a vero, e ben trovaio.' At 
any rate, we have never seen it contradicted." 


The following was published several years ago, 

and we believe proceeded originally from the pen of 
a Washington letter-writer. We revive it on ac- 
count of it3 eccentric significance, and commend it 
to the attention of the Charleston Mercury: — 

The other morning, at the breakfast table, our 
friend, the Hon. John C. Calhoun, seemed much 
troubled and out of spirits. You know lie is alto- 
gether a venerable man, with a hard, stern, Scotch- 
Irish face, softened in its expression around the 
mouth by a sort of sad smile, which wins the hearts 
of all who converse with him. His hair is snow- 
white. He is tall, thin, and angular. He reminds 
you very much of Old Hickory. That he is honest, 
no one doubts; he has sacrificed to his fatalism his 
brightest hopes of political advancement — has offered 
up on the shrine of that necessity which he worships, 
all that can excite ambition— even the Presidency of 
the United States. 

But to my story. The other morning, at the 
breakfast table, where I, an unobserved spectator, 
happened to be present, Calhoun was observed to 
gaze frequently at his right hand, and brush it with 
his left, in a hurried and nervous manner. He did 
this so often that it excited attention. At length one 
of the persons composing the breakfast party — his 
name, I think, is Toombs, and he is a member of 
Congress from Georgia— took upon himself to ask 
the occasion of Mr. Calhoun's disquietude. 
" Does your hand pain you ? " he asked. 
To this Mr. Calhoun replied, in rather a flurried 
manner : — " Pshaw ! It is nothing ! Only a dream 
which I had last night, and which makes me see per- 
petually a large black spot, like an ink-blotch, upon 
the back of my right hand. An optical illusion, I 

Of course, these words excited the curiosity of the 
company, but no one ventured to beg the details of 
this lingular dream, until Toombs asked quietly: — 
" What was your dream like ? I'm not yerj su- 
perstitious about dreams, but sometimes they have a 
good deal of truth in them." 

" But this was such a peculiarly absurd dream," 
said Mr. Calhoun, again brushing the back of his 
right hand ; " however, if it does not too much intrude 
upon the time of our friends, I will relate it to you." 
Of course, the company were profuse in their ex- 
pies-ions of anxiety to know all about the dream. 
In his singularly sweet voice, Mr. Calhoun related 
it :— 

" At a late hour last night, as I was sitting in my 
room engaged in writing, I was astonished by the 
presence of a visitor, who entered, and without a 
word took a seat opposite me at my table. This 
surprised me, as I had given particular orders to the 
servant that I should on no account be disturbed. 
The manner in which the intruder entered, so per- 
fectly self-possessed, taking his seat opposite me, 
without a word, as though my room and all within 
it belonged to him, excited in me as much surprise 
as indignation. As I raised my head to look into 
his features over the top of my shaded lamp, I dis- 
covered that he was wrapped in a thin cloak, which 
effectually concealed his lace and features from my 
view. And as I raised my head, he spoke : — 

'What are you writing, Senator from South Car- 
olina ? ? 

" I did not think of his Impertinence at first, but 
answered him voluntarily :—— » 

' I am writing a plan for the dissolution of the 
American Union.' (You know, gentlemen, * 
am expected to pr eA'-?o a plan of dissolutions 
event of certain contingencies.) 

" To this the intruder replied in the coolest man- 
ner possible : — ■ 

' Senator from South Carolina, will yon allow me 
to look at your hand — youi right hand ? ' 

" He arose, the cloak fell, and I beheld his face. 
Gentlemen, the sight of that face struck me like a 
thunder-clap. It was the face of a dead man whom 
extraordinary events had called back to life. The 
features were those of General George Washington; 
yes, gentlemen, the intruder was none other than 
George Vrashington. He was dressed in the Revo- 
lutionary cosfirme, such as you see preserved in the 
Patent Office." 

Here Mr. Calhoun paused, apparently much agita- 
ted. His agitation. I need not tell you, was shared 
by the company. Toombs at length broke the em- 
barrassing pause. " Wey., w-e-1-1, what was the issue 
of this scene ? " Mr. Calhoi.ti resumed :— 

" This intruder, as I have said, rose, and asked to 
look at my right hand. As thougl, J had not the 
power to refuse, I extended it The troth is. I felt, 
a strange thrill pervade me at his touch: he <rasped 
it and held it near the light, thus affording nie frill 
time to examine every feature of his face. K was 
the face of Washington . Gentlemen. I shuddered as 
I beheld the horribly dead alive look of that visage. 
After holding my hand for a moment, he looked at 
me steadily, and said in a quiet way : — 

' And with this right hand, Senator from Carolina, 
you would sign your name to a paper declaring the 
Union dissolved"?' 

" I answered in the affirmative. ' Yes,* said I, 
' if a certain contingency arises, I will sign my name 
to the Declaration of Dissolution." Put at that mo- 
ment, a black blotch appeared on the back of my 
hand, an ink blotch, which 1 seem to see even now. 
• What is that ? ' said I, alarmed, I knew not why, 
at the blotch on my hand. 

' That,' said he, dropping my hand, ' is the mark 
by which Benedict Arnold is known in the next 

" He said no more, gentlemen, but. drew from be- 
neath his cloak an object which he laid upon the ta- 
ble—laid it upon the pa]>er on which I was writing. 
That object, gentlemen, was a skeleton. 

'There,' said he. • there are the bones of Isaac 
Havoc, who was hung in Charleston by the British. 
He gave his lite in order to establish the Union. 
When you put your nnme lo a Declaration of Disso- 
lution, why. you may ;is well have the bones of Isi;v 
Ilayne before you ; he was a South Carolinian, and 
so are you. But there was no blotch upon his right 

•• With these words the intruder left the room. I 
started bark from the contact with the dead man's 
bones, and — awoke. Overworn by labor, I had fall- 
en asleep, and had been dreaming. Was it not a 
singular dream ? ™ 

All the company answered in the affirmative, and 
Toombs muttered, •' Singular, very singular." attho* 
same time looking curiously at ihe back <>t' his right 
hand, while Mr. Calhoun placed his head between 
his hands, and seemed buried in thought, 

Suppose in patching una peace with the South. 

we did it in a. way to offend God, what would it 
amount tO? How long would it last? I low fong 
before if would rush back upon us with ten-fold hor- 
rors? A man must be an Atheist not to see this. 
(), then, let us make our treaty with Qod in «fc I *1 
ns be sure lie is on OUT side. Let us have ttO mis 
take aboul lhal. I .el us lake such a portion as be- 
comes believing men, serious men, men who holio\o 

in ;i judgmenl bo come, men n ho expeol to meet in 

Qternity the record v\' thia life's affairs. Oh. lei us 

Kkapy FOB wi 8JH mrirr. It is sail! ilia: a .vr 
tain Southern gentleman having been asked it he 
should want .a Buppl] Of Ece during the COSUng Sum- 
mer season, replied indignantly in the Begftth P, declar- 
ing that the men of the South would drink ooi/t'rti; A«>f 
Hater iipKV.lhr f-'ou'th of.hifi/. before thej WW 
or use auv el' [lie free Niil uv of the Slates of the 

j.jf ■ We bcml a couple of politicians on Thursday 
sighing over the afflun of the nation. " l wish." said 

one OI them, "Old Jackson was in old Buchanan's 

place" " I ain'i so particular aboul that," retorted 

the oilier: " i.i be satisfied it' "U Buchanan was in 

old Jackson's ph\OI HW< 

CjT""* Governor 1'iekons, of South Carolina, has is- 
Bued ■ call for volunteers under thi i 
passed bj the Legislature of thai State, if tohntMra 
in sufficient numbers do not present themselves, the 

order then require* thai ■ siillieient iiuihIhi I 

into the service of the state that is, compelling them 

to perform military duty. The term of tin . 

is not stated. 

Toe Si a a 89ION OV Soi rn CaKOI IS v BalutM Of 

" one hundred bum " » an fired at M 

Montgomery, Nov Orleans, VVilmington, V r. an, I 

Baltimore, en reception of 'lie nev s of tin ■ 

of South Carolina. Norfolk ami Portsmouth, Va., 

weni it to the extent ^' "fifteen guns" onrj 

oC rf+uJ&jf //J, _JS~ Jte*. ,*A 





ROBERT F. YVAJLLCUT, General Age^t. 

G^" TERMS — Two dollars and fifty Wilts per annum, 
in advance. 

3^" Five copies will bo sent to odo address for tes 
dollars, if payment bo inado in advance. 

Q^~ All remit! antics aro to be made, and all letters re- 
lating to the pecuniary concerns of the paper aro to bo 
directed (post paid) to tho General Agent. 

ESP" Advertisements inserted at the rate of five cents per 

j^^The Agents of tho American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Liberator. 

[gjf Tho following gentlemen constitute- the Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of the 
paper, viz : — Francis Jackson, Edmund Quiscr, Edmund 
Jackson, and Wendell Phillips. 


(Dm (JTuuntvy \% tlu 9twfl&, <ntr <Gmmtr;ymeu m aU glnnlunl 

The United States Constitution is a covenant 
with death, and an agreement with hell." 

[27~ " What order of men under the most absolute of 
monarchies, or tho most aristocratic of republics, was over 
invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that 
of the separate and exclusive representation of less than 
half a million owners of slaves, in the Hall of this House, 
in tho chair of tho Senato, and in tho Presidential man- 
sion? This investment of power in tho owners ot one 
wpecics of property concentrated in the highest authorities 
of tho nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the 
twenty-six States of tho Union, constitutes a privileged 
order of men in tho community, more adverse to the rights 
of all, and more pernicious to tho interests of the whole, 
than any order of nobility ever known. To call govern- 
ment thus constituted a Ifemocracy is to insult the under- 
standing of mankind. ... It is doubly tainted v/itb the 
infection of riches and of slavery. There is no name ia, 
the language of national jurisprudence that can define it — 
no model in the records of ancient history, or in the politi- 
cal theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It 
was introduced into tho Constitution of the United States 
by an equivocation — a representation of property under tho 
name of persons. Little did the members of the Conven- 
tion from the Free States imagine or foresee what a sacri- 
fice to Moloch was hidden under tho mask of this conces- 
sion." — Jobs Quincy Adams. 

J, B. YEEEINTON & SON, Printers. 


3STO. 3. 


WHOLE NO. 1570. 

IffugC Of %]>M5i£U0H- 


A Separate Nationality, or the Africanization of 

the South. 

Extracts from a pamphlet- printed at New Orleans, 
entitled as above : — 

A sectional party, inimical to our institutions, and 
odious to our people, is about taking possession of 
the Federal Government. The seed sown by the 
early Abolitionists has yielded a luxurious harvest. 
When Lincoln is in place, Garrison will be in power. 
The Constitution, either openly violated or emascu- 
lated of its true meaning and spirit by the subtleties 
of New England logic, is powerless for protection. 
We are no longer partners to a federal compact, but 
the victims of a consolidated despotism. Opposition 
to slavery, to its existence, its extension and its per- 
petuation, is the sole cohesive clement of the trium- 
phant faction. It did not receive the countenance 
of a single vote in any one of the ten great cotton 
States of the South! The question is at length 
plainly presented: submission or secession. The 
only alternative left us is this : a separate nationality, 
or the Africanization of the South. 

He has not analyzed this subject aright, nor probed 
it to the bottom, who supposes that the real quarrel 
between the North and South is about tl.j Territo- 
ries, or the decision of the Supreme Court, or even 
the Constitution itself; and that, consequently, the 
issues may be stayed and the dangers arrested by the 
drawing of new lines, and the signing of new com- 
pacts. The division is broader, and deeper, and 
more incurable than this. ' The antagonism is funda- 
mental and ineradicable. The true secret of it lies 
in the total reversion of public opinion winch has oc- 
curred in both sections of the country in the last 
quarter of a century on the subject slavery. 

It has not been more than twenty-five years since 
Garrison was dragged through the streets of Boston, 
with a rope around his neck, for uttering Abolition 
sentiments; and not thirty years since, the abolition 
of slavery was seriously debated in the Legislature 
of Virginia. Now, on the contrary, the radical 
opinions of Sumner, Emerson and Parker, and the 
assassination schemes of John Brown, arc applauded 
in I'aneiU*- Hall ; and the whole Southern mind, with 
an. unparalleled unanimity, regards the institution of 
slavery as righteous and just, ordained of God, and 
to be perpetuated by man. We do not propose to 
analyze the causes of this remarkable revolution, 
which will constitute one of the strangest chapters 
of history. The fact is unquestionable. * * * 

The pro-slavery sentiment is of recent develop- 
ment. It is more recent than any of the great in- 
ventions which have created the distinctive forms of 
our modern civilization. It is more recent than 
many of the great innovations of thought which now 
agitate mankind. The great and good fathers of 
our Kepublic unquestionably entertained anti-slavery 
sentiments or predilections, and the flippant Aboli- 
tionist thinks he has silenced us forever by quoting 
the opinions of Washington and Jefferson and Madi- 
son on this subject. The anti-slavery sentiment of 
that era was partly derived from the radical influence 
of the French revolution, the mad frenzies of which 
fearful convulsion, the fanatics of the North may yet 
repeat in the Western hemisphere. * _ * * . * 

In opposition to the prevailing sentiment of the 
North, we believe that men are created neither free 
nor equal. They are born unequal in physical and 
mental endowments, and no possible circumstances 
or culture could ever raise the negro race to any 
genuine equality with the whites. Man is born de- 
pendant, and the very first step in civilization was 
for one man to enslave another. A state of slavery 
has been a disciplinary ordeal to every people who 
have ever developed beyond the savage condition. 
Those who cannot be reduced to bondage, like the 
American Indian, perish in their isolated and defiant 
barbarism. Freedom is the last result, the crowning 
glory of the long and difficult evolution of human 
society. Few nations have yet attained to that lofty 
standard. Those who say that the French, the Ital- 
ians or the Prussians are not yet fit for freedom, and 
are still unable to appreciate the blessings of consti- 
tutional liberty, would thrust the splendid privilege of 
An^lo-Saxon superiority upon the semi-barbarous 
negro! What folly, what madness! 

Man has no "inalienable rights" — not even those 
of " life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." * * 
We anticipate no terminus to the institution of 
slavery. ***** 

The doctrine that there exists an "irrepressible 
conflict" between free labor and slave labor is as 
false as it is mischievous. Their true relation is one 
of beautiful interchange and eternal harmony. * * 
The only "irrepressible conflict" is between pro- 
slavery and anti-slavery opinion. Here, indeed, col- 
lision may be inconceivably disastrous, and fanaticism 
may thrust her sickle into the harvest of death. The 
pro-slavery sentiment is unconquerable. It will be 
more and more suspicious of encroachment and jeal- 
ous of its rights. It will submit to no restriction, 
and scouts the possibility of any "ultimate extinc- 
tion." Nothing will satisfy us but a radical change 
of opinion, or at least of political action, on the sub- 
ject of slavery throughout the Northern States. The 
relation of master and slave must be recognized as 
right and just, as national and perpetual. * * * 

When a Northern Confederacy can no longer, like 
a vampyre, suck the blood of the sleeping and com- 
pliant South; when agrarianism, and atheism, and 
fanaticism, and socialism, do their perfect work in a 
crowded and crowding population, will not the dark 
enigmas of free-labor civilization press heavily upon 
it,, and the dread images evoked by the prophetic 
wisdom °1" Macaulay arise indeed — taxation, monop- 
oly, oppression, misery of the masses, revolution. 
standing armies, despotism, &c. r _ It may yet deserve 
the strange epitaph written for this nation by Elwood 
Fisher : — 

'■'•Here lie a people, who, in attempting to liberate 
the negro, lost their own freedom." * * *_ 

The fact is, the Constitution is dead, for it carried 
with it the seeds of its own dissolution. The Union 
lias achieved its mission; the last page of its history 
is written, and it may be safely deposited in the 
glorious archives of the past. The genius of Anglo- 
Saxon liberty, when she emigrated to these shores, 
bore twins in her bosom, and not a single birth. The 
Northern race, bold, hardy, intelligent, proud and 
free, will receive into its embrace the heterogeneous 
tpaton of European civilization, and mold it to its 
own shape, ami prepare it for itH own destiny. The 
Southern people are brave, courteous, credulous and 
forbearing — loving friends, chivalrous enemies, and 

good masters, to whose strong and generous hands 
alone, the Almighty would entrust the tutelage, of 
bis most helpless and degraded children. * * * 

It is unfair to represent this question as one of se- 
<-essr:i: KT :<i:l'::.^i:n Ifco wcrl BUbrpiflffcCC, in th. 

sense of political degradation, floes not exist in the 
Southern vocabulary. There in no man iii the South 

SO Stupid, so cowardly, BO base, afl to be. willing t0 

live in the Union as it is. There is no difference 

between us as to the fanaticism and tyranny of the 
North, no difference as to the wrongs and injuries of 
the South. Some of us would give the North a last 
chance to abandon her false position, to make apolo- 
gies and amend, and to secure us in the strongest 
bonds imaginable, against not only the encroach- 
ments, but the existence of the Republican party. * * 

To the professed Abolitionists, that motley crew of 
men who should be women, and of women who 
should be men ; who see in Fred Douglass a hero, 
and in John Brown a martyr ; whose venom is pro- 
portioned to their ignorance, as some animals are 
said' to be fiercest in the dark ; and who are ready 
to perpetrate the blackest crimes in the name of lib- 
erty, and under the garb of virtue, we have nothing 
to say. 

The Republican party itself, the best and worstof 
it, we charge'with having outraged our feelings, vio- 
lated our rights, and initiated a policy, which, if car- 
ried out, will be destructive of our liberties. It is 
not an election, but a usurpation, and if we acquiesce, 
we are not citizens, but subjects. The forms of con- 
stitutional liberty may have been observed, but the 
spirit of tyrannic dictation has been the presiding 
genius of the day. " Suppose the people of the North 
were to repeal their obnoxious laws, to confirm and 
abide by the decision of the Supreme Court, to di- 
vide the Territories in an equitable manner, and to 
recognize the equality as well as the Union of the 
States, what and where would the Republican party 
be V Dissipated into thin air, dissolved like an emp- 
ty pageant, not leaving a trace behind. With the 
Republican party, therefore, as it exists at this hour, 
we have no parley. If it questions us, we have no 
reply but the words of the gallant Georgian, " Ar- 
gument is exhausted, we stand to our arms ! " 

To the conservative men of the North, who sacri- 
ficed their time, treasure, interest and popularity in 
our behalf, and who have proffered their blood in 
our defence, we have no language which can truly 
cxpress the gratitude of our hearts. Generous and 
faithful spirits ! Stand bravely a little longer in the 
imminent deadly breach, which is yawning between 
the North and the South, and stay, if it yet be pos- 
sible, the bloody hand of fanaticism. Raise your 
eloquent voices once more for equality and fraterni- 
ty, for justice and union ! If it prove in vain, as, 
alas ! it will, keep firm at least to your principles and 
your faith ; work without ceasing as a leaven of good 
in your infatuated communities ; infuse into the con- 
test before us some ebivafric element, worthy of your- 
selves and of us, which, if the worst comes, shall 
mitigate the horrors of war, and hasten the return- 
ing blessings of peace. When we think of you in 
the future, we will forget the violence of individuals 
and the disloyalty of State governments; we will 
forget the calumnies of Sumner, and Phillips, and 
Giddings, the blasphemies of Emerson, and Cheever, 
and Beecher, and the vile stings and insults of the 
aiders and abefttors of thieves and assassins ; we will 
willingly forget them all, and entwine you tenderly 
in our memories and affections, with the immortal 
friends and compatriots of our revolutionary sires — 
with Otis and Warren, and Hancock and Putnam, 
and Wayne and Hamilton and Franklin. And in 
the fearful troubles which may come also upon your 
fragment of this dismembered nation, may the sign 
of our covenant be found upon every one of your 
door-posts, to ward off the destroying angel from 
your favored and happy homes ! 

Southerners ! In this great crisis which involves 
the welfare of the present and the future, let us be 
united as one man. Let us survey the whole ques- 
tion in all its bearings, immediate and prospective. 
Let us act calmly, wisely, bravely. Let us take 
counsel of our duty and our honor, and not of our 
danger and our fears. Let us invoke the guardian 
spirit of ancestral virtue, and the blessing of Almighty 
God. Let us remember that, although precipitancy 
is a fault, it is better, in a question so vital as person- 
al and national independence, to be an age too soon 
than a moment too late. If wc succeed in establish- 
ing, as we shall, a %ast, opulent, happy and glorious 
slaveholdlng Republic, throughout tropical America, 
future generations will arise, and call us blessed ! 
But if it be possible, in the mysterious providence of 
God, that we should fail and perish in our sublime 
attempt, let it come ! Our souls may rebel against 
the inscrutable degree of such a destiny, but we will 
not swerve a line from the luminous path of duty. 
With our hands upon our hearts, we will unitedly 
exclaim, " Let it come ! " The sons and daughters 
of the South are ready for the sacrifice. We en- 
dorse the noble sentiment of Robert Hall, that he 
has already lived too long who has survived the lib- 
erties of Ins country ! 

Waterproof, Tensas Parish, La. 

sires find their likeness in their grand-children, not' 
their children. Thirty years passed from the tri- 
umph of Jefferson to that of Jackson, the repre- 
sentatives of the ideas of their generations. Thirty 
years have passed from the triumph of Jackson to 
that of the Anti-Slavery sentiment, not in the per- 
son of its recognized exponent, but still in the 
strength of its mighty feeling and purpose. This 
thirty years covers the era of agitation : covers the 
adult life of its promoters. You will find on the 
Liberator of this year, "Volume XXX."; and this 
sheet has the honor of initiating the movement in 
this Nation. 

The Conscience was aroused very slowly. The 
deadly slumber was pleasant. Churches, societies, 
parties, everybody, disliked to be disturbed. But 
the young men sympathized with young Mr. Garri- 
son "and his young idea. Young Mr. Seward, then 
emerging into public life, felt the throbbings of the 
new inspiration. YoungRir. Phillips and Mr. Sum- 
ner, then students at Harvard or on their way 
thither; the youthful Tappan, and Lcavitt, and 
Lovejoy, and Giddings, and Gcrrit Smith, caught 
the flame in their fresh and sympathetic hearts, and 
commenced kindling it in the breasts of others. Dr. 
Channing and John Quiney Adams were almost 
the only men of accomplished fame that endorsed 
the enterprise, and they did not publicly cooperate 
with its youthful managers. 

Soon 'bitter conflicts sprang up in the breasts 
of these young philanthropists. The fresh-armed 
men began to bite and devour one another, and 
were well-nigh consumed one of another. Yet still 
the great inspiration moved on, through them, in 
spite of them. New measures were required by the 
progress of the sentiment. The conscience grow- 
ing, demanded a chance to express itself at the 
ballot-box. This was resisted by Garrison. He did 
more than this. Led by his love of free speech, he 
permitted some of bis leading associates to burden 
the " animosus infans" with gross infidelities and 
social absurdities. But its intense life threw off all 
these deformities. Would that, in his sphere of 
effort, and to the measure of his large abilities and 
influence, he had kept his liberty from becoming 
licentiousness. AVould that he, like Wilberforce, 
had kept his heart sweet with prayer and piety 
through the whole of this great war. Wiser minds, 
not larger hearts, took the reins-; or, rather, on dif- 
ferent parts of the same field, with different weapons, 
they fought the common foe. 

This conscience has steadily increased until this 
hour. The vast majority of the men of to-day have 
grown up under its power ; for the mass of men are 
under forty-five years. The impressible youth of 
fifteen, who drank of this new wine when it was 
first pressed from the grapes of a fresh experience, 
is to-day the Governor elect of your Commonwealth. 
The poor youth of twenty, toiling in the solitude of 
Western rivers and forests, learning to abhor slavery 
because of its contempt for honorable industry, is 
to-day the civil leader of the cause and country. 

Thus has the conscience wliich moved our grand- 
sires to the great work o 1 ' personal liberation, moved 
us towards the completion of their work, in the 
liberation of more persons than their valor saved, 
from a bondage infinitely worse than that which 
them down. 

*l*f Horns. 


Extracts from a very eloquent and able Thanksgiv- 
ing Sermon, delivered in the Harvard Street M. E. 
Church, Cambridge, Sunday evening, Nov. 11, 1860, 
by Rev. Gilbert Haven, Editor of Zion's Herald: — 

A great calm follows a great storm. The chil- 
dren of the revolutionary parents were feeble in 
principle, low in moral tone. They were tired of 
great ideas and great deeds. The overstrained na- 
ture sprang back to the narrower range which men 
naturally prefer. The leading men of that age, men 
who have just left us, were far below their fathers 
in greatness of nature, and will be incalculably be- 
neath them in greatness of fame. Clay, Calhoun, 
Adams, Webster and Jackson, its live representative 
men, present to the historian no such lofty traits of 
character or service as shine in the names of live 
representatives of the preceding era, Washington, 
Adams, Jefferson, Hamilton and Franklin. 

John Quincy Adams alone of his peers held forth 
the light that glowed in his youth. But not he, till 
he had descended from the presidential throne into 
the vale, of age and comparative political obscurity. 
Hardly a word of his can be quoted before his seven- 
tieth year, that has the ringing sound of liberty. 
How different from the young John Adams in the 
mass meetings of Boston, the Provincial Congress 
and Independence Hall! Fortunate was he that 
those last lew years and that congressional opportu- 
nity were given him. 

It was an era of the deadening of the conscience, 
on llie subject of freedom. Church and Slate alike 

fell into the slumber. Political anil religious com- 
promises became the order nf the. day. Thessnti- 

ment of the fittheTS VfM against slavery. Bui. senti- 
ment can do nothing against sin. And so the sons 

came to endure, to pity, to embrace the unclean 
thing, and from Calhoun to Webster, fell down and 

worshipped the abominable idol their pious fathers 
had neglected to destroy. 

" Nhw timoH demand new mciiHiiri'.s imrt now man." 

The new limes had arrived. New men trad their 
new measures, were, not wanting. The third genera- 
tion appears on the stago of action. The grand- 

The knell of slavery was struck last year in the 
heroic deed, and more heroic death of John Brown. 
He first shook the tottering Bastile to its founda- 
tions. It had been riddled, it had been undermined, 
but it had not rocked on its base till he put his hand 
upon it. Ifc reeled to and fro like a slave-ship in a 
storm, and well-nigh foundered then. I have fre- 
quently mentioned this event with words of ap- 
proval, such as but few, probably, in this audience 
will reecho. It is proper, therefore, that I should 
pause, and give a brief reason for my opinions. Our 
satirical neighbor says the millennium is Ddar at 

" When preachers tell us all they think." 
I have not shunned to declare to you the whole 
counsel of God on the highest of our duties. I shall 
not play the hypocrite now. Allowing the largest 
liberty of opinion to others, I claim equal liberty for 
myself. I know how the tide of misconception and 
condemnation still sets against Capt. Brown. I 
know that the Tribune and Independent, — anti- 
slavery journals of deserved influence, — still speak 
of his attempt as a "raid," a term of disparage- 
ment, if not of reproach. I know Mr. Seward said 
he was "justly hung." I know that many cry out 
with horror at the bare idea of putting weapons in 
the hands of the slaves, to maintain their freedom, 
and say, that he who apologizes for such an act de- 
files his sacerdotal garments, and is become a com 
panion wits murderers. 

But, on the other hand, I sec how Victor Hugo 
and tho other great and pure patriots of Europe can 
find no words to express their admiration of the 
deed and its doer. Struggling in chains of despo- 
tism at home, they know how to appreciate the in- 
tense humanity of one, who strove not to save, him- 
self, but others, from a far worse tyranny than 
crushes them down. I sec the strong arm of Massa- 
chusetts wielding a sword, while she pronounces the 
sentence first uttered by the slaughtered patriot, 
Algernon Sydney, which might have been properly 
emblazoned, with Virginia's motto, on John Brown's 
banners : " Ense petit placidam sub libertate quietem" 
— She seeks, with the sword, sereno quiet under 
liberty. I see Hayti, the only really independent 
and enterprising African State, hailing the man with 
a spontaneous reverence and admiration, and out of 
her poverty sending to his family thousands of dol- 
lars, as a token of her gratitude. 

I find nothing in human nature, human history, 
or the. Word of God, that rebukes this sentiment. 
The Gospel of Peace does not always require ofits 
disciples non-resistance to every form of revolting 
oppression, but sometimes demands of them a stern 
resistance even " unto blood, striving against sin." 

The Saviour himself, among his last injunctions, 
commands those of his disciples who had no sword 
to sell their tunic, or chief garment, and buy one; — 
theroby clearly teaching us, that the clothing need- 
ful for the protection of our bodies is not to be 
placed beside the moans of defending our liberties 
and our lives. This enterprise, as we understand it, 
sought lo put the Bword in (he hands of the slave, 
Only that he might def'nd his Goil-given freedom 
against his enslavers, fifti deep and univcrs;d is the 
conviction of this right, that had the people whom 
ho strove to deliver been of our own, or even 
of any race but the African, whom WQ. hold in such 

inhuman contempt, there would have Been no more 

cbjiCtim-tO th£ rzykifanm d th.. : nl, rpns- th u: 
there was to the many unsuccessful attempts Of OUT 

(alders to release their brethren from the far less 

terrible sjavery, in which they were held by the 
Corsairs of Algiers. 

hi the light of these fads and principles, 1 find 
no condemnation for this man or his deed. In the 

light of its influence on the hideous wrung it as- 
sailed, I see nmeh iii il In approve. I ciiimot but 

conclude, therefore, that the words of censure so 

rife at present are the offspring of long-indulged 
prejudice, or when uMered bv snine of our wise 

leaders, have been prompted either by an unwise 
desire to commend the anti-slavery chalice to the 
lips of slaveholders, by removing some of the bitter 
but essential ingredients that strengthen the potion, 
or else by the temptations of ambition, — 
" That last infirmity of noble- minds." 

In either case, tliey will yet be regretted more than 
any other of their utterauces. 

If this be called fanaticism, I am content to bear 
the imputation. I am not alone in this State, how- 
ever it may be elsewhere, if the late election truly 
expresses the sentiment of the people. The elec- 
tion to the Governorship, by the largest vote any 
candidate ever received, of the man, who, more 
than all others, labored to save him from that " just" 
death, who publicly endorsed his character, if not 
the abstract rightfulness of the attempt, such an ele- 
vation of his best friend to our best office is a strong 
evidence that our common sense and common hu- 
manity are getting the better of our fears and 
prejudices. The hated Mordecai already descends, 
here, from the gallows of public condemnation on 
which the Hainan of a subtle pro-slaveryism had 
hung him, and rides through our streets in the royal 
apparel of executive sovereignty, as the man whom 
the people delighteth to honor. As if to show that 
this remarkable act of the people of Massachusetts 
was not the blind following of blind political lead- 
era, but a silent yet real voice of approval, her 
favorite lyric poet comes forth, and places a garland 
of exquisite beauty and perfume on the grave of 
the hero. Under the influence of his religious train- 
ing, the Quaker "Whit-tier cast upon his coffin a 
hastily gathered wreath of bitter herbs. But time 
also to the fundamental principles of his faith, 
through the influences of the events and reflections 
of the past year, he has discovered the "Inner 
Light" of superior truth, and with characteristic 
frankness has published the revelations of that Light. 
A late poem, written on the liberation of Italy, by 
its own confession, covers the whole ground of the 
present controversy. The laurel which he places on 
Garibaldi's brow, he hangs alike on John Brown's 
tomb. Hear the sentiment of almost every Chris- 
tian in these true and tender and solemn words: — 

" I dreamed of Freedom slowly gained 
By Martyr meekness, patience, faith ; 
And, lo ! an athlete, grimly stained, 
"With corded muscles battle-strained, 
Shouting it from the field of death ! 

I know the pent fire heaves the crust, 
That sultry skies the bolt will form 
To smite them clear ; that nature must 
The balance of her powers adjust, 
Though with the earthquake and the storm. 

And who am I whose prayers would stay 
The solemn recompense of time, 
And lengthen Slavery's evil day 
That outraged Justice may not lay 
Its hand upon the sword of crime ! 

God reigns, and let the earth rejoioe ! 
I bow before His sterner plan ; 
Dumb are the organs of my choice ; 
He speaks in battlo's stormy voice, 
His praise is in the wrath of man ! " 

If the violent act of one man thus paralyzed this 
iniquity, much more will the peaceful act of two 
millions tend to its annihilation. Our righteous and 
peaceful course will not be instantly answered in a 
similar spirit. It may at first, it undoubtedly will, 
intensify the rage that already burns in their breasts, 
seven-fold hotter than it did aforetime. This rage 
and fear will gnash upon us with its teeth, will seek 
to frighten us, by financial crises and threats of se- 
cession, into submission. Let us not be alarmed. 
Let but Wall street look on and hold on, calm and 
cool, as Menelaus did when Proteus sought to elude 
him by assuming terrific shapes and making beastly 
noises, and the monster now, as then, will become 
tame and humble. Our greatest danger is in the 
cowardice of the moneyed power. The Church is 
getting ready to do her part, Politics is doing hers, 
and now the third of our social forces must do hers. 
If she fails, if she whines and grows pallid, and 
begs her dear slaveholding brethren to desist, and 
promises Northern repentance and its meet works, 
she will only encourage them in their course. She 
can never change the course of the Kepublic. Free- 
dom is more than trade, liberty than wealth. Our 
fathers have said so twice. We shall not fail to 
repeat the word, if it must be spoken. 

The poor slave will also burn in the hot breath of 
this fiery furnace. The master fears his slave more 
than he hates the North. He will feel the scourge v 
of that fear. It is one of the necessities of tyrants 
that they can preserve their power, and even their 
life, only by the frequent deaths of their enslaved 
subjects. Sicilian prisons, Neapolitan dungeons, 
Roman inquisitions, everywhere, every when, has 
triumphant sin taught us that this necessity is laid 
upon it. So it is now where this worst of sins holds 
completest sway. No dungeon of Venice or Rome 
or Naples ever vied with Carolina prisons or Ala- 
bama plantations in the excruciating cruelly which 
the helpless victims of their fear and hate receive at 
their hands. When the secrets of this prison-house 
shall be revealed, you will cease to wonder at the 
tortures of Messina and Palermo. No woman suf- 
fered there, only a few score of men. Here, tender- 
est women suffer such cruelty daily as hard-hearted 
heathen Rome, the most cruel of the ancient na- 
tions, would have shrunk from inflict ing. Read 
Olmstead's late " Tour Through the Back Country," 
and you will find incidents of these tortures, in- 
flicted so coolly and carelessly, as show them to be 
a common matter of daily and indill'erent outrage. 
But he never saw the slave roasting at the stake. lie 
never saw the fierce blood-hounds tearing in pieces 
the tender flesh of fainting women. He never saw, 
as a friend, of mine did, himself once a slaveholder, 
a frantic mother torn from a nursing babe, less than 
a year old, and dragged, shrieking down the pub- 
lic street, of a Missouri village, by men who bore 
Christian names, and a white skin, and were, not 
unlikely, born in Puritan New England of pious 

•'On horror's head, horrors aooumulatfl," 

and the longer we dwell on the dreadful theme, the 
longer we seem to wish to dwell. It. has an awful 
fascination about, it, like I lie hungry, basilisk gaze of 
the anaconda. " ft holds us with its glillering eye." 
and we. only escape by a. Strong elt'nrl {if the will. 
We emerge from the dungeon so full of 

" Horrid shapes and shrieks, and sights unholy,'' 

and breathe the upper air of liberty, as an angel 

might 'eel who had escaped from Pandemonium 
revelry ami outrage into the pure society of the 

blessed. Alas, unlike llie angel, we do no!, leave 

Only sinners and damned Spirits behind us, rioting in 

their willing wickedness, but pure and lovely souls, 

pUTO as the Spirits of the JU81 made period, lovely 

as their angels, who do always behold the face of 
their Father which is in heaven] these we leftve 

behind, Buffering such shame, such sorrow, such an 
guish of body and of soul, as only God can feel, only 
lie can relieve, only lie can avenge. 


The following is the concluding portion of a very 
able and tersely written communication which ap- 
peared in the Boston Atlas and Bee a few days since : — 

A proposition to admit New Mexico as a free or 
slave State, slavery not having been already pro- 
hibited by act of Congress while it was a territory, 
is in direct conflict with our declared principles. 
At Philadelphia, in 1856, it was declared by the Re- 
publicans to be both "the right and the duty of 
Congress to prohibit in the territories, those twin 
relics of barbarism, Polygamy and Slavery." The 
Chicago Convention affirmed the same principle as 
to "all the territory of the United States." Mr. 
Lincoln at Freeport, in reply to Mr. Douglas's 
question, — " I desire to know whether he stands 
pledged to prohibit slavery in all the territories of 
the United States, north as well as south, of the 
Missouri Compromise line," answered, " I am im- 
pliedly, if not expressly pledged to a belief in the 
right and duty of Congress to prohibit slavery in all 
the United States Territories." Now, in all these 
declarations of opinion, where is there any excep- 
tion of New Mexico? None, whatever. No dele- 
gate would have had the hardihood to propose such 
an exception in the Chicago Convention. Had Mr. 
Adams proposed it in the Convention at Milford 
which nominated him for Congress, he could not 
have obtained a vote for it. But the same clause is 
In the acts creating^ the territorial governments of 
Kansas, Nebraska, Utah. Singular language, "all 
territory," with such vast and magnificent excep- 
tions ! What is there left, but the territory of 
Washington and perhaps Daeotah, to which to ap- 
ply the much vaunted doctrine ? 

If the Republicans have any principle, it is that 
Congress is bound to prohibit slavery in New 
Mexico ; but if it fails to do so because our oppo- 
nents are in a majority, then it is our duty to resist 
its admission as a slave State. If not, why will we 
defeat Eli Thayer? Why did Mr. Sumner make 
those elaborate and most able speeches at Fitchburg 
and Worcester to maintain the integrity of our 
cause ? And how does Mr. Adams now differ from 
Mr. Thayer? In both instances, as Mr. Sumner 
said of Mr. Thayer, " it is a mistake over which 
History will drop a tear. __ .__ 

There are those, we know, who approve of the 
position of Mr. Adams. The Post and Courier have 
given him friendly recognition. There may be timid, 
half-believing Republicans who are willing to accept 
it. Some men without convictions may rejoice, for 
it leaves them free to barter away our cause, no 
breakwater, as they think, being left to resist the 
swell of a reaction. But from the West, from the 
Republicans who have grown up under the teach- 
ings of Abraham Lincoln, comes a different voice. 
They tell us that they made more votes in Egypt by 
the odious slave code of New Mexico than all other 
reasons, and they stand amazed at Mr-. Adams's 

It is said by a Washington correspondent of the 
Traveller, that business men have written to Mr. 
Adams, imploring him to do something to assuage 
the storm. It may be so ; but Mr. Adams should 
uphold the courage of such. He can see bghts they 
cannot see, and hear voices they cannot hear. From 
the serene altitudes of history and philosophy, he 
can beckon them to be of good cheer. Historian as 
he is, statesman as he should be, he knows that in 
times like this, when a mere expedient may defeat 
the very end it was designed to effect, principles 
alone are the safe guide. The temper of his con- 
stituents is firm. Even among merchants with 
Southern trade we have heard it said, with beautiful 
heroism, " We will lose all, rather than compromise 
the lights of freedom." It was the most glorious 
day in the life of John Adams, not when he stood in 
the presence of George Ifl., the first ambassador of 
the triumphant colonies, or later, when he took his 
oath as President of the United States, but when, 
in the darkest of colonial struggles, he set his face 
against compromises, and walked the streets of 
Philadelphia, the countenance of John Dickinson 
averted from him. An Adams never won fame in 
making compromises. 

Said Abraham Lincoln, in his speech at the Cooper 
Institute, the best considered speech of his life, full 
of wisdom and hope, in fit words for the hour : — 

" Wrong as we think slavery is, wc can afford to let- 
it alone where it is, because that much is due to the 
necessity arising from its actual presence in the Na- 
tion; but can we, while our votes will prevent it, al- 
low it to spread into the National Territories, and to 
overrun us here in these free States f If our sense of 
duty forbids this, then let us stand by our duty, fear- 
lessly and effectively. Let us be diverted by none of 
those sophistical contrivances wherewith we are so in- 
dustriously plied and belabored — contrivances such as 
groping for some middle ground between the right and 
the wrong, vain as the search for a man who shall be 
neither a living mau nor a dead man — such as a policy 
of 'don't care' on a question about which all true 
men do care — shcA as Union appeals beseeching true 
Union men to yield to disunionists, reversing the divine 
rule, and calling, not the sinners, but the righteous to 
repentance — such as invocations to Washington, im- 
ploring men to unsay what Washington said, and undo 
what Washington did. Neither let us be slandered 
from our duty by foist accusations against us, nor 
friqhtened from it by menaces of destruction to ihe Govern- 
ment, nor of dungeon to ourselves. Let us have faith 
THAT right MAKES siiGHT, and in thai fiitli let us, to 
the end, dake to no oun duty, as wb under- 
stand IT." 

Many of us who voted for you in the last election, 
myself especially, had much confidence in the anti- 
slavery sentiment of your convictions. We re- 
membered that you had never repudiated the Buf- 
falo Platform upon which you stood in 1848; that 
you was the personal friend of our almost idolized 
Sumner — and we remembered your ancestry. We 
can understand, even if we will not be comforted, 
the matter of Burlingame's defeat; and since the 
Ninth Congressional District had told the Hon. Eli 
Thayer, " No ! no ! we do not want your ' Squatter 
Sovereignty ' in any shape," we had supposed that 
all was well. But we are disappointed ! We had 
begun to take pride in Massachusetts ; she has never 
been so grandly represented in the Senate as since 
Sumner and Wilson — the scholar and mechanic — 
types of her learning and her industry, have been 
chosen ; and in John A. Andrew we have, at last, 
secured the philanthropist Governor. 

I do not know the opinions of the leaders in this 
District ; they may express themselves with greater 
caution ; but they do not have a party that can be 
caucussed into the support of a man who is not 
sound upon the idea of " No more Slave Territory." 

We are ready for just one compromise, viz.: 
Massachusetts to contribute two millions of dollars 
to give to the Legislatures of the Cotton States a 
good common school education. Millions for Edu- 
cation, but not one inch to Slavery, is our word. — 
Milford (Mass.) Chronicle. 


We tliink it safe to say, that the course of no 
man, in the present Congress, has so much surprised 
the whole country, and especially New England, aa 
that of Mr. Adams, of Massachusetts. Judging him 
by his past record, and by the traditionary devotion 
to liberty which is his inheritance, not a man in 
Congress, from any section, but would have been ex- 
pected to yield a vital point of the Republican plat- 
form before him. And yet, he was the first man to 
propose a compromise, which either meant a fraud 
upon the South, or a surrender of ap\ immense ter- 
ritory to slaver}'. This is just what the proposition 
to admit New Mexico and Arizona as a State, means. 
It ei ther .means- to give up rfhm. -eouth-vre-t^u 
territory, both present and prospective, to slaver)', 
or it means to hold out a deceptive lure, which will 
be the source of fresh dissensions in the future. It 
is either a downright betrayal of freedom, or it is a 
downright fraud. In either case, it is unworthy of 
an Adams, or of an honest Republican. — Concord 
(TV. H.) Democrat. 


The following protest was written by a citizen of 
Milford to the Hon. Charles Francis Adams, Repre- 
sentative in Congress from this District, and signed 
by about a dozen other persons, who happened to 
come in contact with it before it was transmitted to 

Washington. Had it been circulated for signatures 
among the Kcpublieans of the District, it is probable 
that it would have been extensively signed: — ■ 

To the Han. Charles Francis Aibnns, Representative 
for the Third Congressional .District of Massa- 

My Dead Sib., — Although I have no personal 
claims to your attention, and am without social or 
political influence, yet, as one of the commonest o\' 

the CO) iiiiimi people, thai reads and thinks fbr one's 
self, I beg you I" listen to B protest against your 
vote " tO admit New Mexico with Or without slaverv, 
as she may elect;*' and also to vonr vote. " that all 

future, amendments to tho Constitution shall be pro- 
posed bv Slaveholding states, and ratified by all the 


And I believe, sir, from the expression, which is 

all but universal, among Republicans around us. in 

condemnation of your course, that throughout ihe 
District there is a Spontaneous protest. <>f course. 

it maj be that future revelations and explanations 
mai make this matter acceptable. And yet,Mossrs 
Washburn. Kellogg, Tappan. Morrill and other*] 
who are With you, present, and whose boutcos of in- 
formation ought to be equal -they do not agree 
with you. 


"We are not of those who " calculate the value oi 
the Union." It has a measure of value, in our esti- 
mation, totally unapproachable by any figures of 
dollars and cents ; but when a portion of it seems 
disposed to go off, to leave the shelter and protection 
of the stars and stripes, and set up for itself, we have 
a right to calculate its value. In the matter of pay- 
ing their share of the family expenses, the cotton 
States have been sadly deficient, but yet we never 
should complain of that deficiency, nor seek for a 
remedy, so long as all live together under one roof. 
Certainly is is not convenient, but it is no crime to 
be poor ; but then it is not honest for those who pay 
but a third part of what it costs to support, them, to 
pretend that they have all the wealth, pay all the 
bills, and threaten to break up the establishment, un- 
less they can manage it exactly in their own way. 
"We hope that some man of common sense may yet 
turn up in these cotton States, with boldness enough 
to cure them of their madness — to prevent them, in 
short, from imitating South Carolina. 

That State, so far as she has the power, has dis- 
solved her connection with the Union, and set up for 
herself. To hear the grandiloquent boastings of 
some of her citizens on this event, a stranger to her 
position and her weakness would be led to conclude 
that she bad escaped from some unbearable oppres- 
sion, and that, rich in everything that goes to make 
a State, she is now on the high road to that prosper- 
ity she has so long been seeking in vain. B "N hat 
constitutes a State ? " " Men, high-minded men." 
And what is her strength in this respect ? In IS56 
she had (estimated) a population of 705.000- ef 
which four-sevenths were stoves (not much of * high- 
minded men" there), and one-seventhj at least, but 
a slight remove from paupers; leaving two-sevenths 
of the whole population to furnish the State with 
" high-minded men." And how are such men to be 
made? By education mainly. In 1S52 the appro- 
priation of the State for this purpose was the paltrv 
sum of S36,000. In 1S5C one-half of her 78.000 
children had no schools provided for them, and 20.000 
of her adult whites could neither read nor write. 
Not much doing, we should say. to form the neces- 
sary compliment of ■• high-minded men." Coming 
down to phvsical means, wc find her carrying a 
heavy public debt for so small a State. (53.1-15,000 
in 1S50) ; with some ten millions of paper currency 
bascd on SI, '200,000 of gold; with no internal re- 
sources but direct taxation — her own citizens having 
no money to lend ; and without the shadow of credit 
abroad ; with a slave population of -tOO.OOo. a pauper 
population of 100,000, and a self supporting popula- 
tion of 200,000. In the late prosperous years for 
her staple, she has boon able to consume of foreign 
importations about $3,000,000 annually, and if that 
consuming power still exists, she might collect a 
revenue on imports of six or seven hundred thousanrl^ 
dollars, which, added to her present direct tax of six 
hundred thousand dollars, would give her a total in- 
come of twelve to thirteen hundred thousand dollars; 
or, if she establishes five trade, she might possibly 
raise the whole amount by direct taxes. Out of 
these means her wise men propose to support an 
army of 10,000 men at a cost of EXOHT Mil mons 
nmmally, to buy or build a marine of sutlioient 
strength and numbers to euard two hundred miles 
ot' sea coast, which is full oi harKirs and inlets; to 
send embassadors to foreign Slates, and to do all that 
an independent nation can and ought to dol 

Hitherto she has lived on credit always in debt 
for next year's crop now she projioses to pay up and 
buy for cash ; or whether she proposes bo or not. she 
will have to buy for cash, tor noUxiy will sell to her 
people on credit. 

Sue has tWO elements of slivngth-- inordinate 
BR1 P-EBTSSM, OH which she is swelling up like the 
fabled frog, and an overweening PRIDB, « hicfa GUM 
her eyes to danger. On the other hand, she has an 

inflammable population of 400,006 people, held in 

the most abject bondage, who ma\ r-tiikeout Mimlly 

for libertv at unv time, requiring cmro ami TrarnWng 

all tho time, ami at cvciy point Shi I 

ne«»r whites, now excited to phrensy in the MUM of 

independence, because they hope to reap 

from it. who will be very apt to take a lurch the 
Other way, ami become a thorn in her side, when 

they tied that hope is not to be reali-oJ. She holds 

out no encouragement to immigrants who might 
strengthen her Troaknwe; on the contnu | 





ly rejects them — forbida their landing on her shores. 
ller commercial marine is next to nothing. The 
whole production of her labor ami capital is less than 
SJ 75 a head to her whole population, and to crown 

the whole, she has not a man within her borders — at 
least no one lias yet shown himself— who has common 
sense enough to be aware of all these elements of 
weakness. If any evidence were wanted that -pride 
goeth before destruction, and a haughty spirit before 
a fall," we have it in abundance in the recent move- 
ments of the people of tins weak and poor State ; 
flouting their emblem of pride and poverty, the 
worthless palmetto, in the iace of the Union, and 
threatening us with war if we dare attempt to keep 
our own property, or to enforce the laws which they 
have helped to make. To intelligent foreigners, the 
Pompous declarations of these South Carolina digni- 
"'taries must appear supremely ridiculous, and if we 
had a President of the United States of ordinary 
courage and ability, and true to his trust, they would 
soon become so at home, or rather they would never 
have found utterance. After all, however, the peo- 
ple of South Carolina are not so much to blame; 
their ignorance, has been imposed upon, their cupid- 
ity excited, their self-esteem puffed out, their pride 
aroused by the frauds, falsehoods and perversions of 
a few men' — bankrupts in fortune, integrity and pa- 
triotism — to whom any change promises improve- 
ment, and who, by their own confession, have been 
thirty years employed in the villanous work before 
they' could bring the people to the sticking point. 
We speak of South Carolina, therefore, more in sor- 
row than in anger ; for whatever may be the effect 
of her movements upon the other States of the 
Union, on herself it can only be bad, and constantly 
proving worse. If she succeeds in dragging other 
States with her into the slough of secession, it will 
not help her condition ; if she fails in that, ami has 
to stand alone, it will be so far better that she will 
the sooner .see the folly of it, and banish from her 
counsels the traitors who have misled her. — Boston 


The following is the conclusion of Mr. Seward's 
Bpeech, delivered in the U. S. Senate on the 12th inst. : 
Here I might close my plea for the American 
Union ; but it is necessary, if not to exhaust the ar- 
gument, at least to exhibit the whole case. The 
disunionists, consciously unable to stand on their 
mere disappointment in the recent election, have 
attempted to enlarge their ground. More than 
thirty years there has existed a considerable— though 
not heretofore a formidable — mass of citizens m 
eertain States situate near or around the delta of 
the Mississippi, who believe that the Union is less 
conducive to the welfare and greatness of those 
States than a smaller confederacy, embracing only 
slave States, would be. This class has availed itself 
of the discontents resulting from the election to put 
into operation the machinery of dissolution long 
ago prepared, and waiting only for occasion. 

In other States, there is a soreness because of the 
want of sympathy in the free States with the efforts 
of slaveholders for the recapture of fugitives from 
service. In all the slave States there is a restive- 
ness resulting from the resistance which has been so 
determinedly made within the last few years, in the 
free States, to the extension of slavery in the com- 
mon Territories of the United States. The Re- 
publican party, which cast its votes for the success- 
ful Presidential candidate on the ground of that 
policv, has been allowed, practically, no representa- 
tion, "no utterance by speech or through the press. 
in the slave States; while its policy, principles, and 
sentiments, and even its temper, have been so mis- 
represented as to excite apprehensions that it denies 
important constitutional obligations, and aims even 
at interference with slavery and its overthrow by 
State authorities or intervention of the Federal 

Considerable masses, even in the free 
terested in the success of these misrepresentations 
a means of partisan strategy, have lent their sym- 
pathy to the party claiming to be aggrieved. AVhile 
tiio "result ot tne ^ctiun biings-.tho 
party necessarily into the foreground in resisting 
disunion, the prejudices against them which I have 
described have deprived them of the cooperation of 
many good and patriotic citizens. On a complex 
issue between the Republican party and the dis- 
unionists, although it involves the direst national 
calamities, the result might be doubtful ; for the Re- 
publican party is weak, in a large part of the Union. 
But on a direct issue, with all who cherish the Union 
on one side, and all who desire its dissolution by 
force on the other, the verdict would be prompt and 
almost unanimous. I desire thus to simplify the 
issue, and for that purpose to separate from it all 
collateral questions, and relieve it of all partisan 
passions and prejudices. 

I consider the idea of the withdrawal of the Gulf 
States, and their permanent reorganization with 
or without others in a distinct Confederacy as a 
means of advantage to themselves, so certainly un- 
wise and so obviously impossible of execution, when 
the purpose is understood, that I dismiss it with the 
discussion I have already incidentally bestowed 

other subjects which I have brought, in this connec- 
tion, before the Senate. 

Beyond a doubt, Union is vitally important to the 
Republican citizens of the United States ; but it is 
just as important to the whole people. Republican- 
ism and Union are, therefore, not convertible terms. 
Republicanism is subordinate to Union, as every- 
thing else is and ought to be — Republicanism, De- 
mocracy, every other political name and thing — all 
are subordinate; and they ought to disappear in the 

fresenee of the great question of Union. So far as 
am concerned, it shall be so; it should be so if the 
question were sure to be tried, as it ought only to be 
determined, by the peaceful ordeal of the ballot. 
It shall be so all the more since there is, on the one 
side, preparedness to refer it to the arbitrament of 
civil war. 

I have such faith in this republican system of ours, 
that there is no political good which I desire that I 
am not content to seek through its peaceful fonns of 
. administration, without invoking revolutionary ac- 
tion.- If others shall invoke that form of action to 
oppose and overthrow Government, they shall not, 
so far as it depends on me, have the excuse that 1 
obstinately left myself to be misunderstood. In 
such a case, I can afibrd to meet prejudice with con- 
ciliation, exaction with concessions which surrender 
no principle, and violence with the right hand of 

Therefore, sir, so far as the abstract question 
whether, by the Constitution of the United States, 
a bondsman, who is made such by the laws of a 
State, is still a man or only property, I answer, that 
within that State, its laws on that subject are su- 
preme ; that when he has escaped from that State 
into another, the Constitution regards him as a 
bondsman who may not, by any law or regulation of 
that State, be discharged from his service, but shall 
be delivered up, on claim, to the party to whom his 
eervice is due. 

While prudence and justice would combine in 
persuading you to modify the acts of Congress on 
that subject, so as not to oblige private persons to 
assist in their execution, anil to protect freemen 
from being, by abuse of the laws, carried into sla- 
very, I agree that all laws of the States, whether 
~*" free States or slave States, which relate to this class 
of persons, or any others recently coming from or 
resident in other States, and which laws contravene 
the Constitution of the United States, or any law of 
Congress passed in conformity thereto, ought to be 

Secondly — Experience in public affairs has con- 
firmed my opinion, that domestic slavery, existing 
in any State, is wisely left by the Constitution of 
the United States exclusively to the care, manage- 
ment, and disposition of that State; and if it were 
in my power, I would not alter the Constitution in 
that respect. If misapprehension of my position 
needs so strong a remedy, 1 am willing to vote for 
an amendment of the Constitution, declaring that it 
ehall not, by any future amendment, be so altered 
as to confer on Congress a power to abolish or inter- 
fere with slavery in any State. 

Thirdly — While I think that Congress has ex- 
clusive and sovereign authority to legislate on all 
subjects whatever in the common Territories of the 
United States, and while I certainly shall never, 
directly or indirectly, give my vote to establish or 
eanction slavery in such Territories, or anywhere 
else in the world, yet the question, what constitu- 
tional laws shall at any time be passed, in regard to 
tin' Territories, is, like every other question, to be 

determined on practical ground* f voted far en- 
abling acts in the cases of Oregon, Minnesota and 
Kansas, without, being able to secure in them such 
provisions as I would have preferred ; and yet I 
voted wisely. 

So now, 1 am well satisfied that, under existing 
circumstances, a happy and satisfactory solution u£ 
the difficulties in the remaining Territories would be 
obtained by similar laws, providing for their organi- 
zation, if Such organization were otherwise practica- 
ble. If, therefore, Kansas were admitted as a State, 
under the Wyandotte Constitution, as 1 think she 
ought to be, aiid if the organic laws of all the other 
Territories could be repealed, I could vote to author- 
ize the organization and admission of two new 
Suites which should include them, reserving the right 
to effect sub-divisions of them whenever necessary 
into several convenient States ; but 1 do not find 
that such reservation could be constitutionally made. 
Without them, the ulterior embarrassments which 
would result from the hasty incorporation of States 
of such vast extent and various interests and char- 
acter, would outweigh all the immediate advantages 
of such a measure. Rut if the measure were prac- 
ticable, I should prefer a different course, namely, 
■when the eccentric movements of secession and dis- 
union shall have ended, in whatever form that end 
may come, and the angry excitements of the hour 
shall have subsided, and calmness once more shall 
have resumed its accustomed sway over the public 
mind, then, and not until then — one, two, or three 
years hence — -I should cheerfully advise a conven- 
tion of the people, to be assembled in pursuance of 
the Constitution, to consider and decide whether any, 
and what, amendments of the organic national law 
ought to be made. 

A Republican now — as I have heretofore been a 
member of other parties existing in my day — -I 
nevertheless hold and cherish, as 1 have always done, 
the principle that this Government exists in its 
present form only by the consent of the governed, 
and that it is as necessary as it is wise to resort to 
the people for revisions of the organic law when the 
troubles and dangers of the State certainly tran- 
scend the powers delegated by it to the public 

Nor ought the suggestion to excite surprise. Gov- 
ernment in any form is a machine ; this is the most 
complex one that the mind of man has ever in- 
vented, or the hand of man has ever framed. Per- 
fect as it is, it ought to be expected that it will, at 
least as often as once in a century, require some 
modification to adapt it to the changes of society 
and alterations of empire. 

Fourthly— I hold myself ready now, as always 
heretofore, to vote for any properly-guarded laws 
which shall be deemed necessary to prevent mutual 
invasions of States by citizens of other States, and 
punish those who shall aid and abet them. 

Fifthly — Notwithstanding the arguments of the 
gallant ■ Senator from Oregon, (Gen. Lane,) I re- 
main of the opinion that physical bonds, such as 
highways, railroads, rivers, and canals, are vastly 
more powerful for holding civil communities together 
than any mere covenants, though written on parch- 
ment or engraved upon iron. I remain, therefore, 
constant to my purpose to secure, if possible, the 
construction of two Pacific railways, one of which 
shall connect the ports around the mouths of the 
Mississippi, and the other the towns on the Missouri 
and the Lakes, with the harbors on our western 

If, in the expression of these views, I have not 
proposed what is desired or expected by many oth- 
ers, they will do me the justice to believe that I am 
as far from having suggested what in many respects 
would have been in harmony with cherished convic- 
tions of my own. I learned early from Jefferson, 
that in political aifairs we cannot always do what 
seems to us absolutely best. Those with whom we 
must necessarily act, entertaining different views, 
have the power and the right of carrying them into 
practice. We must be content to lead when we can, 
and to follow when we cannot lead; and if we can- 
not at any time do for our country all the good that 
we would" wish, we must be satisfied with doing for 
her all the good that we can. 

Having submitted my own opinions on this great 
crisis, it remains only to say that I shall cheerfully 
lend to the Government my best support in what- 
ever prudent, yet energetic efforts it shall make to 
preserve the public peace, and to maintain and pre- 
serve the Union; advising, only, that it practice as 
far as~possible the atmost moderation, forbearance 
and conciliation. 

And now, Mr. President, what are the auspices of 
the country '? I know that we are in the midst of 
alarms, and soincwhat exposed to accidents unavoid- 
able in seasons of tempestuous passions. We already 
have disorder, and violence has begun. 1 know 
not to what extent it may go. Still, my faith in the 
Constitution and in the Union abides, because my 
faith in the wisdom and virtue of the American peo- 
ple remains unshaken. Coolness, calmness, and 
resolution, are elements of their character. 

They have been temporarily displaced ; but they 
are reappearing. Soon enough, I trust, it will be 
seen that sedition and violence are only local and 
temporary, and that loyalty and affection to the 
Union are the natural sentiments of the whole coun- 
try. Whatever dangers there shall be, there will 
be the determination to meet them; whatever sacri- 
fices, private or public, shall be needful for the 
Union, they will be made. I feel sure that the hour 
has not come for this great Nation to fall 

Tins people, which has been studying to become 
wiser and better as it has grown older, is not per- 
verse or wicked enough to deserve so dreadful and 
severe a punishment as dissolution. This Union has 
not yet accomplished what good for mankind was 
manifestly designed by Him who appoints the sea- 
sons, and prescribes the duties of States and Em- 
pires. No, sir; if we were cast down by faction to- 
day, it would rise again and reappear in all its ma- 
jestic proportions to-morrow. 

It is the only Government that can stand here. 
Woe ! woe ! to the man that madly lifts his hand 
against it. It shall continue and endure; and men, 
in after time, shall declare that this generation, 
which saved the Union from such sudden and un- 
looked-for dangers, surpassed in magnanimity even 
that one which laid its foundations in the eternal 
principles of liberty, justice, and humanity. 

fuse to pay revenue duties, or resist a United States 
officer in the execution of the laws, then the particular 
men who do it have committed an overt act, and are 
liable to trial, conviction and punishment for their 
•imo against the Government. And, we may add, 
the Federal Executive is recreant to his duty and 
false to his oath of office, if he fails to vindicate the 
dignity of the outraged law. 

This seems to be clear and decisive, and we doubt 
not accurately represents Mr. Lincoln's as it does 
the Republican policy. 

I It t % x ht x ix t o x . 

Uo Union with Slaveholders I 



Delinquent subscribers for the past year, — that is, 
from January 1, 18(30, to January 1, 1801,— are re- 
spectfully requested to remember our standing rule, 
by which their papers will be discontinued after Feb- 
ruary 1, 1861, unless payment for the same be previous- 
ly sent in. We shall be extremely sorry to lose a 
single subscriber in this manner, especially at this 
crisis in our national affairs ; but, as our printed terms 
indicate that payment is to be made in advance, we are 
sure if, instead of rigidly exacting it, we allow (as we 
do_) n credit of thirteen months to delinquents, they can havi 
no cause of complaint when their papers are stopped 
for omitting to make settlement. 

with a material question of dollars and cents, but with 
the most momentous moral question ever presented to 
the world — not with well-meaning but deluded men, 
but with sagacious desperadoes and remorseless men- 
stcalers. All his talk of adhering to old compro- 
mises, and making additional ones to appease the fe- 
rocious and despotic South, relates to slavery, ' the 
sum of all villany ' — and to nothing else. Hence, he is 
for continuing to slaveholders the inhuman privilege 
of hunting their fugitive slaves in any part of the 
North. Hence, he is willing to vote for an amend- 
ment of the Constitution, declaring that under no 
circumstances shall Congress have the power to abol- 
ish or interfere with slavery in any State. Hence, his 
readiness to enact laws, subjecting future John Browns 
to the punishment of death for seeking to deliver the 
slaves Bunker Hill fashion, and after the example of 
Lafayette, Kosciusko, Pulaski and Pc Kalb, as per- 
taining to our own revolutionary struggle. Yet, in 
another speech delivered at Madison, Wisconsin, not 
long since, Mr. Seward solemnly declares : — 

" By no word, no act, no combination into which I might 
enter, shall any one human being of all the generations to 
which I belong, much less of any class of human beings of 
any race or kindred, be oppressed, or kept down in the least 
degree in their efforts to rise to a, higher state of liberty 

and happiness "Whenever the Constitution of the 

United States requires of mo that this hand shall keep 
down the of the human race, then I will lay down 
power, place, position, fame, everything, rather than adopt 


The Twenty-Ninth Annual Meeting of the Massa- 
chusetts Anti-Slavery Society will be held at 
the TREMONT TEMPLE, in Boston, on Thursday 
and Friday, January 24th and 25th, commencing at 
half past 10 o'clock, A. M. 

The members and friends of the Society are ur- 
gently requested to make the attendance on their part 
larger than ever before seen since its formation. In 
view of the position of the Anti-Slavery cause, and of 
the state of the nation, it will he the most important 
anniversary the Society has ever held. Troublous as 
is the aspect of things, it is a sure indication that the 
cause of impartial freedom is moving onward with ir- 
resistible power, and that the day of jubilee is rapidly 
approaching, to he succeeded by universal joy, peace 
and prosperity. For nothing disturbs the repose, 
deranges the business, assails the interest, dishonors 
the character, and imperils the existence of the re- 
public, but SLAVERY. Freedom, and the love of it, 
and the advocacy of it, and the uncompromising sup- 
port of it, without regard to color or race, can never 
work ill to whatever is just, honest, noble, humane, 
and Christ-like. It is not the Abolitionists, who sim- 
ply espouse the cause of God's poor and needy and 
oppressed, that it may go well with our land, but the 
Southern slaveholders and slave-breeders, who traffic 
in human flesh and enslave even their own blood-kin- 
dred, and who hate every thing that savors of liberty, 
who have brought the nation into its present distracted 
and distressful condition ; for theirs is the spirit which 
chooses " rather to reign in hell than serve in heaven." 

Come, then, friends of freedom, to the Anniversary, 
strong in the righteousness of your cause, serene and 
undaunted in spirit, and resolute in your purpose to 
seek the speedy removal of the cause of all our na- 
tional suffering and danger ! 

Among the speakers expected arc Wiliam Lloyd 
Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Edmund Quincy, 
Samuel May, Jr., C. C. Burleigh, T. W. Higgin- 
aos, A^T. Foss, Rev. Jas. Freeman Clarke, Rev. 
J. Sella Martin, Rev. F. Frothingham, of Maine, 
H. C. Wright, Hon. N. II. Whiting of the Senate, 
E. H. Heywood, H. Ford Douglass of Chicago, 
Rev. Adin Ballou, Wm. Wells Brown, Dr. J. S. 
Rock, F. B. Sanborn, and others. 

At the opening session, Thursday morning, Wm. 
Lloyd Garrison, T. W. Higginson and Rev. Jas. 
Freeman Clarke, with others, are to speak. An 
early and prompt attendance is earnestly requested. 
In behalf of the Society, 


Robert F. Wallcut, Secretary. 


Jf this had not been shown by his published 
speeches and by the debates with Douglas, it would 
seem to be put at rest by the editorials of the Illi- 
nois Slate Journal, since secession raised its ugly 
head. "We cut the following from the issue of De- 
cember 31 : — 

South Carolina has, and the other cotton States 
are about to pass seceding resolutions, professedly 
because they cannot get their rights in this Union. 
"We are told by some Southern men, and a great 
many Northern ones, that the North has behaved so 
badly that the cotton States cannot live with us. 
Now, this is all rant. The Personal Liberty bills 
and the violation of the Fugitive Slave law have 
about as much to do with this cotton stampede as 
the banking laws of Canada, or the violation of a 
city ordinance of Springfield. 

They make the slavery question the pretext, but 
not the cause for disunion. They do not want to 
leave the Union because the laws protecting sla- 
very are not numerous enough, or strong enough, or 
are not faithfully enforced. They want to build up a 
great Southern Confederacy, " resting," as they say, 
" on the solid substratum of African slavery." To 
Southern statesmen, the picture of such a confede- 
racy is one of beauty and grandeur. They seem to 
imagine that their progress is retarded by their con- 
nection with free communities, and that once re- 
leased from the clogs of free society, they will out- 
strip all the nations of the earth in the race of pro- 
gress. * * * * Their connection with the 
free States alone gives them security, peace, and 
whatever of prosperity they enjoy. They suffer no 
wrongs at the hands of this Government, but do de- 
rive innumerable advantages from it. They would 
now destroy it, and plunge beadlong into ruin. They 
must not be permitted to do it. Their own good— 
their own safety — their very existence as a people, 
requires that they should yield a cheerful obedienco 
to the laws of the Union— laws which they them- 
selves helped to frame. Kindness to them, love for 
them, requires that this Government should inter- 
pose the strong arm of its power to save them from 
destruction, by preserving, at whatever cost or sacri- 
fice, the integrity of this Union. 

The Constitution of the United Stales, in its ope- 
rations, docs not and cannot act directly upon the 
States which compose the Union. It has to do with 
the people — with individuals. So far as suppress- 
ing insurrection, putting down domestic violence or 
punishing treason is concerned, the Slates arc wholly 
ignored- State Legislatures ami Slate Conventions 
may pass what disunion ordinances they ploose, and 
may resolve and re-resolve to their heart's content. 

against the General Government, but these mani- 
festos upon paper signify nothing. States cannot 
commit treason ; but should the. people, or any part 
of the people of South Carolina, for instance, re- 


In view of his relation to the Republican party, 
and especially of the admitted fact that he is to fill the 
important post of Secretary of State, under President 
Lincoln's administration, a good deal of anxiety has 
been felt, by all parties, to hear from Senator Seward 
in regard to the present distracted state of the coun- 
try, and his method of effecting reconciliation and 
harmony. On Saturday last, he made an elaborate 
speech in the Senate upon the crisis, and was listened 
to with profound attention by a densely crowded au- 

Formerly, we entertained a high opinion of the 
statesman-like qualities of Mr. Seward, and were 
ready to believe, in consequence of several acts per- 
formed by him in the service of an oppressed and 
despised race, that he was inspired by noble senti- 
ments, lifting him above all personal considerations; 
but we have been forced, within the past year, to cor- 
rect that opinion, and to change that belief. His in- 
tellectual ability is unquestionably of the first order; 
be writes and speaks with remarkable perspicuity, and 
often with great rhetorical beauty ; nothing with him 
is hastily done ; his caution is immense ; he aims to 
be axiomatic and oracular. But it is evident that his 
moral nature is quite subordinate to his intellect, so as 
to taint his philosophy of action, and prevent him 
from rising to a higher level than that of an expedi- 
entist and compromiser. The key to his public life is 
contained in this very speech. Here it is ; — 

" If, in tho expression of these views, I have not pro- 
posed what is desired or expected by many others, they 
will do mo the justice to believe that I am ns far from 
having suggested what, in many respects, would have been 
in harmony with cherished convictions of my own. I 
learned early from Jefferson that, in political affairs, we 
cannot always do what seems to be absolutely best. Those 
with whom wo must necessarily act, entertaining different 
views, have tho power and right of carrying them into prac- 
tice. "Wo must bo content to load when wo can, and to 
follow when wo cannot lead ; and if wo cannot at any 
time do for our country all tho good that we would wish, 
wo must be satisfied with doing for her all tho good that 
we can." 

Now, a declaration like this, expressed in such 
carefully considered language, carries upon its face 
nothing startling or objectionable ; because it is the 
merest truism to say, that where there are many 
minds of conflicting views to be reconciled, mutual 
concessions must be made to secure the desired uni- 
ty of action. And where no moral principle, no sa- 
crifice of justice, is involved, a course like this is the 
dictate of common sense; otherwise, the state of so- 
ciety would be chaotic, and an efficient administra- 
tion of public concerns impossible. Hut in the sen- 
tence, " In political affairs, we cannot always do what 
seems to be absolutely best," there is to be found the 
germ of all political profligacy, and the nest-egg of all 
those sinful compromises which have cursed this na- 
tion since the adoption of the Federal Constitution. 
There is no position in which men may place them- 
selves, or be placed by others, where they can be jus- 
tified, whether to reach "a consummation devoutly to 
be wished," or to avoid formidable danger or great 
suffering, in violating their consciences, or conniving 
at what their moral sense condemns. Personal in- 
tegrity and straight-forward regard lor the right can 
allow no temptation to make them swerve a hair's- 
breadth from the line of duty ; for they are of 
more consequence than all the compacts and constitu- 
tions ever made. Disregardful of this, the dootrfnq, 
that " the end sanctifies the nicaua," or that "we 
cannot always do what seems to he absolutely beat," 
becomes the dOCtrine Of devils. Mr. Seward i ins 

just this — a compromise of prfnolple to propitiate the 

perverse wrongdoers of the South— or his language 

is a mockery in this emergency. He is dealing, nut 

such a construction or such a rule, 

What shall we think of the consistency or veracity 
of Mr. Seward in this matter of freedom ? He knows, 
he concedes, in the speech we are criticising, that, un- 
der the United States Constitution, the fugitive slave 
is not entitled to safety or protection in any Northern 
State ; and those who rush to the rescue of the en- 
slaved millions at the South, as John Brown and his 
associates did, he is for hanging as felons under that 
same Constitution ! It is time for him to lay down 
power, place and position ! 

Look at the present state of the country ! The old 
Union breaking up daily, its columns falling in every 
direction — four Southern States already out of it, and 
all the others busily and openly preparing to follow — 
the national government paralyzed through indecision^ 
cowardice, or perfidy — the national flag trampled upon 
and discarded by the traitors, and a murderous endeav- 
or on their part, by firing heavy shot, to sink a govern- 
ment vessel entering the harbor of Charleston upon a 
lawful errand, compelling her to flee in disgrace, and 
to avoid certain destruction — treason and traitors every 
where, in every slave State, in every free State, at the 
Seat of Government, in both houses of Congress, in 
the army and navy, in the Executive department, at 
the head of the press, audacious, defiant, diabolical — 
the United States arsenals and fortifications already 
seized, or rapidly falling into the hands of the South- 
ern conspirators, through the blackest perfidy — every 
movement contemplating the enforcement of the laws, 
and the protection of its property, on the part of the 
national government, impudently denounced by the 
traitors and their accomplices as "coercion," "tyran- 
ny," and " a declaration of war " — with the murder- 
ous avowal that Abraham Lincoln shall never be in- 
augurated President of the United States, and the un- 
questionable purpose of these Catilines and Arnolds to 
seize the Capitol, and take possession of the govern- 
ment by a coup d'etat, which we have long prophesied 
would be their last desperate effort to keep the reins 
of power in their own grasp, and which we have no 
doubt will be successful, in spite of all the precau- 
tions of Gen. Scott. 

In this state of things, — when the elements are melt- 
ing with fervent heat, and thunders are uttering their 
voices, and a great earthquake is shaking the land 
from centre to circumference, threatening to engulf 
whatever free institutions are yet visible, — Mr. Seward, 
with the eyes of expectant millions fastened upon him 
as " the pilot to weather the storm," rises in the Sen- 
ate to utter well turned periods in glorification of a 
Union no longer in existence, and to talk of "meeting 
prejudice with conciliation, exaction with concession 
which surrenders no principle, (!) and violence with 
the right hand of peace " ! The tiger is to be propitia- 
ted by crying " pussy cat ! " and leviathan drawn out 
with a hook! The word "treason" or "traitors" is 
never once mentioned — no recital is made of any of the 
numberless outrages committed — no cab" is made upon 
the President to be true to his oath, and to meet the 
public exigency with all the forces at his command — 
no. patriotic indignation flushes his cheek — but all is 
calm as a summer's morning, cool, comphant, unim- 
passioned ! His boldest word is, " We already have 
disorder, and violence is begun." How very discreet ! 
It is a penny-whistle used to hush down a thunder- 
storm of the first magnitude — capping Vesuvius with 
a sheet of straw paper ! And this is all the statesman- 
ship of William H. Seward, in a crisis unparalleled in 
our national history! Stand aside! "The hour" 
has come, but where is " the man " ? 

of Independence is only "a rhetorical flourish," and 
filled with " glittering generalities " — and the Golden 
Rule is an impossible rule of conduct — and Jesus 
meant his language to apply only to thone whom lie 
addressed ; but in these times, and in this land, he 
who is not for giving every facility to slave-hunting at 
the North, to the removal of every impediment, is 
to be set down as a fanatic, and utterly destitute of 
every feeling of patriotism ! 

6. " The Personal Libert)/ Bill must be repeah-d." 
Certainly ! True, we profess to be a Christian peo- 
ple, and Christ has given himself for all races of men 
impartially; true. He has said, " I was anhungered, 
and ye gave me no meat ; I was thirsty, and ye gave 
me no drink ; I was a stranger, and ye took me not 
in ; naked, anil ye clothed me not ; sick, and in pris- 
on, and ye visited me not"; applying this to the 
least, and most despised, and most oppressed, of all 
the human family, — thus incarnating himself in the per- 
son of every fugitive slave within our borders ; still, is it 
not in the constitutional bond that fugitives shall be de- 
livered up to their masters ? Ought we not to be 
faithful to our promise 1 Having made " a covenant 
with death and au agreement with hell," are we not 
bound in honor to carry them out, to "conquer our 
prejudices," and thereby endeavor to bring peace to 
our disYjacted country 1 

G. " The Personal Liber/// Bill must be repealed." 
Certainly ! True, we ought to love our neighbor as 
ourselves, to be tender-hearted and merciful, to scorn 
to do a base action, to "have no fellowship with the 
unfruitful works of darkness " ; but, in that case, how 
are fugitive slaves to be caught 1 and if they are al- 
lowed to abide among us, how can we be true to our 
national compact, and how can we hope to induce the 
South to remain in the Union? Morality, humanity, 
and the " Higher Law," are very well in their place, 
but not in times like these. To talk of obeying God, 
without regard to consequences, is sheer fanaticism 
and infidelity ! It is better that a hunted slave should 
now and then be caught in Massachusetts, than that 
the Republic should be dismembered ; just as it was 
better, eighteen centuries ago, — as in the crucifixion 
of Jesus, — that one man should die, than that a whole 
nation should perish ! 
* 7. " The Personal Liberty Bill must be repealed." 

Certainly ! True, when any of those who have been, 
life-long, deprived of their natural rights — subjected to 
all possible outrages, insults and exposures — scourged, 
branded, mutilated, chained, tortured — driven to un- 
compensated toil by remorseless overseers — yokedlike 
beasts, and bought and sold like them in the market — 
at last resolve to seek freedom and safety by flight, 
and come to us, foot-sore and ragged, wofn down by 
exhaustion, begging us, in the name of Heaven, and 
by all the claims of a common origin, to have pity 
upon them, and not allow their pursuers to seize them 
by any consent or complicity of our own, it does 
seem base, inhuman, cowardly and damnable to " see 
the anguish of their souls," and, searing our con- 
sciences as with a hot iron, and hardening our 
hearts like adamant, coolly to deny their prayer, 
and readily assist in their capture and return to the 
horrible doom from which they fled, at the bidding of 
miscreants impiously claiming to be their rightful 
owners, and for the sake of continuing in alliance with 
them ; but we must be " law-abiding," remember the 
bargain we have made, stick to our constitutional 
agreement, do fealty to the devil as men of honor, 
make even more fiendish concessions rather than re- 
tract anything, — because, if we do not thus act and 
conspire, "our glorious Union" will certainly be dis- 
solved ; and its perpetuation is a thousand times more 
important to public tranquillity and the general pros- 
perity, than loyalty to an upright conscience, reve- 
rence for the eternal law of justice, fidelity to the 
cause of bleeding humanity, and obedience to God ! 

Wherefore — the Personal Libert)/ Bill must be re- 
pealed ! 


1. " The Personal Liberty Bill must be repealed." 
Certainly 1 True, it only throws the shield of legal 

protection, to the extent of the use of habeas corpus 
and the right of jury trial, around our free colored 
citizens, against prowling kidnappers and slave-hun- 
ters, without denying the right of the slaveholder to his fu- 
gitive slave: but such protection is offensive to our 
Southern masters and overseers, and therefore it 
ought to be instantly withdrawn, on peril of their 
fierce displeasure ! What right have our colored citi- 
zens to any security in their persons or domestic re- 
lations, as against any form or device of slavcholding 
villany ? None whatever ! True, they are bona fide 
citizens of Massachusetts, equal with ah others before 
the Constitution and the laws, eligible to every office 
in the gift of the people, and required to perform all 
the duties and to sustain all the burdens of citizenship ; 
nevertheless, " the hunters of men " demand that they 
shall not be allowed even the common right of a 
jury trial, in case of arrest as fugitive slaves, and that 
the Fugitive Slave Law shall be enforced " with alac- 
rity " in all such eases ; and their demand ought to be 
complied with, in the spirit of penitential recantation ! 

2. " The Personal Liberty BUI must be repealed." 
Certainly ! True, the voice of nature and of God 

thunders in our ear, 'Thou shalt not deliver unto his 
master the servant which is escaped from his mas- 
ter unto thee : he shall dwell with thee, even 
among you, in that place which nr. shall choose, where it 
liketh him best : THOU SHALT NOT OPPRESS 
HIM." True, the command of God is, " Execute 
judgment ; make thy shadow as the night in the 
midst of the noon-day ; bide the outcasts ; be thou a 
covert to them from the face of the spoiler ; and be- 
wray not him that wandereth." But tho voice of 
Southern men-stealers is more potential than the voice 
of God, and their command to us to have no mercy on 
the flying fugitive, but to assist in his capture, ought 
to be obeyed rather than his ! Especially as it will 
allay all agitation, and help to preserve our glorious 
Union ! 

3. "The Persoiwl Liberty Will ifttwl be repealed" 
Certainly 1 True, the Fugitive Slave Law has 

shocked the civilized world by its revolting features, 
and caused every Conscience Loyal to God mid human- 
ity to rebel ngainst it; but is not hmplicn obedience I" 
it enjoined by the combined oppression, ruffianism, 
cupidity, malevolence, plmrisccisni, Impiety and 
Bcouhdrelisin of the laud'? Anil ought not. those In 
bear sway, to the repudiation of every principle of 
justice, every attribute of mercy, every sentiment of 
humanity, every dictate of reason, every precept ot 
that gospel which we profess to helieve '. 

4. " The Pergonal Liberty Bill must be rtpeal«L' i 
Certainly ' True, the Declaration of Independence 

affirms il to lie among self-evident truths, Unit all men 

are created equal, and endowed by their < Sreator with 
nn Inalienable right to liberty; and by the Qolden 

Rule il in enjoined, " Whatsoever VQ would that men 
should .In to you, do ve even so d> ihein " ; and JeSUJ 

ban declared, ' With what judgment ye judge, ye 
shall be judged, and with whal measure ye mete, it 

shall be measured to you again " ; hut (he Declaration 


The Cause and the Consequence of the Elec- 
tion of Abraham Lincoln : a Thanksgiving Ser- 
mon, delivered in the Harvard-Street M. E. Church, 
Cambridge, Sunday evening, Nov. 11, 1S60. By 
Eev. Gilbert Haven. Boston : sold by J. P. Magee, 
5 Cornhill. 
"We have never been backward in acknowledging 
with pleasure every earnest and manly effort, on the 
part of the pulpit, to bring the liideous slave system to 
the dust. It is in tins light we regard this Sermon. 
Its rhetoric is glowing with genuine feeling, and its 
boldness of utterance remarkable for one occupying 
such a relation to the Methodist Episcopal Church as 
Mr. Haven does. That relation, as a matter of anti- 
slaver£*eonsistency, we think, would be " more hon- 
ored in^tbe breach thau in the observance," on his 
part^-af least, until that Church cease to welcome 
slaveholders to its communion-table as true Metho- 
dists, and "brethren and sisters in the Lord." The 
extracts we have made from this discourse, on our 
first page, will enable the reader to judge of its 
style and spirit throughout, and wc trust will help to 
extend its sale and circulation. 

Wc have a brief criticism, however, to make upon 
a single paragraph contained in these extracts. 

Referring to our early labors, and to those who 
were our co-laborers, Mr. Haven says : — 

" Soon bitter conflicts sprang up in the breasts of these 
young philanthropists. The fresh-armed men began to 
bite and devour one another, and were well-nigh consumed 
one of another." 

What those "bitter conflicts" were about, or who 
were justly responsible for them, the reader is left to 
imagine. An imputation is cast in the lump, and 
there left. 

Again, Mr. Haven says : — 

"New measures were required by the progress of tho 
[anti-slavery] sentiment. The conscience growing, de- 
manded n, chance to express itself at tho ballot-box. This 
was resitted by Garrison." 

Is this a fair statement of the case ? No — it does 
us great injustice. It represents us as resisting the 
action of a quickened conscience, zealous in the service 
of the slave t This wc did not and could not do. 
Such a conscience was all too rare for us to have a 
controversy with it, and should it become universal, 
we shall rejoic*e evermore. We were simply true to 
our own conscience, and on that score, however mis- 
taken, deserve commendation, not censure. If Mr. 
Haven had stated the case truly, in this wise, we 
should have taken no exception to it : — The growing 
anti-slavery sentiment demanded a chance to express 
itself at the ballot-box. For a time, Mr. Garrison 
favored the movement, so far as causing the various 
candidates to be interrogated as to their views on tho 
subject of slavery,- and supporting such, without re- 
gard to party distinctions, as answered the most satis- 
factorily. But the time came when be was led to 
analyze the Constitution of the United States, and be 
reached the conclusion that, in coNSRQOfiXCS or its 
rno-ST.AVliitv STIPULATIONS, it was a covenant with 
death and an agreement wilh hell — and, therefore, 
that, by an inexorable moral necessity, ho could not 
any longer, either innocently or consistently, vote 
nnder il. Ileiiee, he has ever since taken for Ids 
motto — "No Union with Slaveholders." Admitting 
the truthfulness of his charges against the Constitu- 
tion, 'be preat body of professing anti slavery men 
have, nevertheless, continued to use the ballot-box, 
either as Liberty Purly men, or Free Soilers, or Ke- 
pnUicans, as in their judgment the mOSl praelieal 
course, till at Inst they have succeeded in electing 

their Presidential candidate, Abraham Lincoln. 

This is the exact slate of the case ; but, as given 
by Mr. Ibiven, it makes us the opponent of eenseien, e. 
instead of being true to our own conscience, to the 
loss of the elective franchise, and the repudiation of 
all Chance for political elevation or emolument, on our 

part, We maintain that our ground is impregnable, 

and our example Identical « lib thai el' all these in the 
past who refused to compromise the principles of 

righteousness to subserve even their most cherished 

purposes, or to escape from any peril. BvUta are 

showing thai a just God lias made it Impossible lor 

inch a mongrel Union to exist. "For what concord 
hath Chriet with ISelial '; or what fellowship" bath light 
with darkness f" 

Again, Mr. Haven is most unjust to us when lie 
eaye — 

Led by bin lore of free ipecch, he [Garrison} permitted 
mine of his leading amociates to burden th*. ' ammc/tu* 
ifuns' with gross infidelities and social absurdities." 

We deny the charge, and call for the evidence. 
None of our " leading associates " have sought to (to 
any huch thing. They have advocated the anti-*lavery 
cause with all fidelity upon its own merits, and have 
not sought to burden it with any extraneous question. 
Nor is it for ub to " permit " them to do either this or 
that, as one in authority : they are of age, and speak 
for themselves. When Mr. Haven will point out the 

gross infidelities and social absurdities " to which he 
refers, we will give them our gravest consideration. 
Till then, the imputation is a stab in the dark. 

Finally, referring to us personally, Mr. Haven eaye : 

*' Would that, in hie sphere of efTort, and to the measure 
of his large abilities and inflnenee, he had kept hfa lib'.rly 
from becoming licentiousness ! Would that be, like Wil- 
berforee, had kept bis heart sweet with prayer and \ iety 
through the whole of this great war I" 

How are such disparaging accusations and invidious 
comparisons to be met? Where all i« vague, nothing 
of course is tangible. In what does our "licentious- 
ness" consist? Who have advocated a more faithful 
adherence to principle, or a more uncompromising re- 
gard for the laws and commands of God, than our- 
selves 1 When or where have we played fest-and- 
loo3e with the claims of humanity or the demands of 
justice 1 When has ours been a whiffling standard? 
Or when have we been beguiled from the path of 
duty, or allowed others to stray therein, on the ground 
of expediency or worldly policy ? Impeached in this 
sweeping manner, we have a right to call for explicit 
answers to these questions. 

As for our "prayer and piety," we have nothing to 
say. The priestly hand is seen in the thrust made 
at us under cover of Wilberforce. With all his 
"prayer and piety," Wilberforce was as bitterly de- 
nounced and calumniated as we have been, for his 
devotion to the Anti-Slavery cause in England; and 
possibly, at the end of half a century, our religious 
character will be in better repute than it now is. 

The "Goodlt Heritage." A Sermon delivered 

on Thanksgiving Hay, Xov. 29, 1860, in the Church 

of the Puritans, Sew York, by Kev. Theodore F. 


The author of this Sermon is at present supplying- 
Dr. Cheever's pulpit, and evidently is an imitator of 
Dr. C.'s impassioned and intense style of writing. It 
bears a strong testimony against oar national system 
of oppression, and such as give aid or countenance to ■ 
it. It protests against any compromise being made 
with the enslavers of men ; says if it be true that this 
Union can be maintained only by the dominance of the 
Slave Power, it were a thousand times better that the 
Union should be dissolved ; warns the Republican 
party that its heart's blood is an axti-slaveet cos- 
scjexce, and the moment that conscience is alienated 
through sinful concessions, the pariy is a lifeless thing; 
and concludes with the declaratibn — "Politicians and 
representatives may quail, as they have quailed be- 
fore, and stoop to cowardly and disastrous compro- 
mises, and cotton may rule again ; but the pulse of 
that Northern conscience beats in the firmness and 
fullness of health and strength. That conscience will 
neither bend nor break, but will repudiate every com- 
promise, will bring swift retribution on every public 
servant who betrays bis trust, and will dash in pieces 
any party which essays to dispute its will." This is 
truly and forcibly stated. 

This Sermon, as printed, is weakened and marred 
by an excessive use of italics, which ought to be as 
sparingly used as ornaments in composition. 

Its assertion, that " every cause must stand or fall 
by the verdict of the Bible," indicates 41 tread-mili 
reverence or a traditional credulity, and not close, in- 
dependent thinking. We totally dissent from this 
postulate. The Bible has settled nothing in theology, 
science, morality, or religion, beyond the prevailing 
opinions of the times. " Every cause must stand or 
fall " by its own inherent character or properties, 
whatever may be the verdict of the Bible respecting 
it. Neither human rights nor human obligations orig- 
inate with or depend upon anything in the Bible. To 
say this, is not to disparage that volume, but to re- 
deem it from utter absurdity. What is orthodox in 
one age, is heresy in another, according as the Bible 
is popularly interpreted. A vast amount of tune has 
been wasted, and incalculable mischief done, by at- 
tempting to determine whether freedom or slavery, 
peace or war, total abstinence or moderate drinking, 
the gallows or its abolition, woman's equality or sub- 
ordination, monarchy or democracy, universal salva- 
tion or eternal punishment, &c, &c. a is sustained by 
the Bible, — regarding it as an infallible authority in 
all such matters, and therefore a finality. Judge the 
tree by its fruits. Let conscience and reason, obser- 
vation and experience, be more relied upon than dead 
parchment. "Why judge ye not of yourselves what 
is right? " was a pertinent and suggestive inquiry of 
Jesus. They who stood before him were infatuated 
with a senseless reverence for Moses and Abraham, 
and full of their worthless traditions, and needed to be 
reminded (as multitudes now do) that they were bound 
to examine all things independently for themselves, 
and to take nothing upon trust. 

Again — we must dissent from the assertion in this 
Sermon, that "the clergy are the anointed teachers of 
the word of God." By the word of God is meant the 
Bible, for which assumption there is no authority 
cither within or without the lids of the Bible, either 
in reason or historical verity. God has made a terri- 
ble blunder indeed, if he lias had any hand in anoint- 
ing the clergy of our land; for, according to this 
Sermon, "they are the authors and trainers of public 
sentiment, and responsible for it." What that public 
sentiment is, the present demoralized condition of the 
country testifies trumpet-tongued. Hence we agree 
with our author, that, " at the judgment-scat of 
Christ, no class of nun will receive l more terrible 
condemnation than the cowardly and time-serving 
ministry of this day. and of this land." Wherefore. 
we submit that tbey are not "the anointed teachers of 
the word of God," but wolves in sheep's clothing. 
Exceptional cases of pulpit fidelity are, " like angels* 
visits, few and far between," and need no special vin- 
dication. The clergy, as a body, are not called of 
God, bnt of men, aud merely follow preaching ss a 
profession, under a regular contract, and subordinate 
to the will of a in;i,iority of the church or pariah. 
Hence their time-serving spirit — their readiness to 
daub wiih im tempered mortar — and to cry "Peace, 
y>c:uv." when there is no peace. 

But here is an extract from the Sermon which 
evinces a\i\ thing rather lh:iu moral consistency, spir- 
itual cnlightnu'tit. or anti-slavery fidelity on the part 
Of its author. We quote it precisely :is emphasized: — 

"SOfcJeo there in-o hravr and bCM&t and wvll-incaning 
men, having dam yeoman's Berries in die great gm 
luHiuiii ii;;iu-, who, heomise the ChnToa and UieaataMsg >>;" 
Christ an 1 guilt* of iMinnlieity willt Slarery, and havo too 

oftwi utolguritea tor it, and defended it [reu tin Bible, ./.- 
nnmccMa V/ntrch a*4 fur uwtactmw m tmtkhrist c»rf <ta 

obominntton, de.-tnre i$a M&IUtCTO nmt mtmbm '.1 te .1 MM* of 

>)),')*«■ ntcs. ami rfray rhr nwgnrwSim ,u,.l «nc*ww* •/ fir wwrf 

,if (i',.i/. Tho Chureb i» areaj m ;'■• ■•■■-■'■- nt ■■ ifiwj. 

•raw, n»i/ ottmstijf 9*'tty. Jim the w *titl ih* 

MMI CrWCA IBAtcA Christ <n.-!:!i.!,J. In he) 

ll'IN.Y.V, ■ , >•■;■. flrf l.t 

still 'the Church tf the hr:» 6 ;.»»<< of" 

the truth.' Y"> hir • are omnnttei! the W«cl« ." | 

slavery fa tWl te ly her, with these NYttpMw 

and the < ". ■ ■ .■. ■ I'm i; v 11. wnn 

.vi. 1. inn LMF*ftFKCTIQ»B, is suit. r*l BOM IN ClMST, 

and thr /.'. ...,,,' if, t 
Only rule «_' -. . . . 

Tills is mo na ttom indeed! The Churvh whieli is 
w guilty Of complicity with shivery, and BMtOOOAaa 
apologized for it, BAtl wriM-in II MMMI mi Bl 

in r " " Idob is " wrong, fin era 
,i,vi, :md imi \-i .1 \ i.t iv 1 >." i> not ■„. be denounced! 
"anti Christ and aa abomination," bul eulogiaed 
:nn) defended us - still the body of Chrirt," still " kha 

Church Which rUfiM itistituUd," still " ilu* 



JUNE 31. 

1 1 X It . 

From the Boston Traveller. 


The sun shone bright on Georgia's plain, 
Anil Summer's glorious sheen was spread 

O'er teeming earth and flowing main ; 

All things to beauteous thought wore wed. 

O'er broad savannas, green and fair, 
Od'rous with flowers and vernal galea, 

Ten thousand warblers tilled the air, 
Re-echoing through tho woods and vales. 

It was a morn, so sweet and calm, 

For inspiration's holiest power ; 
Nature herself, in triple charm, 

Seemed hallowed in tho sacred hour. 

Eat, bark ! the city's distant hum, 
And, lo ! tho smoke of busy toil, 

Now trembling to my senses come, 
And bid my inmost soul recoil. 

For, lo ! in yonder busy mart 
Of eager, selfish, scheming men, 

This day tho heavens sco played a part 
Recorded with tho judgment pen. 

I hie me to the anxious scone ; 

The crowds of eager spirits press 
Hound Mammon's temple, gaunt and keen, 

"With eyes of glistening restlessness. 
The central figure of the throng, 

With voice of hoarse, impetuous sound, 
Now hurries through the dreadful wrong, 

With words that smite the very ground. 

Great God ! it is a public sale 

Of human beings robbed and chained ! 

And, hark ! that piteous, piercing wail 
Of one within that crowd contained. 

It is a poor slave girl ! she stands, 
Trembling, and delicate, and wan, 

With downcast, ores and folded hands, 
Musing in mystery upon 

Her hopeless fate — and, in her turn, 
She mounts the desecrated block, 

While tho quick fires ©f frenzy burn, 

And send through all her frame the shock. 

Her tawny face (for she was one 

In whom a rich white blood prevailed) 

Now colored proudly in the sun, 
Tinged with a beauty all unveiled. 

Her rounded cheek, her lustrous eye, 

And features of a nobler race, 
Revealed a form of symmetry 

That flowed with dignity and grace. 

I saw her, in her modest pride, 

Reach forth with carefulness her hand, 

Some tattered garment there to hide, 
Some decency of dress command. 

Exposed to gaze of brutal men, 

Her form^-feer 5imbs,-hej very bones, 

■attle in a pen, 
With coarse, immodest looks and tones ; 

Her Afric's beauty scanned and leered, 
Her body craved, her soul despised, 

Her timid virtue scoffed and jeered, 
With wanton jests half undisguised ; 

Out from that cursed block she gazed 

On eager purchasers around, 
And as the fiend his hammer raised, 

With flashing eye, and quick rebound, — 

As flew the words — once, twice, and thrice. 
And bids went quickly from the crowd. 

For such a prize, at such a price, 
Oh, Jioio that slave tjirl wept aloud ! 

For, lo ! from every kindred torn, 

From home of mother and of child, 
How could she there and then but mourn 
r desolation wild? 

To strangers sold, by strangers borne 

Away from every native tie, 
Bound to a beast who should have worn 

Her chains, and folt her slavery, — 

God ! tho very soul should leap 
In indignation to the skies, 

Swift justice all her vigils keep, 
Till this accurs'd damnation dies. 

1 call upon Thee, God of Right, 

How to inaugurate the hour ! 
^Let not this " Crisis" end in night : 

1 with thy smiting judgment power. 

If blessed Peace can rule the day, 

So let tho victory ^be-achieyed ; 
If not, let fearful lightnings play, 

Let hell's foundations be upheaved. 
Smite with thy Justice's awful rod, 

Let all thy mighty thunders roll ; 
Come Truth and Freedom, oh my God, 

And sound the joy from polo to pole ! 
Boston, Mass. W. 1 


•en more than Thirty Tears ago, in view of th 
qaences of American Slavery. 

Muse of sorrow, touch the string, 
Strike thy bold prophetic note, 

Tell me whence those troubles spring 
Which in future visions float. 

Had not Avarice crossed the main, 
Blind and mad with thirst for gold, 

Human flesh on Freedom's plains 
Never bad been bought nor solsl. 

Happy had thy country been, 

Happy should thy children be. 
If foul deeds of shame and sin, 

Had not stained her history. 

Then had the name of Washington 

A reproachless trophy raised, 
And the star of freedom shone 

Brighter as it longer blazed. 

Now a black, tremendous dead, 

Threatens vengeance wide and far ; 
It shall burst in thunders loud, 

Deluging your fields with war. 
E'en now in motion iore the feet 

Which that awful field ahaH tread. 
And the hearts already beat 

Winch may on that altar bleed. 

Lo ! before my vision stand 

Spectres of the ghastly dead, 
While the Genias af she land 

Dimly weaves the mourning weed. 

Pale her cheek, and dim her eyo, 

Breeding o'er her destiny, 
Tct her eonseions blushes risa 

At the name of Liberty. 

Freedom's bards, ye chant in vara, 

Caroling her praises round ; 
In your ehwus clanks the chain ; 

Groans are mingled with tho sound. 

Yes— nor shall the laurels live 

Which ye twine for Freedom'* brow ; 

You've obtained — but do yon give? 
Suffering thousands answer, No t 

Who Bunl! wipe the tears away 
Which from bleeding Mercy (low? 

Who th' cnoniMjus debt shall pay 
Which to Afrie's blood ye, owe? 

By the bitter tears ye wring 
From the methert drooping Krai, 

By affliction's tortured sting, 

V bet) tbfl failier's bowels roll, — 

Bj the murmurs which ascend 
In (be tortured culprit's groan, 

]-,: Hi: prayers of weeping friend.* 
As they rise before the throne, — 

f: . ihejtutifie of our fled, 
Iiy his never-ending away, 

By his sure sin-chnstening rod, 
You or yours tho debt shall pay. 

When the work of sin is ripo, 
Injured justice calls aloud ; 

Groan for groan, and stripe for stripe, 
Blood shall be repaid iu blood. 

Sudden horror dims my sight, 
Starting at the view I take ; 

Grant repontanco, Lord of Light, 
Spare us for thy mercy's sake ! 


35 Eccles St., Doulis, May 29, 1861. 
Wni. Lloyd Gatihison, Esq. : 

My Dear Friend— The wonderful changes which 
have taken place in your country in the public senti- 
ment of the people, within the past six months, ami 
the rapidity with which one unexpected event follows 
on another, among you, have awakened here a univer- 
sal feeling of interest in your proceedings, and, I may 
add, of deep regret in many a heart because of the 
present posture of your affairs. For my own part, I 
may say, that when the news arrived, that something 
like a real determination, on the part of some of your 
Southern States, to secede from the unnatural coali- 
tion, — 1 do not call it union, for no real union ever 
existed between your free and your slave States, but 
a chain, which had long bound you together, like two 
snarling dogs yoked against their will, — I rejoiced 
sincerely, for I felt that the day of redemption of the 
slave was then nigh at hand. I saw, in that circum- 
stance, the realization of that event, so long demand- 
ed by your section of the American Abolitionists, " No 
Union with Slaveholders." It is true, the cry of se- 
cession came from an unexpected quarter — from the 
South, instead of the North ; but no matter. I rejoiced 
at the near fulfilment of our aspirations ; and I said, 
the North will surely permit this secession to go on 
in peace; for, where no real union ever did, or ever 
can exist, to fight for an idea will surely never enter 
into the heads of Northern men, particularly of North- 
ern Abolitionists. But events, during the past few 
weeks, have falsified my anticipations. I find the 
North is mad for this impracticable idea, and that my 
cherished friends among the only party I ever believ- 
ed to be really friendly to the colored man, are among 
the foremost in crying " Havoc, and let slip the dogs 
of war." The Liberator and the Standard seem to me 
to have forgotten the axiom, — made doubly true by 
the experience of mankind for long ages, in every 
land, savage and civilized, — "They who take the 
sword shall perish by the sword." Many a time, 
within the past twenty-five years of my life, during 
which I have striven to persuade others that war was 
always a folly as well as a crime, have my small la- 
bors in the cause of peace been arrested by the unwel- 
come thought, that it was useless to go on striving to 
persuade men not to learn war any more, but to en- 
deavor by some other means, — Christian means, I 
have hoped against hope, would yet find their way 
into our hearts, — to promote the ends of civilization. 
This painful feeling has come more frequently before 
my mind, since I have found that you, and "Wendell 
Phillips, and the editors of the Standard, have lost 
your faith in the superior efficacy of peace over war, 
to rectify the evils even of slavery. 

It does not seem to me that your Northern men, in 
their seeming determination to coerce the South to 
keep the Union intact, are influenced by any feeling 
of kindness towards the slave. The energy which ac- 
tuates the whole North, at present, appears to me to 
arise from no such manly motive ; and I am very ap- 
prehensive that she would be slow to act, as she is 
now doing, if she believed the emancipation of the 
Southern slaves would be the result. I have looked 
to the realization of thatdesirable object, from the ex- 
pectation that the South, when left to" the manage- 
ment of her own affairs, would soon find it impossible 
to hold four millions of her population in bondage: 
that either the sense of insecurity, under such circum- 
stances, would induce the masters either to free their 
slaves, who would be found continually escaping in 
large numbers into the free States, or that the slaves, 
sustained by the public opinion of the world, and per- 
haps aided by no inconsiderable number of the South- 
ern white population, would rise up, and free them- 
selves by force. 

I believe the true policy of the North is, to allow 
such of the Southern States as please to do so, to se- 
cede quietly — to follow the example of England in 
getting rid of all protective tariff's, and by throwing 
open her trade to all the world, go forward in a career 
of continued prosperity and happiness. War will as- 
suredly blast these pleasant prospects, perhaps for a 
long season. Fierce passions will fill the breasts of 
your population at cither side ; and hatred will abound 
where love should predominate. I have just this mo- 
ment read a letter from the Special Correspondent of 
the London Times, from South Carolina, which 
reveals a state of such diabolical hatred towards 
Northern men, in the bosoms of Southern slavehol- 
ders, as makes the blood almost curdle in one's veins 
to read the account of it. War, under such circum- 
stances, means extermination, or a fierce and horrible 
encounter of long duration, to end in planting feel- 
ings of mutual hatred, not to be removed for many gen- 
erations. I send you the Dublin paper of this date, 
which contains the letter above referred to- If you 
allow the South quietly to secede, you will get rid of 
all complicity with her slave system, which is daily 
doing her more and more damage in the eyes of the 
whole world; and if it be proved that her move is a 
false one for mutual happiness, — which I believe would 
soon he apparent, — a re-union on a happier basis could 
be established. To fight for it now will he madness, 
and I do not meet with a man of any party here, who 
is not of this opinion. Indeed, I do not yet believe 
you will come to serious blows on the occasion. My 
great fear is, that some hollow compromise will be 
made, in which the interest of the colored population 
will be no question with either party. My hope, 
however, is, that the fiery spirits of the South will 
be allowed to retire, and that thus your cry of twenty 
years' standing will he realized — "No Union with 

I am sorry to find any inclination, on your part, to 
give the smallest sanction to war for the accomplish: 
ment of the slave's freedom; for two reasons, — the 
first is, that I believe violence begets violence, and 
that freedom is never the result; and the second is, 
that your surrender of conviction to apparent expedi- 
ency weakens my own hope that the principles enun- 
ciated by Jesus will yet rule in the hearts of civilized 

What is our friend II. C. Wright doing in Ihis cri- 
sis? I had thoughts of addressing him a few lines 
through the Liberator, hut this letter will suffice. 
Yours, my dear friend, affectionately, 


At no meeting that I ever attended, or with which I 
acquainted, have I known such toleration of opin- 
ion, freedom from superstition, and, at the same time, 
so lively, orderly and unitary a spirit manifested, as 
at this gathering of earnest and intelligent reformers. 
Every shade of opinion and sentiment in the Anti-Sla- 
very enterprise were represented, from the meek non- 
resistant to the most rampant war spirit. 

The friends of peace and spiritual warfare upon sla- 
very had able representatives and advocates in Ben- 
jamin Fish, Catharine Stebhins, Susan 11. Anthony, 
and Giles B. Stchbins; whilst the friends of war for 
liberty had defenders and representatives of like abil- 
ity and not less devotedness in Frederick Douglass, 
Lucy N. Coleman, Geo. W. Clark, and V. 1). Moore ; 
but above the enthusiasm of the war-cry and the leth- 
argy of an inactive peace spirit, in an atmosphere at 
once serene and sublimely courageous, stood one of 
the purest, ablest and clearest minds of this or any age, 
in the person of Charles D. B. Mills of Syracuse, 
whose modesty of deportment and lack of ambition to 
become famous prevent the world from becoming 
acquainted with his qualities of mind and character, 
and justly pronouncing him second to none, — not even 
to the gifted Emerson, whom he greatly resembles in 
power of insight, originality of thought, and love of 
freedom and individual character. Mr. Mills did not 
allow the phenomenon of war to absorb him, but, look- 
ing with clear eye into causes, he saw and declared 
the law underlying slavery and war, as well as that 
underlying freedom and peace, and with great force 
and impressiveness analyzed the mixed and variegated 
character of Northern sentiment, and the true import 
of the crisis now upon the country, as the resolutions 
he drafted and presented, on behalf of the" Business 
Committee, abundantly evidence, and which I enclose. 
There were also resolutions upon Woman's Rights, 
Marriage and other subjects, introduced and very 
ably discussed. I found but one opinion expressed or 
entertained by the meeting in reference to the post- 
ponement of the anniversary meeting of the American 
Anti-Slavery Society and of the Pennsylvania Pro- 
gressive Friends, and that was, that a deplorable mis- 
take was made in postponing, especially at this time, 
when the Slave and Truth, Freedom and Humanity 
demand a clear and emphatic testimony, and no falter- 
ing on the part of their friends. The soil, this spring, 
was better conditioned than ever before for the seed of 
truth and freedom, but the husbandman (shrinking 
from the heat of the day) did not appear to perform 
his work. Well, notwithstanding all this, we have had 
one very large, earnest, interesting and successful 
Convention at Waterloo, — thanks to the untiring 
friends of Progress. On Sunday, the immense con- 
course of people present were unable to find even 
standing room within the large Quaker meeting-house, 
and for five hours and a half they remained, maintain- 
ing the utmost quiet, and manifesting the deepest in- 
terest in the many able addresses delivered. Our 
friends James G. Clark and Geo. W. Clark were with 
us, and discoursed very beautiful and appropriate mu- 
sic, for their souls were in the work. 

I know I have trespassed upon your valuable col- 
umns in giving this meagre sketch of the meeting ; 
but you must keep in mind that this is the only anni- 
versary the friends of Freedom and Progress have had 
the courage to hold since the war commenced, and 
therefore I will venture to subjoin some of the Reso- 
lutions, adopted with entire unanimity, and which I 
trust your readers will carefully peruse and inwardly 
digest. Yours, truly, DORLAND. 



Nkwaex, (N. J.) June 4, 1801. 
Fkibnd Gakhison : 

1 have just, relumed from an attendance on the Thir- 
teenth Annual Meeting of the -" Friends of Human 
Progress," held at Waterloo, (N. Y.) and which closed 
its labors on Sunday hist, lid inst., after three days 
earneal and able discussion of the several religious and 
moral Reforms that agitate and interest the freedom 
and truth-loving men and women of the tforth. An 

you may very naturally suppose, the chief among the 

subjects considered was that of American Slavery and 
the Crisis, as well as imminent peril, of the country. 
Resolutions, bearing the most unmistakable testimo- 
ny, were adopted ; and although the discussions were 
conducted in a very courteous manner, yet a great di- 
versity of opinion Was expressed as tO the means 

which should be used, and the attitude which should 

be assumed, by the genuine friendl of the slave. 


1. Resolved, That at this hour, and at all hours, the 
work of the Friends of Human Progress lies primari- 
ly with the inward culture, at the springs and sources 
of individual life and character, seeking everywhere 
to encourage and assist to the fullest emancipation of the 
human spirit, inviting to the largest liberty of thought, 
the freest inspirations of truth, and the utmost -possi- 
ble exaltation, of Hfc-'iiilo approximations to the stand- 
imr-ofTlie Infinite Excellence ; a work to be pursued 
without weariness or cessation, as paramount to all 
enterprises or causes, and even more imperative and 
vital than all exigencies whatsoever. 

2. Resolved, That to such work alone we look af 
the great agency for the final recovery and redemp- 
tion of man, it underlying all individual growth, all so- 
cial advancement and reformation, furnishing the only 
sure condition for the solution of every social prob- 
lem, and opening the royal road to every success, in 
that it commences and leavens from within, fashioning 
from the substance the form, and reaching out ever- 
more from unit to mass, from individual to race. 

3. Resolved, That in the enslavement of the colored 
race in ' our land, determined and persistent, until 
now, at length, four millions of our brothers and sis- 
ters are held the creatures and victims of that unut- 
terable atrocity, called American slavery, we sec clear- 
ly enough the deep and damning guilt of our country, 
and, in its present condition, something of the just 
retribution; the voices of the universal Providence 
to-day, and the mute forces even that lie hidden in 
the violence of passion and crime, evoked in the civil 
conflict now raging, declaring,' in word not to be mis- 
taken, that sin works the ruin of any people, and that 
the perpetrators of slavery, its aids, abettors and ac- 
complices, also, are loathed and accursed of God 
and nature, and must inevitably be visited of swift 
judgment and condign overthrow. 

4. Resolved, That in the struggle now going on in 
our country between North and South, a struggle al- 
ready become fierce, desperate and bloody, we find on 
the part of the South unmeasured impcrionsness, in- 
solence and brutality, the delirium tremens of guilt, the 
infatuation of madness, the rage and riot of atrocity, 
such as can find birth and growth on the soil of sla- 
very alone ; on the part of the North, in a measure, 
the sentiment of justice and a love for liberty indeed, 
but strangely mixed with very much that is narrow, 
selfish, exasperated, and full of the violences of pas- 
sion, swayed and cheated by the jugglery of name, 
and taken with the hallucination, alike empty and 
wicked, of maintaining or reconstructing on its old 
basis the Union, a Union from the beginning pervert- 
ed from its original avowed purpose, eonspiratous and 
criminal, and, to this hour, guilty before God of the 
blood of the American slave. 

5. Resolved, That, while we are not without hope 
that from this struggle, not through any design of 
man, but by the overruling action of the Eternal Laws, 
some significant result may come for freedom ; and 
while we regard with sympathy and a measure of grat- 
ification the spirit of indignation and resistance now 
roused in the North to the insatiate demands and atro- 
cious insolences of slavery, and the slaveholders' re- 
bellion, we still see that the North is yet far from 
standing equal to the requirements of this hour, or 
loyal to the claims of ever-sovereign justice, in that it 
persists in ignoring the slave, proclaiming from exec- 
utive chair and from soldier camp its readiness and 
determination to maintain, and with all the power of its 
bayonets enforce, his subjugation, and protect to the 
slaveholder his "institution" of robbery and murder 
intact and inviolate ; and we hereby hear our emphat- 
ic testimony ag:iinst (his attitude, as base, dastardly, 
and cruelly Inhuman, and sure, if continued, to brand 
this nation as a nation of rebels and traitors, North as 
well as South, to smite it with the blight of bankrupt- 
cy and death, making its every attempt to vindicate 
its liberties futile and a mockery, its very successes 
defeats, and its victories overthrow. 

I",. Unsolved, That wo arc indeed in (he mHsl offl 
crisis, bul. a crisis deeper and more vilal than most 

suppose, involving in Its Issue the Site of the primal 
liberties, the freedom of thought andspeeoh and effort 
trembling to-day in the same side of the scale with 
the rights of tin' slave, a prompt advance i<> universal 
emancipation, or a terrible revulsion to opprsi lion and 
the persecution of the friends and advocates of the en- 
slaved, now Inevitable, and between no alterna- 
tive; a crisis, therefore, that requires (he faithful 

preaching of (he gospel of (ruth ttnd justice to the 
people Of th!) nation with an emphasis and earnest- 
ness never known before, us nut only an obliga- 
tion, but now an all-compelling necessity. 

To the. Editor of the Jioaton Journal: 
I should not. feel justified in asking for space in 

your columns, at a time when they am-imporativelv 
required for more momentous matter, did I know of 
any other mode by which I could acquit myself of a 
debt I owe to many of the. citizen* of Boston, to 
whom I tendered pledges of service some three 
months since in behalf of the. outcast and homeless 
women of their city. In view of the wide interest 
with which my efforts were then met, and the solemn 
earnestness with which I pledged myself to that 
work, I deem it but justice, to both parties to render 
some, account of my subsequent action. It will be 
no mailer of surprise to any who participate in the 
all-engrossing interest of the present national crisis 
to learn that the committee of ladies and gentlemen 
who at first rallied around me, felt the necessity of 
suspending further action from the middle of April 
to next fall, or such time as the public mind should 
be free to sympathize iii such a movement. 

For myself, whilst fully acquiescing in the pro- 
priety of such an adjournment, I yet felt that the 
calamities that fell heavily enough on those most 
qualified by wealth and position to sustain them, 
would visit yet more heavily those Pariahs who 
have so few to care for or sympathize with them, 
gaining their miserable livelihood, moreover, from 
that luxury which would now be drained, and leave 
them yet more helpless than ever, I determined to 
use what little means I had collected myself, for the 
purpose of commencing a small experimental home, 
on the same industrial principle announced in my 

?ublie addresses, and approved by my committee, 
laving named this purpose to many of .my personal 
friends in Boston, I experienced a warm renewal of 
that sympathy which, from the first, determined me 
to inaugurate a movement which I hope will radiate 
into a world-wide reform in this city. Such little 
sums as could be wrung from national demands, and 
even articles of furniture, were kindly brought me, 
and several stanch friends joined me in efforts to 
find a suitable, location for my undertaking. With 
a sum not exceeding $1500, but yet sufficient, in 
addition to my own labors, to support a poor family 
(unhappily too ready to my hands) for one year, at 
least, I anticipated the world's gracious permission 
to undertake my terrible charge, unopposed at least, 
if not sustained; and it is because the new obsta- 
cles that arise in my path speak more loudly the 
tone of public opinion toward these "abandoned 1 " 
ones, than aught I could say, that I ask leave to state 
why I cannot carry out my design. For the last 
six weeks, I have been incessantly toiling round the 
suburbs of Boston, in company with two faithful 
friends, in the vain effort to find any place, with the 
specialities requisite for my purpose, ■which I could 
hire — not but what such places are to be found in 
abundance. In the neighborhood of the chamber 
where I write are three noble estates that have for 
years remained tenantless; the doors are falling 
from their hinges, decay and time writing their 
mossy epitaphs on threshold and roof; but even 
the very worms which run riot in these solitary 
places are deemed more acceptable inmates than 
the "woman of the town" who seeks the shelter of 
decent surroundings as a chance of reform- — in a 
word, landlords and proprietors seem to have en- 
tered into a league against the admission of the 
outcast to their dwellings. Her stamp on their 
threshold would too indelibly stain it, and a roof 
where a fallen woman had learned the lessons of 
virtue would never again be deemed worthy to 
shelter (hose who, in nine cases out of ten, have 
helped on her ruin. In one or two rare instances, 
the kind hearts of the proprietors have been deaf 
to the call of interest, and one bold estate owner, 
weak enough to believe, his property would insure 
him better interest if laid up in the funds of heaven 
than those of earth, actually pressed a place upon 
me, where the sweet flowers, balmy air and quiet 
groves seemed to breathe of the moral and physical 
health which I feel confident is absolutely essential 
to the restoration of the victims whom I seek to 
heal; nay, this dreamer had the hardihood to ex- 
press his belief that to convert his lawn into a school 
of reform, would plant it with blossoms from the 
skies; and that the feet of repentant sinners made 
whole, and fitted for eternity, treading his thresh- 
"Vkls, would leave angel foot-prints all over the 
house. Deluded proprietor! The virtuous indigna- 
tion of his neighbors soon recalled him to a sense of 
his earthly duties ; and lest his heavenly ones, car 
ried out in the admission of my homeless ones to hi: 
estate, should involve him in a threatened dispute 
with neighbors, who determined not to share the 
atmosphere poisoned with these polluted ones, I had 
to come to the, conclusion that I must withdraw, or 
involve my benefactor in a war of ill-will and an- 
tagonism. This has been my reception in nearly 
every instance where I could find all the specialties 
I sought, two only excepted— the one where a noble 
gentleman of Roxbury proposed, in sympathy with 
my movement, to make pecuniary sacrifices of an 
estate, the extreme publicity of which renders it 
wholly unsuitable for my purpose ; and another, 
where a house so terribly ruinous as to render it a 
sheer disgrace to offer it for human habitation, 
generously tendered at a rent little higher than tho 
undertaker would charge for equally convenient 

Having exhausted my strength, time and means 
in this depressing search, I am compelled, by the 
pressure of my own engagements, to abandon fur- 
ther efforts till my return to Boston next fall ; but 
I think it due to the friends who, in countless letters 
of encouragement and variety of little gifts, have 
manifested their warm sympathy in my work, to tell 
them why it is suspended — to assure them, more- 
over, that it is only suspended — that having come to 
the conclusion that a self-sustaining, industrial home 
would open up to these unfortunates a means of re- 
treat which a heartless society else denies them. 
That a country residence and horticultural exer- 
cises are .and must be main features in the work, 
bitter experience, of a far more detailed character 
than I have here hinted at, convinces me that I can- 
not hire, but that a company must own the land 
necessary for the experiment. 

That to create a revulsion in favor of these wo- 
men, and to place them where they should be, in 
juxtaposition with the criminals who destroy them, 
countenanced in society as they are, or they in the 
gutters with their victims, requires a stronger force 
than the one woman who thus dares to stand 
as their friend. And finally, in apology for thus 
and at this time intruding this subject on the public, 
and this journal, I would add, from the horrible 
revelations which I can and yet will maicr, in 
HUE season, of the underground world of sin, 
shame, pollution and hideous indifferent neglect, of 
which these women are the chief features, dearly as 
I love tins noble country, whose hospitable arms 
have enfolded me with a love almost maternal, I 
would rather sec the entire array of her strength, 
chivalry and beauty left sleeping on the battle-field, 
in the. pale arms of a glorious and honorable death, 
than return to perish themselves in tho stream of 
living death that tins lower world sends up, luring 
her victims to her foul arms, or enticing them to 
make a shameful war on the frail children of want 
and ignorance. It matters not. whether man be the 
seducer or the seduced ; to see the results in the aw- 
ful pictures thai, every city presents, if known to 
the world as it is to her who traces these lines, as it 
should be to every creature that wishes well to their 
kind,, would be a sufficient apology for this cry for 
home warfare^ and a sufficient inducement for every 
one who is compelled to be absent from the glorious 
strife for honor and patriotism to join me" in (he 
equally glorious war upon a system that enslaves 
woman in the chains of corruption, and arrays man 
in the must, relentless species of dishonor and cru- 
elly against her, and his own temporal and (denial 

I am, sir, faithfully yours, 


18 Shawmut, Avenue, Boston, June 1, 1861. 

tent electricity as the material one without, and like 
it presently to leap forth in lightning, accompanied 
with more or less noise. And here the similitude 

Rev, Mr. liECKwmi, Secretary of the Society, 
said — In answer to the questions frequently put re- 
garding the action of the Society in the present exi- 
gencies of the nation, we say that, with flu- nation 
acting under our auspices, no such events could ever 
have occurred. This rebellion grows out of a vic- 
ious moral education in national elhies. The people 
of the nation have been taught to depend on the arm 

of power. The principles of peace cannot, be held 
responsible for the condition which the war principle! 
has brought about. There is no responsibility rest- 
ing upon the Society to say what is to be done in 
any exigency of the kind. But it may be said that 
no person educated in the doctrines of peace could 
become a rebel. The principles of international 
peace have but a remote relation to the present state 
of affairs in our nation. As legal citizens, we are 
bound to uphold the righteous power of the Govern- 
ment, and we never uphold by acquiescence and 
submission that power which would overrun our 
country with barbarism and slavery. 

The resolutions introduced were fifteen in num- 
ber, and set forth the old standard principles as here- 
tofore made known, the primary idea being that the 
Peace principles were the ultimate resort for the set- 
tlement of national differences ; also, that the events 
of the past year furnish ample evidence of the vast- 
ness of the evils of war and its concomitants, and so 

Eunu Bukritt spoke to the resolutions. He 
said that the general plan of our operations would 
bring us out victorious in the end, and peace would 
yet have its victories as well as war. The friends of 
Peace had been greatly tried for the past five years. 
Had the principles embodied in the articles which 
were offered at the Convention of Paris been ac- 
cepted, the sorrows of the subsequent years would 
have been spared the world. The sanguinary rebel- 
lion of India, the bloody fields of Solferino and Ma- 
genta, and the blood since shed in the Italian revo- 
lution—all would have been saved by the former 
adoption of the principles of peace. 

And now our trial-hour is come. Many have 
acted with us while our skies were cloudless, but how 
we do not find them. One cannot now dare to en- 
ter a protest against this war, fearing that he will 
find his enemy in his own house. How, then, shall 
we find a principle to hold before us as a shield ? If 
we find no support in the principles of the Bible for 
the Peace of to-day, we shall look in vain elsewhere. 
Men who have heretofore, owned allegiance to these 
principles are now marching with charge of bayonet 
against each other's breast. When the Union is re- 
constructed,- let it be urged as a primary measure 
that the disturbing cause of slavery be removed. 

Dr. E. S. Gannett, being called, said that he 
thought the call for this meeting was felicitous, for it 
substituted, in place of the usual mode of a formal 
address, a general consultation of the friends of 
Peace. For himself, he could not say that he clear- 
ly saw the hand of Providence, as did others, in the 
terrible war now upon the nation. Whether the 
sorrows which this war entailed were to cease in one 
year or twenty, was beyond his conjecture ; he dared 
not prophesy. He did not even know where lie 
stood on this war question, or how to reconcile the 
conflict in his own mind. He asked if we were pre- 
pared to stand by our own principles. If we were 
not, we had better adjourn to the Bible Society ; 
and there he was not sure but that we should find 
another Peace Society, if it was true to the princi- 
ples of the New Testament. 

Again, what- can we do, as followers of Christ, to 
give evidence of our principles? We may, by gen- 
tleness of speech, do something to allay the temper 
of the times. If we can keep our hearts with all 
diligence in the love of Christ, we shall do some- 
thing to meet and calm the tempers of men. What 
is to be done to convince the people of the power 
and purity of Christians principles ? And wdiat 
really are the relations of the Gospel of Christ to 
the conditions of men in the present crisis of the na- 
tion ? 

Lewis Tappan, of New York, said that he was 
much puzzled to satisfy himself as to the mind of 
Christ in relation to the present state of affairs. He 
does not find in the Sermon on the Mount anything 
that satisfies him. He does not see the application 
of Christian doctrine to the present state of affairs 
in the nation. He believes that it is the duty of the 
people of the free Scales to withstand this rebellion. 
Shall we permit these rebels to subvert our princi- 
ples of freedom? He never would — never. He 
would use all the means in his power, even to the 
laying down of life, for making and maintaining this 
as a. land of liberty. (Dr. Gannett thought the 
speaker had made a war speech.) He rejoined that 
Dr. Gannett had made both a war and a Peace 
speech; but, like the Rev. Dr., he did not know 
where to find himself. He believed that for a quar- 
ter of a century these traitors had been engaged in 
this matter. The civilized world will cry out against 
us if we do not put down this outrageous conspiracy. 
Mr. Tappan did not know of any way by which he 
could better love, his Southern brothers than by put- 
ting down the rebellion with pistol in hand. lie did 
not believe in Jeff. Davis kicking out Abraham Lin- 
coln. He would stand by the flag, and if the Pal- 
metto flag should be raised over Boston State House, 
he should be the first to cut it down, even though he 
should be cut down. He considered Abraham Lin- 
coln a good Peace man. 

Rev. Mr. Angter, of South Maiden, said, as a 
Peace man, his friend from New York had struck the 
key-note. He had such a thorough conviction of the 
atrocity of the rebellion, that, as a Christian minis- 
ter and a Peace man, he was ready to shoulder the 
musket in behalf of his country. 

Mr, I. T. HuTcniNS, of Connecticut, said the 
point had not been touched. The ground of the 
trouble was chattel slavery. Let the cause be re- 
moved first. 

The Chairman, Hon. Amasa Walker, thought 
that the principles of the Peace Societies were for 
the prevention of war, not for the. means of settling 
it after once begun. We have nothing of our prin- 
ciples or action to take back in the present exigency 
of affairs. AVhatever destructive implements we 
may invent, and whatever evil we may do one anoth- 
er, we have nothing to do towards altering the alter- 
native; we. must, at last go back to negotiation to 
settle affairs. All the facts of war are absurd. It 
is nothing but waste. AVe have nothing (o retract 
in respect to our principles. They arc the only true 
ones. But (he Government has done just what was 
demanded of it, and he hoped the President would 
go on with the same energy to the ultimate perfec- 
tion of the work begun. What has been done has 
been gloriously done. The State which had been 
most reviled had had the glorious privilege of in- 
augurating this contest with her blood. But he did 
not believe that the rebellion was a necessary event. 
It was fostered until there was no alternative. 

War is not necessary in this case, even per se. 
If we had been educated in the principles of Peace. 
then Peace, would have been the arbiter. The al- 
ternative must lie a final separation. This the South 
demands. In alluding to the response to the procla- 
mation of the President in calling for troops, and to 
the part which Massachusetts had taken iu being 
foremost, in the field, and in shedding the Mood of 
her sons on the 19th of April, the speaker was hearti- 
ly applauded. The old officers were, with tew ex- 
ceptions, elected, and the meeling adjourned. 

termination of a strife so unfriendly, while it lasts, to 
the progress of Christianity, we also beseech the 
Ruler of all nations for a settlement just and righteous 
to alljtBO that all cause of national dintui banco he per- 
manently removed. 

Rev. Dr. Blagdcn desired that some amendment 
might he made !o them, which would put (he idea 
of slavery out of sight. lie thought the war was 
not waged exclusively for the establishment of the 
institution of slavery. This was not (rue. He did 
not wish lo apologize for the], ;ind be ac- 
knowledged that it: was in great part the cause of 
the war. The system of slavery was not in all cases 
a sin against God. lie hoped "that all parlies were 
now united in the war and its support, and wished 
that this unity should eonlinue. 

Rev. James II. Means offered an amendment to 
the resolution by striking out the word "exclu- 

Dr. Blagdcn wished that the whole subject of 
slavery should be left out of the resolutions. He 
moved an amendment, to the effect that it was a 
war of ambition, and without any reasonable motive 

Rev. L. J. Livermore, Rev. Mr. Perkins, and Rev. 
Dr. Russell offered remarks and words as substitute 
expressions, none of which engaged the attention 
of the audience. 

Rev. John Pierpont wished for no change in the 
resolution. It would emasculate the whole affair. 
We should not dilute the expression of our opinion 
in the motive inspiring the war. The rebels wish 
for the powers of the Government to sustain that 
accursed institution of slavery, even though all the 
forces of the universe were arrayed against it. The 
moving powers in this war have the extension of 
slavery as their exclusive object. He was unquali- 
fiedly against any qualification or modification of 
the resolutions. We had better not have any reso- 
lution whatever. If this is not the sole motive, (hen 
what, in Heaven's name, is the motive ? Can it be 
named ? " 

Rev. Mr. Eastman wished an amendment for the 
sake of unity, that the war might be maintained in 
one spirit. 

Rev. Dr. Russell thought there were a variety of 
reasons for the war, and all of these he would have 
recognized in the resolutions. 

Rev. Dr. A. P. Peabody was desirous that what- 
ever resolution we put forth, it should be unani- 
mous. This would add to its moral force in the 
community, and increase our own energy and sym- 

Rev. Dr. Blagden's amendment, substituting 
"mainly "for " exclusively," was then unanimously 
.ffhe meaning of the last resolution was asked for. 
Rev. Dr. S. K. Lothrop hoped that we should ac- 
cept no reconstruction of the Government which 
should reestablish the same privileges to those who 
wage the war, as those previously enjoyed by them. 
They should not claim these privileges by mere sub- 
mission. He held that they had forfeited all privi- 
leges by their rebellion. 

The debate on the last resolution -was very gen- 
erally entered into by Revs. Messrs. Eastman. Liv- 
ermore, Lothrop, Muzzey, Dr. Gannett, Dr. Cleve- 
land, the President, Dr. Blagden, Pierpont, and 
Nightingale. The latter thought that by this dilu- 
tion of our sentiments they became contemptible. 
Rev. Dr. A. Sessions thought the resolution was 
ahead of God's providence. Rev. Mr. Tenney 
thought that peace might be very desirable, on cer- 
tain conditions, even with slavery. Dr. Cox offered 
another amendment. All suggestions and amend- 
ments met. with little favor and less attention from 
the assembly. It was then moved that the report 
and resolutions be adopted. Dr. Lothrop moved! 
that the last resolution lie stricken em". Seconded 
by Rev. Mr. Pierpont. This was objected to by 
Dr. Gannett and others. 

The members becoming fatigued and hungry, the 
report and resolutions were unanimously adopted. 
Adjourned sine die. 


From the Nuw York Ohriabian Tiiniiiror. 

Anniversary Week in Boston Monday, .!/«// '.?7. 

j\! three o'clock, 1'. M., there was evidence of an 
niisuiil excitement among Hi,, friends of Peace in 
,<• restrj of Hi,. Park street meeting-house. Thei 

-.1 mutually to 







' l"\' 

with each I 

of public affairs, and the ai 

the Peace community. Tl 
was decidedly conglomeral 

ly where lo find himself. Kaeh one, however, found 
hhuself possessed of darkness inslead of light. The 

meeting might be characterized, in a waj of pleai 

anlry, as a i/irrlin;/ of the member*; cf tin . I merit na 

n iety !•■>■ warlike purposes. The moral ai- 
mosphf iv within appeared as fully charged with lo 


The following Resolutions, — presented by a Com- 
mittee appointed to prepare them, as the expression 
of the body on the present state of national affairs, 

— came up for consideration : — 

Whereas, In the providence of Qod, this Conven- 
tion of the Congregational ministers of Massachusetts 
holds ils present meeting amid tho excitements of civil 
war, it becomes our duty to record our testimony re- 
specting il — a duty which we owe alike to our his lor \ , 
our principles, ana our profession — a testimony which 
we embody in the following resolutions : 

Resolved, 1st, That, la our deliberate judgment, 
this war hns heen most wantonly and wickedly pre- 
einttftted upon the country, and is rendered noubly 
iilroeioiis hv Ihe Ihel that it is win^d mainlv for the 




■f th 


1 Ot ! 

felt gratitude 
icrlty and unanimity with which the 
friends of freedom and of the Union have responded 

to the call to arms, in support of the Constitution, the 
Government, and the rights of this grcal nation. 
Resolved, 8d, Thai both as ministers and as men, 

we will In nil suitable wavs lend all the aid In OUT 
power to our Slate unit national authorities, for ihe 
defence and preservation ol our common Inheritance, 

and also to those noble kinds of BOldiOW Who have 

promptly devoted (heir lives and sacred honor to the 
Resolved, 4th, That while we pray for the speedy 


Hon. J. H. Ashley. M. C, in a letter to the Tole- 
do Blade, describing his interviews with some ©f the 
fugitive slaves, says: — 

' ; This little incident tefls me more plainly than 
ever, that what I said last winy.T in the House is 
true, "when I declared that 'the logic of events told 
me that slavery must die.' ~~ 

If I had time and you the space, I would give in 
their own words the material portions of the answers 
of the most intelligent slaves. There is one thing: < 
certain, every slave in the United States understands 
this rebellion, its causes and consequences, far better 
than I supposed. I asked one old man, who said he 
was a Methodist class leader, to tell me fran&ly 
whether this matter was well ondersteed by all the 
slaves, and he answered me that it was. and that he 
1 prayed for it many long years.' He said that their 
masters had all talked about it, and he added, '■Lor* 
bless you, honey, we don' give it up last September 
dat de North's too much for as," meaning, of course, 
Mr. Lincoln's election was conceded even there by 
the slave masters, and was understood and hoped for 
by all the slaves. I asked the same man how many 
more would probably come into the fort. He said 
*-a good many, and if we's not sent back, you'll see 
'em 'fore to-morrow night.' 

I asked why so. and he said, ' Dey HI understan 1 " if 
we's not sent back, dat we're mong our friends, for 
if de slaveholder see ns, we gets sent right back/ 
And sure enough, on Monday, about forty or fifty 
more, of all ages, colors and sexes, came into camp, 
and the gnard was bound lo arrest them. 

And thus is being developed a practical plan, 
which I believe, under Providence, will result in uni- 
versal emancipation, for the people of this nation 
will never consent that those slaves who icfaso to 
fight against us, and escape to our camps and aid us 
all they can, shall be given wp now to their assumed 
owners, or at the conclusion of the war shall again 
he returned to slavery. The man or party who will 
do this thing is already condemned to a political 
death, and will be execrated, as he ought to be, by 


The Washington correspondent of the New York 
World says: — 

" The guard on the briilge across the Anacostla; 
arrested a negro, who attempted to pass the sentries 
on the Maryland side. He seemed to feel confident 
that he was among friends, for he made no con- 
cealment of his character and purpose. He said he 
had walked sixty miles, and was going North. lie 
was very much surprised and disappointed when lie 
was taken into custody, and Informed that he would 
be sent back to his master. He is now iu the guard- 
house, and answers freely al! questions relating to 
his weary march. Of course, such an arrest ex- 
cites much comment among the men. Nearly all 
are restive, under the thought of acting as slare- 
Mtchers. The Seventy-first uufde a forced inarch, 
and the privations they endured have honorable 
mention in the country's history. This poor negro 
made a forced march twice the length — in perils 
often, in fasting, hurrying toward the North tor his 
liberty! And the Seventy-firsl catcnes him at the 

end of his painful journey — the goal in sight — and 
sends him back to the master who even now may be 
in nuns against us, or may take the slave, sell him 
for a rifle, and use it on his friends in the Seventy- 
first New York Kegiment. Humanity speaks louder 

here than it does in a targe city, and the 

iv ho 

in New York would dismiss the subject with a few- 
words about 'constitutional obligations," are now 
(he loudest in denouncing the abuse of power whieh 
changes a regiment of gentlemen into a regiment of 
negro-catchers. There is but one opinion among 
(lie troops, in regard to their acting for rebels. 
' Let them look after their own negroes,' is the uni- 
versal sentiment. I do not think il strange thai the 
ones who objected most strenuously to the arrest ot' 
fugitives were the old-time Democrats, for it is not. 

unreasonable to suppose that their extreme pro- 
slavery opinions were adhered to rather from po- 
litical Bxpedisnc) than (Vera sincere cow tctiona, and 
when tho strain is taken iVom their conscience! bi 
tin' removal of thai expediency, the 'tot up" is 

rather refreshing to them, and they gladlv seize- 

the opportunity to show thai they think it ;» 

mean bu-iness. The disrtission of this stdjeet has 

incidentally brought up another. 

nocted with it; that is, the probable insunvetiou 

among the slaves of E» YIi Here the 

sentiment is markedly divided. Man) assert that 

they would ool raise a hand to put down an in6U» 

le.iion: soma think the danger n ;» military weak- 
ness of which our government should take the ad- 
i anl ;■■■■ othon n ■ assist in the sup- 

pression > f such an attempt Ul 

that, ere long, the question will | 

practical i u 




— AT — 

ROBERT F. WALLCUT, General Agent. 

JSF TERMS — Two dollars and fifty oonts per annum, 
in advance. 

11^" Five copies will bo sent to ono address for ten 
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sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are- 
authorised to receive subscriptions for Tim Liberator, 

Jg*" Tho following gentlemen constitute the Financial 
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papor, viz : — Francis Jackson, Edmund Quikcy, Edmund 
Jackson, and Wendell Fiiillips. 


The United States Constitution is "a covenant 
with death, and an agreement with hell." 

|^""What order of men under tho moist absAlutS Of 
monarchies, or the moat aristocratic of republk', 
invented with such an odious and unjust privilege U that 
of tho separate and exclusive representation of lc fcB*B 
half a million owners of (slaves, in the Hall of tlm House, 
in tho chair of tho Senate, and in the Presidential man- 
sion? This investment of power in tho owners of ono 
species of property concentrated in the highest authorities 
of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of th» 
twenty-six States of the Union, constitutes a privileged 
order of men in the community, more adverse to tho righU 
of all, and mure pernicious to the interests of the whole, 
than any order of nobility ever known. To call govern- 
ment thus constituted a Democracy is to insult the under- 
standing of mankind. ... It is doubly tainted with tho 
infection of riches and of slavery. There is no name in 
the language of national jurisprudence that can define it — 
no model in the records of ancient history, or in the politi- 
cal theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It 
was introduced into tho Constitution of the United States 
by an equivocation — a representation of property under tho 
name of persons. Little did the members of the Conven- 
tion from the Free States imagine or foresee what a sacri- 
fice to Moloch was hidden under tho mask of this conces- 
sion." — John Qcitccr Adams. 

(Dm* muitxxj \$ xit mwO&t m Qkmtxumm » nil itoftML 

J, B. YERRINTON & SON, Printers. 

VOL. XXXI. NO. 26. 


WHOLE NO. 1592. 



The Philadelphia papers relate the following in- 
cidents : — 

" Mr. George Robinson, formerly a resident of 
Newburg, Orange County, N. Y., who has managed 
to return alive from a Southern tour, recently, called 
upon the Mayor of Camden, and filed a deposition 
of the indignities and gross outrages to which he 
had been subjected by the chivalrous people 
Dixie. The document boars upon its face the e 
denee of its truthfulness, and is beside certified to 
by Theodore Ringsley, George Smith, and Thomas 
Reeves Thomson, of New Jersey. Mr. Robinson 
states that, in September last, he left New York, 
and went to Virginia, where he began to work for 
a man by the name of Samuel Bein. Everything 
went along smoothly enough until the 16th of last 
April. At 9 o'clock on that evening, he retired to 
his bed, feeling rather unwell. Before he had fairly 
got to sleep, a posse of men, ten in number, came 
up to his room, and rapped at the door. On his 
asking them what they wanted, they replied by 
charging him with being a suspicious character, to 
■which crime, as they alleged, he added the still 
blacker one of being a Northerner, and nothing 
would suit the gentry but he must get out of his bed 
and open the door for them. 

M He stated to his captors that he was quite un- 
well, and asked them to allow him to remain where 
he was until next morning, when he would accom- 
pany them without offering the least resistance. 
Acquiescence in the wishes of a Northerner was not 
in the nature of their mood, however ; and the mo- 
tion was negatived unanimously. Seeing that the 
chances of effectual expostulation were ten to one 
against him, Mr. Robinson proceeded to partly dress 
himself. Three of the unanimous Council of Ten 
then seized him, drew him across the room, and 
very coolly kicked him down the stairs. Not even 
content with the satisfaction which that act afforded 
them, the party then came to the foot of the stairs, 
and jumped upon and otherwise maltreated him ! 
All this, however, was only the initial chapter of 
their ruffianism. After having abused him shame- 
fully, they dragged him across the road to a 'piece 
of woods about eighty yards distant, where they 
left him. Sick, feeble, and bruised as he was, he 
was compelled to lie there until the next niorn- 
-*ig (April 17.) He then made for the Potomac 
River, where he met a fisherman, who took him 
across to Georgetown. He at once proceeded to 
"Washington City, and called on Mayor Barrett, who 
in various ways assisted him on hearing of his gross 

" The services of two physicians (Drs. Morgan 
and McCormick) were procured, and his condition 
somewhat improved under their skillful treament. 
Nevertheless, his body is still shockingly bruised. 
As soon as he was able, he started for Philadelphia 
via the Northern Central road, walking the entire 
distance. He was a whole week in reaching Lan- 
caster. On his way through Maryland, he was fre- 
quently stopped and catechized, and reached tlte 
city yesterday, almost worn out with exhaustion. 
His case is one of peculiar hardship, and we have 
accordingly felt it our duty thus to bring it before 
the public authorities." 


A letter from a young lady, at Evansville, Ind., 
dated May 5, contains a description of outrages 
committed by the Southern traitors. She says :— 

" For the last few days, our city has been literally 
filled with deserters from the Southern army, and 
they are, or seem to be, the happiest men alive to 

fet on free soil again. They are all for the Union, 
ut had been forced into the Southern army. There 
were five of these men who came up from" Memphis 
on Friday; they were in father's store, and told him 
how they were treated. They went South with sev- 
eral boatloads of tobacco for the purpose of selling 
it ; there were thirty men in all, I believe ; they 
were taken from their boats, and had to choose be"- 
tween joining the Southern army, or having all the 
hair shaved off their heads, having a number of 
lashes on the bare back, and being put in prison for 
thirty days upon a diet of bread and water. "What 
do you think of that ? I think it is perfectly brutal. 
Five of the men were true to the Union — the five 
who told this story ; the others (25) joined the army, 
but intend to escape. The five men had all the 
hair shaved off their heads, and their hacks were 
terribly mutilated. They escaped from prison, and 
run all the way to the river, and got aboard the 
boat which brought them here. 

"Another young man, by the name of James, 
told father his story yesterday. He is also a de- 
serter. He said the secessionists tried to force him 
and four companions to join their army. Three of 
them said they would not do it; that they preferred 
death, and all three of them were hung on tho near- 
est tree, in the presence of all the soldiers and their 
comrades. The fourth one called them cowards, 
thieves, traitors, and taunted and cursed themjwhen 
they poured coal tar on him, and set fire to it. Mr. 
James joined the army. At night lie was awakened 
by some one creeping over his body. He asked 
what they were doing. They said they were going 
to desert. He joined them. When he got outside 
of the camp, he ran until he came to a railroad sta- 
tion. It so happened that he had money enough to 
take him to Memphis, where he got on the boat, and 
never stopped until he reached our place. He does 
not know what became of those that left with him, 
as he ran faster than they, and left them behind. 
At the time he was forced to join the army, he was 
at Pensacola, and it was then? where the three men 
were hung and the one burned." 


The train from Cincinnati yesterday afternoon 
brought a family who had been driven out of the 
South on account of their Northern birth. The 
family consisted of a mother and three little chil- 
dren. The woman, who told her story in a Btraignt- 
forward manner, without any attempt to obtain 
charity by its means, stated that her name was 
Ffaebe ]>i\:w, that she was originally from Maine, 
but that for the last four or five years she had lived 
with her husband, who was also from Maine, in 
Dallas County, Southern Arkansas, near the post 
village of Fairview. They had a farm, and kept a 
lumber yard. Since the troubles broke out, that 
part of Arkansas has been in a most lawless condi- 
tion. Union men were hung, shot, or cut, down 

wherever found. Within three weeks, eight men 
have been shot for expressing Union sentiments in 
that neighborhood, and two of them were Methodist 
preachers. About three weeks ago, her husband 

was threatened with death "on account of his North- 
ern birth .-ind known Dmon sentiments, lie fled in 
the night, intending, if possible, to make bis wis to 

Maine, and directing her to settle up affairs and fol- 
low as soon as could be safely done. Since then, 
she has heard nothing of him, and is ignorant of his 

As soon as her husband fled, the Secessionists seiz- 
ed the lumber yard, and all the available property 
connected with it. A few days since, they visited 
her and stole her cow, entered the house and carried 
off everything in it — even to the meal, bread, molas- 
ses and bacon— leaving not a mouthful of bread for 
herself and three little children. They then ordered 
her to leave the State forthwith. Hastily gathering 
up the few effects left her into four boxes, 'she hired 
a conveyance to take her partly on her way. The 
thieving scoundrels stole the largest of the boxes, 
saying that three trunks were enough for a woman 
to travel with. 

When she started, she had $20 in her pocket. Af- 
ter many hardship?, insults, and dangers, she reached 
the Free States. During her passage through the 
South, she found no one to give her the slightest as- 
sistance. Once in the Free States, she found no dif- 
ficulty in obtaining a passage toward her home. 

When she arrived here, she was wretchedly clad, 
and her children were barefooted. They wore the 
same clothes in which they had set out from home, 
which were those they wore when the Secessionists 
broke in upon them. She had only $2 to take her 
to Maine, and provide for the children and herself 
on the way. Supt. Nottingham gave her passes on 
the Lake Shore Railroad,* and some of the railroad 
officers gave her an addition to her slender stock of 
funds. The poor woman was deeply grateful, though 
she hesitated about taking assistance in money, and 
her manner was convincing proof that she was no 
beggar, imposing on the credulity of the public. No 
one could look on the poor little group of exiles, so 
shamefully treated by their former neighbors, without 
cursing the heartless wretches who thus waged a 
merciless war upon the helpless women and ckiklren. 
— Cleveland Herald, 14th. 


A Kentuckian Ten Days in Richmond JaU^A 
Nephew of Senator Crittenden in the same Cell — 
Their Brutal Treatment. 

The Washington correspondent of the New York 
World relates the following instances of the bar- 
barity with which the Virginia rebels treat all who 
do not give immediate and entire adherence to their 
traitorous projects: — 

George G. Gaither, Esq., is a very talented lawyer 
of Bardstown, Ky., and during the administration 
of Buchanan held a government appointment in the 
patent office. He was formerly attached to the New 
Orleans True Delta, and has, 1 am informed, recent- 
ly^ received an appointment under the present ad- 
ministration, for which his talents eminently fit him 
—interpreter in the Department of State. 

He left this city tire 17th of April, on his way to 
his native place. It was on this journey that he was 
arrested by the "vigilants" of Richmond, and after 
lying in jail ten days, with the felons of the city, 
fortunately escaped hanging, and arrived in this city 
last evening. The circumstances of the affair I have 
carefully obtained ; they are vouched for, and are in 
every respect reliable. 

On liis safe arrival in Richmond Saturday after- 
noon, he took rooms at the Powhattan House. The 
weather was very warm, and after partaking of din- 
ner at the hotel, he repaired to a barber's shop, 
where, to prepare himself better for the climate, he 
had his hair, which was quite long, cut short, and 
his beard shaven off. This so changed his appear- 
ance, that, on his return to the hotel, it was noticed 
and remarked upon. It probably originated sus- 
picion, which subsequently caused his arrest and im- 

The next morning he was awakened by a loud 
knocking at his door, which he opened, when two 
policemen entered the room. He desired to know 
their business, and was told that he had been pointed 
out as a suspicious person, and that they had come 
with orders to arrest and take him to the City Hall, 
where he would answer to the charges which might 
be preferred against him. They then, in a very au- 
thoritative manner, demanded the keys of his trunk. 

" I wish to know, if you pfease, by what authority 
1 am thus arrested in my room and this demand 
made ? " was Mr. Gaither's inquiry, as he stood as- 
tonished before them. 

" Never mind by what authority— your keys, and 
then come with us ! " 

The keys were given, and Mr. G. seized by the 
shoulder roughly, and conducted to the street. It 
was yet quite early in the morning, and but few 
were astir, so that only a small crowd followed the 
officers, who led him to the City Hall, and into the 
presence of the Mayor. Mr. G. here attempted to 
explain fully the circumstances of his arrival in Rich- 
mond, and enmmenced by announcing that he was 
a citizen of Kentucky. This the Mayor pronounced 
flatly, in his opinion, to be a lie. Mr. Gaither was 
closely guarded by several officers, and the Mayor 
immediately ordered the searching of his trunk for 
some evidence which might condemn him to a rope 
or tar and feathers. The trunk was produced, and 
emptied upon the floor. The very first thing which 
was noticed was the petition for an appointment 
which Mr. G. had presented to Mr. Lincoln. 

" Ah," said the Mayor, examining it, " this will 
prove to be an important case ! " 

The search continued, and avcry article was ran- 
sacked, among them the private journal of Mr. 
Gaither. The result was that the prisoner was or- 
dered to tho city jail until the following morning. 
He was thrown in among all the vile persons ar- 
rested and imprisoned there on the various charges 
which the criminal records of such a city as Rich- 
mond usually present. Mr. G. said to the officer 
that he had come to Richmond as a gentleman, and 
was not aware of having done anything which should 
merit for him such treatment as"he had received, or 
the indignities of imprisonment in common with 
thieves, negroes, and pickpockets. "We have no 
gentlemen here, sir," responded an officer, sulkily. 

" What, no_ gentlemen in Richmond?" 

" I mean, sir, no gentlemen in jail." ' 

[Mr. G. desires to have it said that a courtesy was 
extended to him in conducting him from the presence 
of the Mayer t;- tfcs r.ity js i. He was pwabittod to 
walk without handenfls between two officers, while 
(he other prisoners who were marched through the 
streets with him were in irons.] 

The May::.- ic. remittor ;- 1:::: : fc: p;| s;.,| he must. 

have the Attorney-General's opinion on the docu- 
ments which had been found in his baggage. Tin- 
following morning, he was brought up again, and 
;:-:;::r. :\ !:::::> I. 1 t:; p;d. this turn l'::i> a -,v:-: k II, 

inquired if there were no better accommodations 

there than those he saw. The keeper treated him 

vrry much as linker did poor Pickwick in the Fled 
—told him he could hire a room, if he wished, fbrftl 

pcrday. Mr. G. desired lose.- the room, an. I was 

conducted into a most dreary apartment of the jail, 
with not so nitieh as even a. itool to furnish it. 
11 What am I to sleep mi ?" Mll id Mr. G. 

" You can sleep on a blanket." 

"Is there no bed?" 

" No; you can buy one if you want. I'll get it 
for you." 

Mr. G. accepted the offer. The keeper's bill was 
thirteen dollars: 

" What am I to eat ? " 

"O! you can send out to a restaurant, and buy 
what you like. 1 will get it for you." 

"Will there be nothing provided for me here? 
"Yes ; a piece of corn bread and some gruel, with 
a piece of meat in it, twice a day," replied the 
keeper, very carelessly. 

Mr. G. was obliged to patronize the restaurant, at 
a most exorbitant-list of charges, which probably 
lined the wily keeper's pocket. 

The day after Mr. G. was placed in prison, anoth- 
er person, arrested on a similar charge, was brought 
in. This was James L. Crittenden, a nephcw'of 
Senator Crittenden, of "compromise" notoriety. 

He too had been suspected of disloyalty. The 
cause was a remark made by him the day before, 
when he heard that several eolumbiads were being 
shipped from Richmond to fortify the heights of 
Arlington, and pour their hot shot in upon Washing- 
ton. The remark was a brave one : " You must 
take care," said the young man, " how you talk of 
such things to me, or I shall deem it my duty to gc 
up to Washington, and inform the authorities." 

The story of his arrest and imprisonment, though 
another deep outrage, and full of thrilling detail, we 
must omit here. An uncle, who resided at Rich- 
mond, was prevented from interceding for the young 
man, with a threat that if he did, his whole 'family 
should be arrested and imprisoned. Young Critten- 
den, who, by the way, is a son of A. P. Crittenden, 
of San Francisco, was Mr. Gaither's roommate. 
Finally, a petition was signed by some of his friends 
for his release, and he was taken out to be conducted 
to the Governor, to whom the petition was to be pre- 
sented. In a short time he came back, saying that 
the Governor was too drunk to hear it that day, and 
so the poor fellow remained in jail until the day be- 
fore Mr. G.'s release. This few days' acquaintance 
will not probably be soon forgotten'by either party. 
When Mr. Gaither was finally brought up for 
trial, the Mayor inquired what counsel he proposed 
to employ. The prisoner replied that he was a law- 
yer, and should be his own counsel in the matter, at 
the same time desiring to know what charges were 
brought against him. 

" Disloyalty and hostility to the sovereign State of 
Virginia," was the answer. 

" I plead a general denial," responded Mr. G., 
(whose words I quote.) " In the first place, not be* 
ing a citizen of that august Commonwealth, I owe 
no more fealty to it that I do to England. In the 
second place, my country is not at war with Vir- 
ginia, and I have neither said nor done anything to 
indicate my hostility to the State. I have heard of 
no declaration of war, and there has been no procla- 
mation of martial law in Richmond, yet I was ar- 
rested under the severity of martial law, and I am 
now arraigned before a civil tribunal of incompetent 
jurisdiction, to which I except. Moreover, my jour- 
nal and private papers, found in my trunk, cannot 
be taken as testimony, and are no evidence against 
me. (The latter part of his journal was fortunately 
written in French and phonography — both a little 
puzzling to the savans of Richmond. The reporter 
of the Richmond Examiner, who was called upon to 
examine the documents, said he had never seen 
any such 'hieroglyphics' before.) I have never yet 
known any civilized country where, even in time of 
war, a neutral could not travel with a proper pass- 
port, or a safe conduct. As there is no diplomatic 
representative or consular agent in the District of 
Columbia for the State of Virginia, who can grant 
me a ' pass,' I naturally inferred my transit would 
not be interrupted." 

The Mayor still insisted that Mr. G. was a man of 
very dangerous character, and must be remanded to 

Ten days, in all, he remained in the loathsome 
prison of Richmond, until finally an order from the 
Attorney-General came for his release. He was 
then escorted by two officers to a canal boat. They 
accompanied him as far as Lynchburg, where a 
"pass" was given him — i. e., a permit to travel on 
the ears — and he was placed under the special eye 
of the conductor until the train arrived in Alexan- 
dria, whence he made his way in safety to this city, 
arriving last evening. 

What a glorious motto has the Old Dominion, and 
how fully does she make it good— Sic semper tyrannis! 


Mrs. A. J. Donelson writes as follows to General 
Scott, through tho Memphis Bulletin: — 

Memphis, April 29, 1861. 

General Scott — Dear Sir: I address you not 
as a stranger. 1 was introduced to you in 1834, at 
the White House, by President. .Jackson, as " my 
niece, Miss Martin, of Tennessee." In 1835 I mar- 
ried Lewis Randolph, a grandson of President Jef- 
ferson. In 1838 he died; and in 1841 I married 
Major Andrew J. Donelson, whom you will remem- 
ber. In 1801 I saw you frequently in Washington. 

I write to you, General Scott, as the only man in 
the country who can arrest the civil war now begun. 
When it was announced that " General Scott had 
resigned," a thrill of joy ran through the South. 
Cannon told the glad tidings, and my heart said, 
" God bless him." Now it is said, " You wdll never 
fight under any other than the Star Spangled Ban- 
ner." We have loved that banner. We have loved 
the Union. But the Union is gone, and forever, 
and 1 wept as each star left the field of blue, and set 
in night. Now wc have another field of blue, and 
soon our fifteen stars will shine upon our sight. The 
stripes are all that is left of the banner you have 
borne victoriously in many battles. 

Qf you I may ask it, but not the usurper and his 
Abolition band, who now desecrate the honored 
place once filled by our Washington, Jefferson and 
Jackson— of General Scott I ask it — stop tins war. 
Say to the North, yon shall not shed your brothers' 
blood. The sons of Tennessee and I lie South have 
buckled on their armor, and are ready lor the fight. 
We will fight; this battle, every man, woman and 
child, to the last cent in our pockets, and the last 
drop of blood in our veins. The North boasts of its 
Strength. If this boast be well founded, if were 

eotoardtee to destroy the weak. Hut "the race is 

not always lo I lie swill, nor the battle lo I he strong." 
God will defend us when our husbands and sons gO 
forth (o repel the invaders of OUr homes, our rights, 
and our soil. Then count (he cost, Hero of Battles, 
and let after ages bless. 


i: Two Union men at Williamsburg, Coving- 
ton County, Miss., suspected of being in correspond- 
ence with the Abolitionists, on the Slst nit.., were 
tarred and feathered, and, after lying them up, eon- 
signed them to prison, where they were to receive 
twenty lashes, once a week, for tWO months All 
this barbarity on a mere « suspicion " ! 


There is scarcely anything which occurs so prom- 
inently in the writings and speeches of the apolo- 
gists for secession as the cant phrases, " you will 
irritate the South," « the South do not understand 
you," "you will drive off the Unionists," &c, &c., if 
you say or do thus and so. 

"Irritate the South"! What claims has the 
South to exemption from irritation more than the 
North? We have had abundant cause, God knows, 
for irritation and madness in the ten thousand per- 
sona^ outrages which have been inflicted upon our 
unoffending citizens: yet no one proposes to modify 
any measures of State or general policy on the 
ground that one course or another might tend to 
"irritate" the North. Oh, no! The North is all, 
right and loyal any way, but the South must be 
•placated by the suppression of all sentiments of 
loyalty and freedom of expression, for fear that they 
may be " irritated " by the utterance of a desire on 
the_ part of the O. S. General Assembly that the 
Union should be perpetuated, and to that end its 
ministers and laymen should labor! Oh, lempores! 
Oh, mores! Patriot armies, rallied in defence of the 
National Capital, must march on eggs across a dis- 
loyal State, lest its " proud and chivalrous people " 
shall be ''irritated" by the tread of a "foreign" 
force. The prayers of the Church must be stifled, 
and the ear of Jehovah insulted, lest the cries of 
his people to Him in their hour of trial shall "irri- 
tate " the South ! 

And so the North and the Government did really 
proceed as softly as though they were treading on 
eggs, lest they might irritate and drive off into 
secession the Border States. Every effort was 
made to conciliate them ; forbearance seemed to 
approach reprehensible indulgence, while at the 
same time the pretended sensitive Border State 
Union men were plotting treason ; the irritated 
chivalry were coolly maintaining an effectual pro- 
tection to the open and undisguised rebels engaged 
in actual war upon the country. Every effort of 
peace, every act or position of persuasion, kindness, 
delicacy or forbearance, was taken advantage of by 
secret preparations to capture or destroy all the 
defences of the nation, and seize upon its arms and 
munitions, vessels and fortresses, which plans were 
executed by stealth, while the false cry of patriot- 
ism and love for the Union, coupled with expres- 
sions of dread of their irritability, were upon their 
lips. Beseeching the Government and people of 
the North to stay their hands, lest the breach should 
be widened to a remediless extent, and at the same 
time urging on the commission of the foul deeds 
which have disgraced the Southern name forever. 

Let us hear no more of Southern irritability. It 
is all a^sham, as is that Southern chivalry, which 
glories in tarring and feathering innocent -women 
and helpless youths. 

The nation has purchased Southern honor, chiv- 
alry, sensitiveness, and all that sort of gaseous com- 
pounds, at a high price. It is quite time that, they 
be retired from the market.— Milwaukee Free Demo- 

Senator Douglas and wife reached Chicago on 
their return from Washington on the evening of 
the 1st day of May, and were met at the depot by 
an immense assemblage of citizens of all parties, 
who insisted on escorting Mr. Douglas in procession 
to the great Wigwam, which was already packed 
with ten thousand persons. Room having been 
made for the admission of Mr. Douglas, he was ad- 
dressed by Thomas B. Bryan, in behalf of Chicago, 
in brief but eloquent terms. When the cheering 
had subsided, Mri Douglas spoke as follows : — 

Mr. Chairman,— I thank you for the kind terms 
in which you have been pleased to welcome me. I 
thank the committee and citizens of Chicago for this 
grand and imposing reception. I beg you to believe 
that I will not do you nor myself the injustice to be- 
lieve this magnificent ovation is personal homage to 
myself. I rejoice to know that it expresses your de- 
votion to the Constitution, the Union, the flag of our 
country. [Cheers.] 

_ I will notconceal gratification at the uncontrover- 
tible test this vast audience presents— that what po- 
litical differences or party questions may have divi- 
ded us, yet you all had a conviction that when the 
country should be in danger, my loyalty could be re- 
lied on. That the present danger is imminent, no 
man can conceal. If war must come — if the bayo- 
net must be used to maintain the Constitution— I 
can say before God my conscience is clean. I have 
struggled long for a peaceful solution of the difficul- 
ty^ I have not only tendered those States what was 
theirs of right, but I have gone to the very extreme 
of magnanimity. 

The return we receive is War, armies marched 
upon our Capital, obstructions and dangers to our 
navigation, letter? of inarque to invite pirates to 
prey upon our commerce, a concerted movement to 
blot out the United States of America from the map 
of the globe. The question is, are we to maintain 
the country of our fathers, or allow it to be stricken 
down by those who, when they can no longer govern, 
threaten to destroy. 

What cause, what excuse do Disunionists givo us 
for breaking up tho best Government on which the 
sun of heaven ever shed its rays? They are dis- 
satisfied with the result of a presidential election. 
Did they never get beaten before ? Are we to re- 
sort to the sword -when we get defeated at the bal- 
lot-box. I understand it that the voice of the people 
expressed in tho mode appointed by the Constitu- 
tion must command the obedience of every citizen. 
They assume on the election of a particular candi- 
date that their rights are not safe in the Union. 
What evidence do they present of tins ? I defy any 
man to show any act on which it is based. What 

act has been omitted to be done? I appeal to these 

assembled thousands that so far as the constitutional 
rights of the Souther States, I will say the constitu- 
tional eights of slaveholders are concerned, nothing 

has been done, and nothing has been omitted, of 
which they can complain. 

There has never been n tune IVom the day that 

Washington was inaugurated first President of those 

I hiiled Slates, when the rights ofthe Southern States 
stood (inner under the taws of the land, than thev do 
now; there never was a time when thev had not as 

good a cause for Disunion as they have to-day. 

What good cause have they now, that has not exist- 
ed under every Administration? 

If tliej say the Territorial question- now, for the 

first, time, there is no act of Congress prohibiting 

Slavery anywhere. If it be the nnn-onloreomcnt of 

the laws, the only nplaints that 1 have heard 

have been of the vigorous and faithful fulfillment of 
the Fugitive Slave Law. Then what reason have 
they ? 

'['he Slavery question is a mere excuse. The 
election oi Lincoln is a mere pretext. The present 

Secession movement is the result of an enormous 

conspiracy formed more than a vcar since, funned 

by leaders in the Southern Confederacy more than 
twelve months ago. 

They use the Slavery question as a means to aid 
the accomplishment of their ends. They desired the 
election of a Northern candidate, by a sectional vote, 
in order to show that the two sections cannot live 
together. When the history of the two years from 
the Lecompton charter down to the Presidential 
election shall be written, it will be shown that the 
scheme was deliberately made to break up this 

They desired a Northern Republican to be elected 
by a purely Northern vote, and then assign this fact 
as a reason why the sections may not longer live to- 
gether. If the Disunion candidate in the late Pre- 
sidential contest had carried the United South, their 
scheme was, the Northern candidate successful, to 
seize the Capital last Spring, and by a United South 
and divided North, hold it. That scheme was de- 
feated in the defeat of the Disunion candidate in 
several ofthe Southern States. 

But thisis no time for a detail of causes. The 
conspiracy is now known. Armies have been raised, 
war is levied to accomplish it. There are only two 
sides to the question. Every man must be for the 
United States or against it. There can be no neu- 
trals in this war; only patriots — or traitors. 

Thank God, Illinois is not divided on this question. 
[Cheers.] I know they expected to present a united 
South against a divided North. They hoped in the 
Northern States, party questions would brih 1 * "civil 
war between Democrats and Republicans, when the 
South would step up with her cohorts, aid one party 
to conquer the other, and then make easy prey of 
victors. Their scheme was carnage and civil war in 
the North. 

There is but one way to defeat this. In Rlinois 
it is being so defeated by closing up the ranks. War 
will thus be prevented on our own soil. While there 
was a hope of peace, I was ready for any reasonable 
sacrifice or compromise to maintain it." But when 
the question comes of war in the cotton-fields ofthe 
South or the corn-fields of Illinois, I say the farther 
off the better. 

We cannot close our eyes to the sad and solemn 
fact that war does exist. The Government must be 
maintained, its enemies overthrown, and the more 
stupendous our preparations, the less the bloodshed, 
and the shorter the struggle. But we must remem- 
ber certain restraints on our action even in time of 
war. We are a Christian people, and the war must 
be prosecuted in a manner recognized by Christian 

We must not invade Constitutional rights. The 
innocent must not suffer, nor women and children 
be the victims. Savages must not be let loose. But 
while I sanction no war on the rights of others, I will 
implore my countrymen not to lay down their arms 
until our own rights are recognized. [Cheers.] 

The Constitution and its guarantees are our birth- 
right, and I am ready to enforce that inalienable right 
to the last extent. We cannot recognize Secession. 
Recognize it once, and you have not only dissolved 
government, but you have destroyed social order, 
upturned the foundations of society. You have in- 
augurated anarchy in its worst form, and will short- 
ly experience all the horrors of the French Revolu- 

Then we have a solemn duty — to maintain the 
Government. The greater our unanimity, the speed- 
ier the day of peace. We have prejudices to over- 
come from the few short months since of a fierce 
party contest. Yet these must be allayed. Let us 
lay aside all criminations and recriminations as to 
the origin of these difficulties. When we shall have 
again a country with the United States flag floating 
over it, and respected on every inch of American 
soil, it will then be time enough to ask who and 
what brought all this upon us. 

I have said more than I intended to say. [Cries 
of " go on."] It is a sad task to discuss questions so 
fearful as civil war, but sad as it is, bloody and dis- 
astrous as I expect it will be, I express it as my con- 
viction before God, that it is the duty of every Amer- 
ican citizen to rally round the flag of his country. 

I thank you again for this magnificent demonstra- 
tion. By it _ you show you have laid aside party 
strife. Illinois has a proud position. United, firm, 
determined never to permit the Government to be 
destroyed. [Prolonged cheering.] 

At the close of his address, nine cheers were giv- 
en to Mr. Douglas, who was escorted to his hotel by 
the Committee. 


We have insisted that the War for the Union 
should not be perverted from its one avowed, legiti- 
mate, essential purpose into a crusade against Slav- 
ery. If it should be, the zeal of many would be 
cooled, while thousands who are to-d"ay for the 
Union would be driven over to the side of its adver- 
saries. Good faith toward allies and compatriots is 

primary dictate of honorable warfare, and who- 
ever strikes for the Union may rest assured that the 
contest which has been forced upon the loyalty and 
patriotism ofthe country by armed treason, shall be 
prosecuted to the end with honesty of purpose and 
singleness of aim. 

And, while such is the case, it is but naked jus- 
tice to insist that, as the war is not to be turned 
aside from its declared purpose to overthrow Slav- 
ery, so the arm ofthe Nation shall not be shortened 
in order to shield and screen Slavery. The great 
duty of maintaining and vindicating the Federal 
authority against the machinations and the arms of 
treason must not be feebly, heartlessly performed, 
because Slavery might suffer by a vigorous and 
fearless fidelity. If Slavery should ever plant her- 
self in the path on which the nation is advancing 
against its traitorous enemies, and say. " Your life 
or mine ! " the prompt, response of the Nation must 
bo, " Yours, then ; not mine ! " And meantime the 
Nation must confront and pursue its foes without 
ashing or considering whether Slavery is or is not 
likely to commit suicide by arraying itself in deadly 
strife" against the Union. 

It is no part of the business of the armed defend- 
ers of the Union to catch runaway negroes. The 
military have nothing to do with that service, except 
when the execution of the laws is resisted by :i for- 
midable force. Still. WC think the commanders of 
the Union forces, in loyal portions of the Slave 
Stales, have done right in publicly assuring the 
deceived and alarmed inhabitants that thev shall 

be protected in all their legal rights, that servile 

Insurrection shall be repressed, and that the escape 
i*f their slaves shall not bo encouraged. Such as- 
surances have been given to the people of loyal 
States and communities .-don,', and in our judgment 
have been properly given. Their extension lo rebel 
inutilities in the presence of rebel armies would 

be quite another mailer. 

As our armies penetrate Virginia, they move 
among s white population who have been systemat- 
ically bed into a slate of frenzied hostility to the 
Union and all who stand by it. The outspoken 
Unionists of Kaslern Virginia have been hunted out 
as though thev were mad dogs. Tho few who so- 

' cretly cherish a love for the old flag and faith dare 
not give our advancing columns a word of informa- 
tion, fearing that any "aid and comfort" they 
might afford to the Union armies would cost them 
their property and their lives. Clouds of Secession 
cavalry will envelop our moving regiments, cutting 
off scouts and preventing observation beyond the 
range of our rifles. Cowardly guerrillas will lurk 
in every thicket and lie in wait behind fences, 
whence they can easily run to cover. Masked 
batteries, ambuscades, and pitfalls will surprise the 
patriots wherever the lay of the land suggests them. 
If, then, we are to repel information by the way 
from those competent to afford it, we might as well 
give up the contest. 

But no commander who means to succeed will do 
anything of the sort. Persons cualified to give 
warning of the enemy's snares and dead-falls, his 
numbers, marches, and positions, will always be 
welcome at head-quarters, no matter of what color 
or condition they may be. Not what they are, but 
what they know, will be the main consideration. 
And if any of them should be qualified to act as 
guides through intricate, perilous passes, they will 
be so much the more welcome. 

" But what shall our commanders do with these 
fugitives ? " is still asked. We answer, As fugitives, 
do nothing. Use them so far as they can be made 
useful, pay them fairly for their services, and then 
dismiss them to shift for them selves. The fact that 
some ^HthtmTnTay be daimedlcTTiiartids by rebels, 
is no concern of ours. Those rebels ma>-"jaaB^r*'' 
plausible claim on Jeff. Davis to catch their fugitive 
chattels, but they certainly have none on the Nation 
they have abjured, the government they are trying 
to subvert. Let them catch their own negroes, if 
they pretend to have any, while we attend simply 
and solely to putting down the rebellion. 

Such we hold to be the obvious, natural, easy so- 
lution of the question which has been raised 'with 
regard to fugitives who may approach and seek to 
enter the lines of the Federal forces in Virginia and 
other craters of rebellion. We cannot repel them, 
for they may be able to give information whereof 
our commanders are in imminent need. We can- 
not make such extensive and profitable use of them 
as our enemies do in digging trenches, filling sand- 
bags, &e., since negro-driving is a business to whieh 
very few of our men are accustomed, and our sol- 
diers are neither ashamed nor unable to wield the 
pick and spade in constructing their own defences. 
We cannot load down our moving columns with the 
care of them, except in so far as they may be made 
useful as guides, cooks, &c, and to that extent thev 
should be substituted and paid like other people. 
But whether there are or are not rebels who claim 
to be the owners of these persons is no concern of 
ours, and should not be at all considered nor inves- 
tigated. Our commanders advancing in the face of 
a desperate enemy through a hostile country will 
have quite enough on hand, without plunging into 
such recondite and irrelevant speculations. Let 
them mind their own hrrfifigss. — N~. Y. Ti-ibune. 


Philadelphia, Wednesday, June 12, 1861. 
The time was that when light was called for, it 
came. But the command was uttered by Omnipo- 
tence. Our own calls, though constant and loud, 
are puny; yet not more so than the answer. In 
fact, we get nothing. We are wholly in the dark. 
We do not understand this campaign. It may be 
that it is better for the country that we are thus kept 
in ignorance. We have put certain men in power 
to do the very things they are now presumed to be 
doing; hence it is their business, not ours. Yet we 
are itching to be admitted behind the curtain. One 
thing in particular we want to know. How is it 
that every Major-General wdio veutilates himself in 
a proclamation on taking up the line of march to 
the enemy's country, comes forth with superserviee- 
able zeal with a pledge that "insurrection shall be 
put down with an iron hand;" or as General Pat- 
terson more specifically says, " at once to suppress 
servile insurrection." We want to know from whom 
these gentlemen received their orders to promise the 
doing of this dirty work for the miserable wretches 
whose treason has broken up the foundations of busi- 
ness among twenty millions of people who need no 
such work done for them. Butler began these 
pledges in Maryland, then McClelland followed him 
m Virginia, and now comes Patterson in Pennsyl- 
vania, It is true that all Patterson's antecedents 
are of the cotton stripe, for thence came- his pile. 
This may account for him, but not for the others. 
How many other dirt-eating proclamations of the 
same abominable character are wc to have — for I 
fear, in spite of all the infamies heaped upon us, that 
the dirt-caters are not all dead yet. Yon may say 
that nobody's hurt, but assuredly somebody's to 
blame for this. The plain English of the matter is 
that we don't. like it. Now let us have a fair un- 
derstanding about this matter. We don't claim 
that the object of the North, in pouring out its 
wealth of men and money as it has done, was any 
other than that of maintaining the Government. 
Indeed we go further— it did not go to war to abol- 
ish slavery. Hut — and we call heaven to witness it 
— we did' not take up arms to keep it alive. Now 
mark the difference, for it is a vita! one. Hence, 
having ourselves so clear an understanding of the 
question, wc want to know why our Majur-Gonorals 
are less enlightened. Their early eagerness to take 
un clubs to perpetuate slavery is what we cannot cut 
derstand. Is it of their own motion, or is it inspira- 
tion from a higher quarter, or is it all buncombe '-' It. 
excites attention; it occasions profound grid': it is 

a rank offence to tho people of Pennsylvania. We 

say lot slavery take care of itself. "U e raised troops 
to put down an insurrection of licbols with white 
skins, not to heap fresh oppression on a race infinite- 
ly more deserving of freedom than they. The first, 
rebels against tho best government— -the last. nn!y 
against the worst. Our army must have more sense 
than its Generals. — Conr?p<<r«!c»t or\Y. 1". TVttan*. 

Win- it prom ran Pace ok thb Earth. A 

Correspondent ofthe New York )\\'r:d, writing from 

Camp Defiance al Cairo, 111., says: — 

" The feeling is daily gaining ground here that 
tliis WW can only end in the ntler extermination of 

AiVic.oi slavery. Men Bay it is an institution thai 

We have aol meddled With. It has HOI belonged to 
ns. but to certain of the States. We have been 
content lo let it alone. If it is right, well ; 

is not ours, and we are not responsible for rite « rang. 

True, it has been a disgrace to | nation DO I 

unequalled liberty. It has enabled i minority bo coo 

fcroJ the effain Of the nation. b has closed some of 
the fairest portions of American territory to Amen- 

oan citinna b has taken awaj the protection to 

American citi-ens upon American soil that their (lag 
commands for (hciu in foreign countries. It has 
rendered the election at the ballot Ih>\ I BB 
less t'aree, and now it is being made the instrument 
to complete the destruction of democratic inshtu 
tions; and, in CMTi ■■;<■ ■ it from tin- face 

of the iw-th." 



JUNE 28. 

The annual demonstration In connection with the 
Leeds (Eng.) Young Men's Ana-Slavery Society, 
took place in the Music Hall, on the '28th May, 
anil there was a numerous and very respectable at- 
tendance. The Mayor (James Kitson, Esq.) presided, 
and amongst the gentlemen present were the Rev. 
Dr. CheeVeV, of New York ; the Kevs. Messrs. Troy, 
Kinnaird, and Davidson, gentlemen of color, from 
Canada West; ami George Thompson, Esq., London. 
After speeches from Itcv. 1'. Edwards and Mr. Kin- 
iiaird — 

Geo. Thompson, Esq., was called upon to address 
the meeting, and was warmly received. After re- 
ferring to the fact mentioned by the Mayor, that 
thirty rears had elapsed since he first uplifted his 
voice before a Leeds audience in the same cause as 
that which hud collected them together, he observed 
that the resolution he had to propose referred to the 
war in America — asked them to deplore the evils 
with which it would be inevitably attended — but at 
the same time to express their earnest hope, and it 
proof to warrant it could be furnished, their confi- 
dent belief, that the issue of this war would be the 
and everlasting overthrow of slavery in 
America. -(-Applause.) War was an unmixed evil; 
and nothing could be more affecting, more deplora- 
ble, more calculated to fill thorn with anguish, than 
the present aspect of things in the United States of 
America. From the Potomac to the Itio Grande, 
from the Atlantic to the base of the Alleghany 
Mountains, everything was at present tending to a 
common object, and that object was murder. The 
war was not commenced to resist an invading force, 
nor to conquer some foreign adversary ; it was a do- 
mestic war, an internecine war, an unnatural war, 
a fratricidal war, a rebel war. (Hear, hear.) The 
people of the United States were one people, the 
thirty-four States having blended themselves to- 


_., sinking their State differences in common 
nationality, and the sovereignty of the States being 
entrusted" to the President and to the representa- 
tives of the people in Congress. The evils of war 
were certain, in magnitude, they were not to be 
grasped; no arithmetic could count the pecuniary 
loss, and no stretch of mind could conceive the 
injury that would be done to the country in a moral 
point of view. In England, they were not called 
npon to furnish their sons for the war, but it might 
bring npon them other calamities. There was a 
calamity impending over this country than which, 
war excluded, nothing could be of a more fearful 
character. A famine of cotton would bo infinitely 
worse than a famine of bread ; for if the harvest 
were smitten by blight, or the earth were to rem; 
sterile by reason of drought, a supply of food might 
be obtained from other countries to which God had 
granted a superfluity ; but if they experienced a 
famine of cotton, that was a calamity for which there 
was no remedy. In that case, there would be stag- 
nation, and idleness, and hunger, and discontent, 
and dissatisfaction, and it might be revolution. 

As an illustration of the importance of this sub- 
ject, he stated that it was estimated that there were 
three millions of persons in this country directly en- 
gaged in the manuf acture of cott on, and, taking 
their w^agt^aTliTeunv average of 

of a million and a half sterling 
tributed amongst them weekly, or between 78 and 
80 millions during the year; and if they considered 
the vast number of people employed indirectly in 
the trade, they would find that the inferencewas 
inevitable, that a want of cotton would precipitate 
this country into universal bankruptcy, and would 
be the greatest calamity that could possibly over- 
take us. (Hear, hear.) He asked their attention, 
therefore, to this question as one of the deepest in- 
terest; and, whatever the issue of the war, he hoped 
that this country would learn a lesson, improving 
which she would' never again be dependent, as she 
had been, upon the United States for her supply of 
cotton. (Hear, hear.) The cause of the war was 
simply and solely slavery. The North was just as 
much answerable for the present state of things as 
the South ; for it was the recreancy of the North 
to principle in the framing of the Constitution that 
allowed slavery to become incorporated with their 
Union at all. There was the great mistake; and 
during the seventy years that had passed since, 
until about eight years ago, the North was a con- 
senting party to all the iniquities of the South. 
The North, however, had at last awakened to a 
sense of the impending danger. The city of New 
Tork was now a city of flags, and the whole of the 
business was suspended, except such as was neces- 
sary for the purposes of war. But don't let them 

between the Slates— if it ended without. the national 

arm tearing up by the roots this upas tree of sl;i- 
vei-v, and brandishing it in triumph over the Beads 
of the tyrants, then' he should say that America, 
and the" North especially, was utterly unworthy of 
the sympathy, and still less of the admiration of the 
country. (Cheers.) 

The' prospects that the war would take an aboli- 
tion turn, he thought, were good. A great many 
in the North, who were not Abolitionists before, had 
been made so by the treatment recently received at 
the hands of the South; and the most influential 
inhabitants and the principal leading journals were 
beginning to take a right view of the question. 
(Hear, hear.) The colored men of the United 
States, too, were not idle, and there was scarcely 
one of them who had not friends and relatives in 
the South. Would such of those as were fighting 
men go forward to support the honor of the star- 
spangfed flag, or to maintain the honor of the 
Union? Not at all. They would watch till the 
conflagration spread and surrounded the Slave 
Slates, and then, amidst the smoke, and din, and 
blaze of war, each man would seize the object of 
his love, and pluck it as a brand from the burning. 
(Applause.) Take his word for it, they would hear 
of the colored people in this war. (Hear, hear.) 
They were ready, and would not be wanting in 
the hour of need." In Philadelphia alone there were 
5,000 ready, and they had not been idle nor unob- 
servant in any of the other towns in which they 
mostly resided. The fugitive slaves in Canada were 
also waiting for their share in the great work which 
was to be done. They would go to the war, and 
they would not go for nothing. (Hear, hear.) And, 
finally, there were the slaves themselves, _ whom 
they "should certainly not leave out of sight in con- 
sidering tins question. (Hear, hear.) 

In what he had said, he hoped he should not be 
understood to look with pleasure or complacence on 
war; but, inasmuch as he knew that men settled 
their affairs by war,— that great events had been 
evolved from war,— and that there is One who sits 
above the smoke of the battle, working out His own 
designs, and who causes the wrath of man to praise 
Him, and the despotism, and infatuation, and mad- 
ness of tyrants to prepare the very liberty which 
they would withhold from mankind— he believed 
that, in a great clash and contest like this, they 
might be permitted to wish God speed to those who 
fight for the maintenance of justice, the establish- 
ment of liberty, and the happiness of the whole 
human race. (Loud cheers.) 

Mr. Thompson concluded by moving the follow- 
ing resolution : — 

" That, however much we may deplore the fatal 
consequences which must necessarily accompany the 
civil war which lias already broken out in the United 
States, we cannot but rejoice in the hope that it will 
result in the liberation of the slave, and would there- 
fore encourage the American Abolitionists to secure 
this opportunity of impressing upon the American 
people and Government the necessity of removing the 
curse of slavery from their midst, and thus effectually 
cut off the source of the evils which are now multi- 
plying around them." 

Mr. Thompson was followed by Rev. Dr. Cheever, 
in an earnest and highly effective speech, such as was 
needed for British enlightenment at this crisis. 


i h tx n t o * . 

No Union with Slaveholders! 
B0ST0N7^I»AYi7uNiT28, 1861. 


The usual Anti-Slavery Celebration of Independence 
Day, in mass meeting, will be hold in the beautiful and 
4th, under the direction of the Managers of the Massachu- 
setts Anti-Slavery Society. Hitherto, it has never failed to 
gecure a multitudinous gathering of the truest friends of 
universal liberty, from various parts of the Commonwealth ; 
and the circumstances of the times are such as to warrant 
the expectation, that the number will be largely augment- 
ed at the approaching anniversary. 

A most cordial invitation to be present is extended to all 
who love freedom for those who are unjustly deprived of it, 
as well as for thomsolves ; who desire to witness the imme- 
diate and utter overthrow of that hideous slave system, 
which has so long consigned to hopeless servitude millions 
of unoffending men, women and children, and out of which 
all our national divisions and troubles proceed, as deadly 
waters from a poisoned fountain ; and whose hope is to see 
in the star-spangled banner, ere the present civil conflict 
terminate, the symbol of unconditional emancipation from 
ocean to ocean. 

Trains will run from Boston, Worcester, Millbury, 
Milf'oi'd and Northboro', as follows : 

Leavo Boston at 0.15, A. M-, and Worcester at 9.40, A. 
M., stopping at way Stations; Millbury (Regular Train) : 
Milford, 7.10, or 9.40 ; Northboro' at 7, or 9.40. 
Fares as follows : — 

Boston, to tho Grove and back, ~i >. Q centa for adults, 
Worcester, " " V 35 " children. 

Millbury, " " 5 

Milford, Milford Branch, Northboro', Marlboro, Na- 
tick, Needham, Grantville, Ashland, Cordavillc, Southhoro', 
and Westboro', to Grove and back, 50 cents for adults, 25 
cents for children. 

Grafton, to the Grove and back, adults 60 cents, chil- 
dren 30"oents. 

Returning, leavo the Grove at 5.45, P. M. Admission 
fee to the enclosure of the Grove for those not coming by 
the cars, adults 10 cents,- children 5 cents. Those who 
come by R. R. admitted free. 

The House at the Grovo will be open for Refreshments. 
Incase of rain, the meeting will be held at Wavertey Half 
opposite the railroad depot at South Framingham. 

Among tho speakers expected are Wendet,!, Phillips,' 
Wm. Llovi. Garrison, Edmund Quincy, T. W. Higgin- 
son, Eev. James Fueejian Clarke, Samuel May, Jr., 
H. C Wright, A. T. Foss, E. H- Heywood, Rev. J. Sel- 
la Martin, and others. 



HENRY 0. STONE, I Committee of 

CHARLES A. HOVEY, f Arrangements. 



wealth and blood in glad atonement for the selfishness 
of seventy years. The result is as rare as the throne 
of God." 

We know that the aim of the government is to re- 
store the Union as originally formed ; but it is beyond 
its power to do this, because nothing will satisfy the 
South but a full and hearty compliance with all its 
nefarious demands. As the case now stands, eleven 
of the slave States have dissolved their connection 
with the Union, and formed an independent govern- 
ment which they are now fighting to maintain. One 
of two events, therefore, must speedily follow : — either 
slavery must be abolished throughout the South, un- 
der the war power, in which ease the union of all the 
States on the basis of freedom will inevitably follow 
and a permanent reconciliation be made; or these 
ceding States must be allowed to go their own way 
and as that will be bringing the Canada line down to 
their very borders, the result must be the speedy 
overthrow of the slave system, by the impossibility of 
preventing n general exodus of their slave population, 
or a general uprising of the slaves, no longer to be 
put down by Northern bayonets. 

[Note. In tho hasto of writing, last woclt, referring to 
the Crimean war, wo said, " Uu(]uostionably, Kussia was 
entitled to sympathy and success," rather than the English 
and French Allies. We desire to cancel, or at least to 
qualify, that declaration. Tho case between tho contend- 
ing parties, relative to "the sick man," (Turkoy,) and 
that questio vexata, tho ever vacillating " balanco of power," 
was too complicated to enable one, even at this distance, 
accurately to determine the relative amount of guilt in- 
curred by tho various contending parties.] 


look upon the' men of the North marshalling their 
hosts as arrayed against slavery itself. Thousands 
and hun dred s of thousajyirwotild even now compro- 
"ienth, ir.the latfer would acknowl- 
■^nri return into the bosom of the 
Union, and would not only allow the South still to 
retain its slaves, but also pass even more stringent 
laws for the rendition of the fugitive, in the event 
of his escaping. 

As soon as the Abolition movement had attained 
the point at which it was absolutely necessary that 
it should be recognized, the South called upon the 
North to put it down. The South called for mobs, 
and the North mobbed the Abolitionists; they asked 
for lynching, and the North mob-lynched the Aboli- 
tionists; and in the streets of Boston, a mob of 
5,000 gentlemen of property and standing mobbed 
a few Tadies who had met together to assist in im- 
proving the intellectual condition of the slave. From 
that time until very recently, there had been no 
concession which the South had demanded, however 
humiliating and insulting to the intelligence and 
virtue and religion of the North, which the latter 
had not granted ; and the Southern States never 
would have taken the step they had done, if it had 
not been for the language of the press and pulpit, 
and the general sentiment of the Northern States 
favorable°to upholding the capricious demands of the 
South. (Hear, hear.) 

What were the present state and prospects of tins 
great convulsion ? Of the ultimate success of the 
North over the South, there could be no doubt. 
(Cheers.) The population of the Southern States, 
whether slaves or not, was 12,000,000, of which the 
free population was 8,000,000, and the slave popula- 
tion 4,000,000. The slaveholders were only some 
350,000 amongst the 8,000.000 ; so that there 
31,000,000 of human beings plunged into fratricidal 
war for the exclusive benefit of 350,000 of the peo- 
ple of the country. For the last seventy years, thi 
slaveholders had entirely controlled the national 
policy of the Union; and, at some length, Mr. 
Thompson explained how, by unity and determina- 
tion not to support any candidate for the Presiden- 
tial chair, they had been enabled to exercise almost 
supreme power in the executive. In the contest 
now going on, he proceeded, it should never enter 
into their calculation that the North would be the 
victim. The South was poor in its resources, the 
North was omnipotent and exhaust-less; the South 
had no navy, the North could command any amount 
of naval power for the blockade of the Southern 
coasts, or for any other purpose; the South had no 
money, the monevof the North was abundant, and 
the credit of the 'North unlimited. Mr. Russell, in 
his last published letter from the Southern States, 
declarer] that, there, were not more than 30,000 
soldiers in South Carolina, and more than half of 
these would be inevitably required at home, on the 
plantation to which they belonged. There were 
rumors of servile insurrections; there was not a 
State in the Union in which the slaves were not 
prepared to take advantage of what is occurring; 
and he did not believe that the South could com- 
mand tin- resources which would enable her to keep 
the field for the next six months. (Hear, hear.) On 
the side of the North, however, there was perfect 
union. The highest enthusiasm and devotion were 
displayed, and the spirit of self-sacrifice was mani- 
fested in a way which the world bad scarcely over 
witnessed. All party names were dropped— Demo- 
crats shake hands with Whigs, and both shake hands 
with the Abolitionist. The churches were sending 
forth their best young men as soldiers, ami from the 

church of 11. Ward Beeehermore than i-vi young 
men had gone, and they intended to increase the 
nnmher to 200. The Western Slates hail offered 
230,000 men; New York had already 100,000; and 
President Lincoln could at this moment call into 

the field hall'-a-niillion men, besides '2,000,000 more. 

who were ready If they were wanted. (Applause,) 
The abolition of slavery was not amongst the 
declared objects of this war; and, inasmuch as it 
was not, be should feel little interest in if. if he did 
cot confidently believe that what wasnot declared 
would, nevertheless, be attained. Hut if it did not 
take an anti-slavery direction, and lead to the ex- 
tinction forever of that which was the cause of all 
the disquiet, and discord, and contention, and mis- 

nnderstanding, ami quarrel that had ever occurred 

no shrink™. 

We have said that the purpose of the war is to 
maintain the power and authority of the Govern- 
ment. To do this, no sacrifice is too great, except 
the sacrifice of National integrity and honor ; and 
we fondly hope and firmly believe, that all necessary 
measures to attain that end will be adopted. We 
must not complain if it requires sacrifice on our part 
to maintain what it cost the best heart's blood of the 
Revolution to establish. Nor must we shrink from 
our plain duty on account of past political associ- 
ations, or considerations of merely partizan expe- 
diency. If, to secure permanent and prosperous 
peace, it becomes necessary to abolish the horrible 
system of slavery, by force and arms, let it be done. 
Civil war is a d"readful thing; we are in a fair way 
to know something of its attendant horrors; but if 
the liberty of four millions now held in chains at the 
South should be a result of the worst that now seems 
at all likely to happen, it would be cheaply pur- 
chased indeed. But the forcible liberation of the 
slave would be a desperate remedy for the present 
trouble ; and it is a desperate disease that requires 
the application of such remedies. We should prefer 
to have it left to the slower but more peaceful oper- 
ation of tho causes hitherto operating to extinguish 
it, rather than to incur the heavy cost and momen- 
tous risk of civil war. But there was no choice. 
War was forced upon us. We must meet the war 
as best we may, and, if the best way to permanent 
peace- be over the prostrate form of dethroned 
Slavery, we must not shrink from the task of the 
destruction of its overshadowing despotism. 

Whatever may have hitherto been the feelings or 
politics of the men who go forth to fight the battles 
of their country, or whatever result the war may 
furnish, it is not at all likely they will come back 
with much liking for slavery. They will fight 
against it, in fighting against its most zealous parti- 
zans. They will learn to hate it from its being the 
source of the Great Treason that now lifts its 
threatening head, and bares its snake-like fangs, to 
strike the government our people idolize. 

So this war, let it end as it may, will unques- 
tionably result in hastening the downfall of slavery. 
For that, let us be thankful ; and for the end that it 
mav result in establishing the nation on a firmer 
foundation than ever, let us spare no labor and hesi- 
tate at no sacrifice. — Delhi Republican. 

ESTER N. Y. The friends of freedom in Western New 

York arc invited to join the Abolitionists of Rochester and 
vicinity in celebrating the eighty-fifth anniversary of 
American Independence, on the fourth of July next. 

Addresses will be delivered by Pahker Pillsbury, 
Fredeiuck Douglass, Giles B. Stebbijjs, and others. 

Tho' meeting will bo held in Gregory's Grove, one 
mile from the Arcade, at the head of South Avenue. 

Carriages will be in waiting at the Depots, on the arrival 
of all the trains between 9 and 11 o'clock, A. M. The 
speaking will commence at 11 o'clock, A. M., and 3, P. M. 

(jEff Let there be a large gathering— all remembering to 
bring with them " their basket and their store," that tho oc- 
casion may bo made eminently social as well as instruc- 


t, Private Letter. 

Extract of 
What do you think of the times? I am often 
despondent, still more often I am impatient to a 
point of fiery indignation, and I am seldom very 
hopeful. I told our noble friend Wendell that I 
though he began to hurrah long before we could 
see our way out of the wood. It is evident that 
the Government mean no good to the slave. The 
rush of events may overwhelm them, and carry 
them whither they would not. My only trust is in 
the blind madness of Jeff. Davis and his coadjutors. 
What a figure the United States make, sending 
back poor trembling slaves for their masters to cut 
up, by way of example ! Can a just God give pros- 
perity to a nation that does such things: Every 
such "incident cuts through my heart like the thrust 
of a knife. I want to love and honor the flag of 
my country ; but in view of these cruel wrongs, 
over which it floats in such vain-glorious selfishness, 
my love of country finds vent only in tears. Even 
those slaves now allowed to remain in Fort Monroe 
are to be protected by the United States_ only .so 
long as their masters are in rebellion against the 
government. God grant they may all rebel, and 
remain in rebellion, and practise upon us the bar- 
barism of slavery, till we are goaded to do, from 
policy and revenge, what we ought to do from jus- 
tice and humanity ! Alas, that it could not have 
been done in a wiser and better way ! 

We of the North have been so persistently selfish, 
we have been so deaf to all warnings and admoni- 
tions of the Lord, that it must needs be we should 
suffer for it. And are we. not punished for our mis- 
deeds in having such a man as Wm. II. Seward the 
advising power of the. government? How long will 
men continue to dignify with the name, of states- 
manship the mere temporary expedients of selfish 
policy V If I were to make a dictionary, I would 
define statesman, as generally understood, to be a 
man who expends his ingenuity in petty stratagems 
to circumvent God. Ab,it is more than we deserve, 
to have among our politicians one man so nobly 
true to freedom as Charles Sumner! How the 
names of our temporizers will pale before his, in 
I he impartial light of history! How I abhor all the 
turning and twisting tribe! How 1 hate all tho 
snakes of the age ! Yours, truly, 


Emancipation Must Comic. In all quarters 

this is looked to as a future " military necessity." A 

grave writer in the Independent says : "The busi- 
ness community have made up their minds to put 
this matter (slavery) beyond all possibility of dis- 
turbing us again, and this can only be done by de- 
stroying slavery as a system. Without doing that, 

the war might fa protracted leu years; with that, if 

could be finished in two. EmancfeKWton mutt aome." 

This is fast becoming the lone of the religious and 

secular fjress— of the pulpit and the camp of com- 
olercial and military men- of Whigs, Democrats, 
and Republicans. As slavery supplied the soil and 
,i, r Bee dg of the rebellion, it must, be rooted up by a. 
law of justice and of neowsity', 


In reviewing, in our last number, an editorial arti- 
cle on " The "War in America " in the London Herald 
of Peace for June, we quoted its extraordinary allega. 
tions against the American Abolitionists, that "they 
are plunging into the war spirit with a headlong vio- 
lence which almost leaves all competitors behind"— 
that they have abandoned their pacific moral agita- 
tion, and are "hounding on their countrymen to mu- 
tual' slaughter "—that they are acting "on the im- 
moral and unchristian axiom that, in order to punish 
or to destroy one crime, we are at liberty to commit 
another"— &c, &c. For thirty years, it seems, they 
have inflexibly met every temptation to swerve a 
hair's breadth from the path of rectitude, and have 
allowed no violence done to themselves to induce 
them to resort to carnal weapons ; but now, without 
even a plausible excuse for so doing, in the judgment 
of their London accuser, they reveal themselves to be 
governed by the most rancorous feelings, and fore- 
most in the disposition to wage war against the South ! 
If this is true, it is the strangest and saddest trans- 
formation of moral character upon the record of the 
nineteenth century. But it is not true : it is a slan- 
derous impeachment. They stand precisely where 
they have always stood ; their measures and aims are 
as pacific as at the beginning; their appeals are still 
to the hearts and consciences of their fellow-country- 
men; their reliance is still upon the faithful utterance 
and application of the truth. That, as between the 
Southern conspirators who are seeking to acquire 
universal and "absolute sway over the country, in or- 
der to legalize and protect slavery everywhere, and 
the government that is struggling to maintain what- 
ever of freedom has come down to us from the revo- 
lution of 1776, they are with the government in sym- 
pathy, is true ; but how is this a repudiation of their 
principles, or a radical change in their method of ad- 
vocating the Anti-Slavery cause? 

In the first place, the assumption that the Aboli- 
tionists are non-resistants is entirely erroneous. Not 
one in a hundred of them has ever endorsed or pre- 
tended to act upon the principle of non-resistance. 
It is true, the American Anti-Slavery Society pledged 
itself at its formation to give no countenance to vio- 
lence and bloodshed fn the prosecution of its work as an 
organization ; and that pledge it has carried out to the 
letter up to the present hour. But, beyond its own 
official acts, it leaves its members free to decide for 
themselves to what extent they shall stand by the 
government, especially when its overthrow is menaced 
by that very Slave Power which the Society was 
formed to extirpate. To deny them this right would 
lead at once to the dissolution of the Society. As an 
association, their pledge to prosecute their work by 
moral and peaceful instrumentalities is one thing : 
their obligations and duties as citizens, toward the 
government, quite another. 

" Let not the friends of the slave," says the Herald 
of Peace, "on tin's side of the water, be deceived. 
This is not an anti-slavery war. The great bulk of 
the men who are now swelling the war-cry, and rush- 
ing into the ranks to fight, are men who despise the 
'nigger' and hate Abolitionists as cordially as ever." 
But this does not tally with a previous statement in 
the same article— viz. : that "Northern orators and 
journalists threaten wholesale confiscation of South- 
properly, advise setting free the Southern slaves, 
and raising them against the Southern rebels" — and, 
again, "that, infinite as is the iniquity of slavery, the 
attempt to abolish it by war is only an attempt to east out 
devils by Beelzebub, the prince of devils." Thus, 
our London censor is incensed because the object of 
the war is not the abolition of slavery ; and still more 
Incensed because that result is aimed at! Now, we 
admit there are some very paradoxical features pre- 
sented by the war itself; nevertheless, we think Mr. 
I'hillips, in his speech at Music Hall, rightly charac- 
terized it when he said — 

"The noise and dust of the conflict; may hide Un- 
real question at issue. Europe may think, some of 
ns may, that we are fighting for forms and parch- 
ments, for sovereignly and a. Ibig. Hut really, (be 
war is one of opinions : it is t 'ivili/.alioti agftlnit Bar 
barium: it is Freedom against Slavery. The cannon 

hol against Fort Sumter was the yell of pirates 
against the Declaration of Independence! the war- 
cry Off the Norlb is its echo. TbeSoulli. defying 
Christianity, clutches its victim. The North ofibri its 


Tynemouth, Northumberland, England, ) 
June 7th, 1801. J 

My Dear Gabrisok, — Tours of the 21st ultimo 
has within the present hour reached me at this place 
where I am staying for a few days, going almost daily 
into Newcastle to consult with my anti-slavery friends 
there on the progress of the cause in America, and the 
means we may legitimately employ to promote it. 
This is a pleasant' watering place, with a fine expanse 
of sea beach, a noble old abbey in ruins, a strong for- 
tress, romantic cliffs, and charming walks through 
green fields and beside hedges fragrant with hawthorn. 
I have been a deeply interested observer of late 
events on your side of the ocean, and have studied 
them with all the powers of reflection I can command. 
My talk is incessantly in reference to them, and I miss 
no opportunity of publicly addressing my countrymen 
upon them. I enclose you copies of reports made of 
my late speeches in London and Leeds, the tenor of 
which I trust you will approve. I have endeavored to 
make myself master of the constitutional argument, 
in relation to the doctrine of- State rights and secession, 
which I am often called upon to debate. 

I am extremely glad to find the views expressed in 
your letter before me so coincident with my own. I 
have pondered much and deeply upon the probable 
issues of the present war. I was occupied in writing 
all day yesterday upon the subject, and could not re- 
sist the conclusion, that the present struggle must end 
in the downfall of slavery. I dare say, if I had time 
to develop my process of reasoning, it would be found 
that our ratiocinations arc alike. May God grant that 
our hopes may be realized ! 

To me it appears that, by the conduct of the South 
the North is released for ever from the obligations im- 
posed by the Constitution of '87- The despots of the 
South are traitors in arms. They have trampled the 
Constitution in the dust; they have disgraced the na- 
tional flag; they are seeking the destruction of the 
North; they have reversed the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence ; they have proclaimed the rightfulness of 
human slavery ; they have inscribed upon the corner- 
stone of the atheistical edifice they seek to rear, " The 
black man is always, and for ever, the property of the 
white man." If these things be so, will the North 
spare the accursed domestic institution? Will the 
armies of New England and the free "West return, be- 
fore they have planted the flag of personal freedom 
side by side with that of the Union, and decreed that 
slavery is for ever abolished in every part of the na- 
tional domain ? God forbid ! 

I am not discouraged because the abolition of slave- 
ry is not one of the declared objects of the President 
in the struggle he has commenced. I am not dis- 
couraged because the thousands who are flocking to 
the Federal standard, while they shout, " The Union," 
"The .Constitution," and " Our star-spangled ban- 
ner," do not also shout, "Down with Slavery!" I 
am not discouraged because kiddapping has been per- 
mitted in Chicago, and General Butler has played so 
infamous a part in Maryland, (1) and slaves have been 
driven from Fort Pickens, and even Greeley lias talked 
with " bated breath " on the subject of slavery, in re- 
cent articles in the Tribune. No! I have confidence 
in the inevitable tendency of events, and there resist- 
less influence. The doom of slavery is sealed ! Wit- 
ness, the judicial blindness of the slaveholders ! Wit- 
ness, the madnesB that ever precedes destruction ! 
Witness, the universal expectancy of a nation of slaves, 
waiting to be " born in a day " ! Witness, the fever- 
ish excitement of the free colored population, who, 
when the hour strikes, and the conflagration rages, 
will have their part to play, and will enact it 1 The 
spirit of John Brown walks abroad ! Being dead, he 
yet speaketh, and points with shadowy finger to Har- 
per's Ferry and Cbarlcstown ! Witness, in every 
company of every regiment forming the vast army of 
volunteers, some few at least who have vowed to fight, 
not for the restoration of the Union alone, but for a 
Union without slavery — a Union of free men, of all 
colors, from Passamaquoddy Bay to the northern hank 
of the Bio Grande ! Witness, the recent pregnant ut- 
terances of politicians, statesmen and editors, who 
deal with slavery as a gangrene that must be cut out ! 
Witness, the altered tone of that recreant and guilty 
church, which, till the roar of Charleston cannon was 
heard; and the stars and stripes succumbed to the black 
flag of secession, hugged the men-stealers of the South 
to its bosom, and, while it could not fellowship the 
Church of the Puritans on account of its Abolitionism, 
could break sacramental bread with the traffickers in 
slaves and the souls of men ! 

Need I say, my faithful friend and brother, how 
fervently my heart returns thanks to Cod that wc are 
permitted to see this day? Need I tell yon that my 
spirit is always with you? If my own heart con- 
demned me for infidelity to our early vows, I should 
be most miserable; but I can appeal to Him who 
knowelh all things, and say, Thou kuowest how 
truly I have cherished, warm as when tho flame was 
first kindled, my friendship and love for those with 
whom I labored — 

We hail with pleasure every new invention which 
tends to elevate humanity, and it is with peculiar 
gratification that we record the progress recently made 
setting type. The introduction of labor-saving 
machinery is a benefit to each individual and the 
whole community ; it compels a higher cultivation of 
the mind, and brings those articles of taste and coin- 
fort which satisfy the finer faculties of our beingwith- 
in the reach of ail. Tho true idea of labor-saving ma- 
chinery is not to encourage laziness, but to enable us 
to accomplish more with the same amount of labor. 
Ami this is the practical result. The more a man 
accomplishes, the more he is stimulated, and thus 
develops his powers by surrounding himself with 
the means of cultivating them. 

As we have toiled at the case of the compositor, we 
have often speculated upon the possibility of using nra- 
chinery, and as often felt that it could not be done, yet 
with a lingering hope that at some time it might be. 
Our error was in failing to distinguish between the 
mental labor anil that which is purely mechanical. To 
pick up type one after another until a word is formed, 
to insert a space, to go on from word to word until 
a line is formed, and even to "justify " the line, is a 
succession of mechanical acts directed by the mind. 
We have recently examined with much pleasure a ma- 
chine invented by Charles W. Felt, which will set up 
type, and space and justify, under the guidance of 
the operator, whose will finds expression in a way 
much more simple and expeditious than by the old 

The hand of the operator passes over a key-board 
like that of an ordinary piano, setting a type each 
time a key is touched, while now the printer is obliged 
to make at least two motions for each type set— one 
to pick up the type, and another to bring it to the 
" stick." The distance, too, which the hand must 
move with the machine, is much less than in hand- 
setting; and since the type are arranged in vertical 
lines, the possibility of turning is avoided. Each key 
represents a character or letter, and though there are 
but forty keys, this number suffices for an unlimited 
variety of characters ; and by -touching the keys suc- 
cessively, the stick is moved about under the columns 
of type, taking a type from the proper column, and 
then moving to another and another, taking a type 
from each till the line is full. When the line is near- 
ly complete, a small bell is struck, which notifies the 
operator that as soon as the word or syllable is com- 
plete, the line must be moved out of the stick to be 
spaced and justified, and then moved on to a galley 
ith orwithout leads, as may be desired. The work 
of spacing and justifying one line is performed while 
the next line is being set up ; and since this work is 
performed by the automatic movements of the ma- 
chine, which do not require the attention of the ope- 
rator, this portion of the machine alone performs from 
twenty-five to thirty per cent, of the work, which 
is a sufficient gain to establish the value of the in- 
vention, if nothing more were accomplished. 

This plan of spacing and justifying by machinery 
has seemed to most printers chimerical at first sight, 
and some of the keenest men in the profession have 
attempted to point out the fallacy, but invariably 
found themselves, and not the inventor, in the wrong. 
The subject of distributing, too, has seemed equally 
formidable, but this is disposed of in an instant by the 
remark that setting and distributing are, in a mechan- 
ical sense, precisely the same operations, only revers- 
ed ; and this is so fully demonstrated in the machine 
that the same apparatus will set type if the shaft is 
turned in one direction, and distribute if turned in the 

Thus it will be seen that the whole work is done, by 
machinery ready for the press. The motive power is 
steam or the foot, which performs the mechanical 
work, while the intelligence is conveyed to the ma- 
chine through the key-board as -the readiest known 
means. The great aim is to convey as much intelli- 
gence through the machine as possible, in a given 
time, and it is curious to see in how many ways this 
may be done. The compositor at present uses but 
one hand to pick up type— holding the stick in the 
other; but, with a key-hoard, both hands may be 
used. Then, under certain circumstances, two let- 
ters may be taken at once, and this indication may be 
given by one foot, while the other foot may be em- 
ployed to throw in the little pieces of steel which sep- 
arate the words, preparatory to spacing, thus literally 
realizing the idea of setting type with both bands aud 
both feet ! 

And, as if all this was not enough, the inventor has 
added another feature, which, from its beautiful sim- 
plicity and the great results it promises, is even more 


To Hi'- Editor of the Boston Zdberator: 

The enclosed communication was refund by the In- 
dependent on tin- ground that its editors are not andet 
obligation to admit replies to their strictures on pub- 
lished documents. Will you have the kindness to let 
it go before the public in your columns? H. t. c. 

Mkssrs. Editors,— The charge of malignity, de- 
nunciation and "all uncharitableness," has been bo 
often made against Abolitionists, and as often dis- 
proved, that it seems hardly worth while now to notice 
the stale slander. It is more than ever unnecessary 
since one, of whom it was asked, not many years ago, 
as in confident challenge, " Is Dr. Tyng an Abolition- 
ist?" has lately declared in public that slavery is a 
crime that ought to be abolished, and that shall be 
abolished, by the righteous war in which wc are now 
involved, and that he is neither afraid nor ashamed to 
be called an Abolitionist. 

But when a religious paper, with a circulation of 
tens of thousands, charges upon a Christian Society, 
as you have done in the Independent of June Gth, that 
"it systematically misrepresents and maligns in ite 
published documents the Ministry and Churches of 
New England," the interests of truth demand, on be- 
half of such a Society, that the charge be met. And 
no less, in my judgment, does common fairness, not to 
say the honor of professed Christian gentlemen, re- 
quire that the reply to such a charge be admitted to 
your columns. 

Relying, therefore, upon your sense of propriety 
and Christian courtesy to publish what I offer in de- 
nial of your charge, I proceed to meet it in the briefest 
manner compatible with thoroughness, intending to 
use an honest plainness of speech. 

The second Annual Keport of the Executive Com- 
mittee to the Church Anti-Slavery Society — from 
which you quote with treble notes of exclamation and 
I italic types for a very innocent clause thereof, and 
ith flaunting capitals for the inoffensive conjunction 
and, with which it is joined to the rest of the sentence 
—was adopted by the Society at its public Business 
Meeting in Boston, on the day of the late anniver 
sary, May 28th. 

This Report, you Bay, "indicts the Ministry and 
Churches of New England collectively as faithless tc 
an ti-sla very, because unwilling to follow the beck oi 
this particular Society. It says (yours being the 
italics) : — 

In the year of grace from May 1860, to May 1861, 
when the infamous slave trade was revived and exer 
cised with a fearful activity and prevalence not known 
before for forty years, and when the country was pass- 

,.l, n r.aniTiiiiirn of which, in the 

wonderful than all the rest. This is called the Register, 
and is the application of the Jacquard principle in 
weaving to the work of setting type. This Register 
consists of a narrow strip of card or paper, in which 
various holes are punched as the work of setting pro- 
ceeds, and can be used to direct the machine in 
distributing, just as the cards in the loom insert the 
color necessary to make the figure desired. The matter 
for distributing is fed into the machine from an in- 
clined galley, as corn is fed into a mill from the 
hopper. This device can also be used for resetting a 
job of work at any future time, and in any kind of 
type, thus securing, in the great bulk of book-work, all 
the advantage of stereotypiug, at a small fraction 
of the. cost. The triumph in this matter of distrib- 
uting is so complete that it may be accomplished by 
tbree distinct methods, each suited to peculiar kinds 
of work, and these different methods, with the vari- 
ous other features, may or may not be included in 
the same machine ; thus showing a most remarkable 
adaptability of the machine to the work required. 
For a small office, a very simple machine would be 
furnished at a limited cost; but for larger offices, 
where the greatest efficiency is required, one with all 
these provisions could be furnished at a higher cost. 

A Type Setting Machine Company has been formed, 
under patents granted to Charles W. Felt, for the 
manufacture and sale of the necessary machinery. 
The capital is fixed al.?50,000, which will be increased 
as the property augments in value, and is divided into 
shares of $o0 each. To the published Statement of 
the Company, giving all the details necessary to be 
known, we refer those who may desire to learn more 
about this wonderful invention, which promises to 
effect so great a revolution in the art of printing, and 
Inch the whole human race have positively an 
abiding interest. Every encouragement should be 
given to the enterprise ; and we commend it to the 
prompt attention and generous co-operation of those 
who possess the means to insure it triumphant success. 

ng through a political campaign of which, in the 
providence of God, the only really vital question or 
living issue was slavery — we have seen the various 
Ministerial Associations and Conferences of New Eng- 
land meet, pray, confer and indulge in the customary 
platitudes, but make no fkosuxciation whatever 

thing at all to bring the verdict of Christianity and the 
Church to bear against either of those foul abomina- 

" In Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachu- 
setts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, the Congrega- 
tional Ministry met in their annual assemblies, and 
with the aggressions of slavery and the execrable slave 
trade in full view, and the Church Anti-Slavery Socie- 
ty knocking at their door, and asking fru-ndhj recognition 
and concurrence in its specific work of putting the prac- 
tice of slaveholding under the opprobrium of Church 
prohibition, as the Scriptural way of abolishing slave- 
ry, they gave not the. faintest token of si/mj'athy with 
such a work ; nor did they discuss the subject in any 
way, nor did they propose any method of their own to 
make the Christianity of the nation effectively felt 
against the national sin of oppression." 

Upon these paragraphs you found the indictment, 
that " the Church Anti-Slavery Society systematical- 
ly misrepresents and maligns in its published docu- 
ments the Ministry and Churches of New England." 
And the only proof of the count which you offer is in 
these paragraphs. But your article closes with the 
following, which many regard as an unbecoming and 
Jesuitical fling : — y 

"For a Society which has knocked at every eccle, 
siastical door in New England, without securing foT 
itself 'friendly recognition' or 'the faintest token of 
svmpathy,' to advise the Churches to give their recog- 
nition and fellowship to a Church which a strong anti- 
slavery council, acting upon documentary evidence, 
has pronounced delinquent and disorderly, is not less 
amusing than impertinent." 

1. Now, Messrs. Editors, I, in common with others, 
deliberately call this language Jesuitical: and why? 
Webster defines Jesuitical to be designing; cunning; 
deceitful; prevaricating. The language of yours 
above quoted (whether by reason of habit you are con- 
scious of it or not, I do not say) is designing and cun- 
ning; for, in the first place, it artfully insinuates, with 
an appearance of truth, what is not true, viz. : that, by 
the Society's own confession, it has knocked at every 
ecclesiastical door in New England, without securing 
the faintest token of 

" When fn-st ttp saw tho cloud arise, 
Littlo aw a human hand ! " 

Continue to trust me, and let me look forward with 
joyful anticipations to the day when I shall once more 
stand upon the soil from which I was banished by the 
demon of slavery, and gaze upon that vision beheld 
by the eye of your prophet and unequalled Orator — 
tho great, (and better still,) the good and gracious 
Phillips— "The QeniUB of Liberty on the banks of 

the Potomac, rohed in light; tour-and-thirty stars for 
her diadem, broken fitters at herjeet, and an olive branch 
in her right hand." CEO. THOMPSON. 

J[^= J We are gratified to find that, while (here 
seems to be a wide spread misconception in England 
;is to the real merits of Ibe < onllict BOW going on tins 
country, our eloquent coadjutor, Mr. THOMPSON, iB 

clear-sighted and diseriiniiwiling ftfl usual. No man, 

probably, on that Bide of the Aiiantie, is so well post- 
ed in regard to the slave question here, and to Ameri- 
can affairs generally, as himself. \V bulrver paradoxi- 
cal and qffenilve feature* are connected with the con- 
flict, on the side of the governineiil , be clearly pel 

eeivea that, with the triumph of the Southern traitors, 
popular liberty will no to the dust -freo speech, a iv.-e 

pteBB, ■■uid lice schools, become obsolete—and no hope 

,,i deliverance wlUbe Iflft the millions who an now 
olanklng their chains upon the SouUwrn plantations. 

£3^-Tun: Atlantic Monthly, for July, 1801, sus- 
tains its high reputation for literary ability. The fol- 
lowing are its contents :— 1. Our Orders. -J. Agnes of 
Sorrento. 8- Sun-Painting and Sun-Sculpture. -I. 
The London Working-Men's College, f). Emancipa- 
tion in Kussia. B. The Haunted Shanty. T. Kho- 
truda. 8. Greek Lines, 8, The Ordeal by Hattle. 

so. The United states and Europe, ll- Washington 

as a Camp, by the late Major Winthrop. 12, Bet* eon 
S]>rintr :«n«l Summer. V\- Ellsworth. Reviews and 
Literary Notices. Recent American Publications. 
The number for duly commences Volume VIII., 

making it a favorable time to Subscribe. Terms.-'?;; 
per annum, or 26 cents a number. 

>.,-\t. Thursday is the Fourth of .Inly, lle- 

Biember the Ami Slavery Celebration at Fxandngham 

Grove, and be present if yon can. 

To "it. o. w." Vein- communication was duly 

received, but. in justice to others equally desirous of 
being beard in our columns, we have not yet lu-en 

hble com euientiy to find room for It. Besides, we are 
under no obligation to continue the discussion Indefi- 
nitely- The briefest Criticism OH our part is sure hi 

elicit a long rejoinder from you. This is quite un- 
8 q_ual,and oaonol with propriety be extensively In- 

dulgod, Should we nut publish it, \ our roqUOSl tO 
Uavt) tiw manuscript returned will be complied with. 

for itself friendly recognition; 

The Church Anti-Slavery Society has never asked 
recognition for itself in any instance ; but it has asked 
recognition and concurrence in its specific work of try- 
ing to put the practice of slaveholding under the op- 
probrium of Church prohibition, from three different 
State associations, and from three only; and, in each of 
those three instances, with the same result,— not the 
faintest token of sympathy wiV/i such a wort. We do 
not say sympathy with the Society itself, but sympa- 
thy in its great work of rendering slaveholding in- 
famous in the public eye, by putting it under the ban 
of excommunication by the Church, as the Scriptural 
vay of abolishing slavery. 

2. In the second place, your language is deceitful 
and prevaricating ; for it deceivingly quibbles by sn 
assumption which it uses as a fact, and then cunning- 
ly misleads the reader to the conclusion that there can 
be no moral weight to the advice given to the Church- 
es, by a Society which lias been unable to secure for 
itself any acknowledgment by those Churches, in its 
honest attempt to array them against slavery, and to 
procure from them an expression of Christum abhor- 
rence of slaveholding. 

It were obvious here to remark that the moral weight 
of a score of Christian men gathered in the Trcmont 
Temple at Boston, in the Chard) Ami-Slavery Sovie- 
tv, and possessed of "published documentary evi- 
dence." is just as great as the moral weight of a score 
of Christian men gathered in an Kx-1'arto Council at 
the rooms of the Geographical Society in New York, 
and possessed of the same " published deeunieiUary 
evidence." And the Churches, not less than tho eom- 
nuinity, will be just as likely to give heed to the ad- 
vice of the one as of the other; only that they will 
lean, if anything, to the advice that was spontaneous 
and unsought^ rather than to thai which was planned 

and prepared for. 

But In another place ynu are pleased to call ibis ad- 
vice " a bit of drollery whirh is exquisitely retresb- 
ing." To whom it is refreshing, we are at a loss to 
know ; for to yourselves, evidently, so tar from being 
refreshing, this passage in the late proceedings of the 
Church Anti-Slavery Society '■- highly mmoying. 

8. i em- language ia Jesuitical, again, when j en say. 

quoting the Opening paragraph of the Report :— 

" What nn aspersion is this upon the fidelity of the 
Churches and the Ministry I— whftl an imper 
sumption, that because they have not seen iii 
ihis Sooloty as their representative, there! 

■ have not seen il to he their pint to co operate 

iv with the majestic movements ol Divine Prw Launce 
for the overthrow of slavery ! ' " 

That, Messrs. Editor*, is not our reasoning or con- 
clusion, hut it is your logic and your inference jesuiti- 

oaily palmed upon us. The Report, which so oflsnda 

you, simply declares that it is to be deeply regrcttl d 

that the professed Churches of Christ and the minis 
try thereof should net have seen U to be their part to 
co operate efficiently with the majestic movements of 
Providence, the last 3 ear, toward the overthrov. of sla- 
very ; and that it is also t" 1"' regretted that they 
should net have furnished the Committee of the 

Church 6.nti>81av«rj Society with the means to have 
carried on, in the name of the Church, a Boon aflec 

live moral Warfare « ith slavery. 

The Report findl no limit With the Churches or tho 
miulstl I fill the reason that tflOJ B*l 

ui as- 


JUNE 38. 



elect Uio Church Ajiti-Slavery Society as tbelr repre- 
sentative. Nor has tins Society ever asked to be so 
elected. Bui, in reviewing the past year, the Report 
truly says that — 

"While your Committee have seen much in the 

movementsof Providence aud the imperial march of 
evente bo warrant, the belief that the end of slavery; is 

near, even at the doors, they have also seen, in the in- 
difference or hostility to our philanthropic object and 
method evineed by ministerial bodies, benevolent as- 
sociation!; Churches, and religious newspapers, what 
has all along put them in grave doubt as to whether 
there was to he a peaceable or violent solution to the 
problem of American slavery — whether, in other 
words, Christianity was to get at the hearts of slave- 
holders, through the fidelity of Churches and minis- 
ters, m- whether, as Dr. Guthrie, of Edinburgh, lias 
put it, thk BU.VBB WEEK to gkt at the throats 
of their mastkks, and take by force the liberty which 
they know to he their right." 

4. This statement is strictly and undeniably true. 
For what is the philanthropic object and method of the 
Church Anti-Slavery Society * It is to put the prac- 
tice of slaveholding under the opprobrium of Church 
prohibition, as the Scriptural way of abolishing slave- 
ry. In other words, it is to argue and enforce what 
you have stigmatized as " the almost universally to- 
ptnliated principle of Church discipline which excom- 
municates slaveholders." With this method of abol- 
ishing slavery, by putting slaveholding (through the 
exclusion of the slaveholder) under the ban of the 
Churches, "as an immorality, the renunciation of 
winch ought to he made a condition of membership in 
the Christian Church," none of the General Associa- 
tions of Conferences of New England Congregational- 
ists have, during the last year, expressed any sympa- 

The nearest approach to it was made by the New 
Hampshire General Association, at its session in Clare- 
mont. But the resolution there adopted carefully 
avoided the committal of that body to the doctrine of 
non-fellowship with slaveholders on account of slave- 
holding, and as carefully avoided the issue made in 
behalf of the Church Anti-Slavery Society. 

5. The soreness repeatedly manifested by the Inde- 
pendent towards this Society, and the captious spirit 
uniformly evinced on your part in speaking of it, are 
owing, we think, to our having taken and maintained 
the position that slaveholding of itself should be a 
bar to church-fellowship and communion. This is the 
ground on which we hold that the Christianity of the 
nation ought to plant itself. But yourselves, and not 
a few other leading minds of the New England minis- 
try, have rejected this as a dogma of unchari table ness, 
and have accused those who hold it as denunciatory 
and malignant, and as siding with infidels. 

In your late article, entitled " Per Se— Per Sal turn," 
which, it may he presumed, is that especially which 
haff-^d the Boston Liberator to say of the Independent, 
"whose moral basis, in every direction, is a slippery 
one "—in that article you characterize this view as 
. the "sm-perse dogma, applied by a narrow school of 
ethics and a most inconsequential style of logic to 
certain practical questions of morality." And you 
v.ery sctf-complacently add that "minds unskilled in 
logic have declared slaveholding, undefined, to be sin 
per se, making this dogma the test and test of opposi- 
tion to slavery." 

Here, if you mean anything, you mean to say that 
what you call the sin-/?er-se school in this country (w 
have never favored that designation, nor have we 
dealt at ail in Latin scholastics) have all along been 
reasoning, about slaveholding without knowing what 
they meant. " That ambiguous and evasive term 
slaveholding," you have said before, "makes all the 
mischief." Now, we deny that the term slaveholding 
is either ambiguous or evasive, or that we have ever 
used it in any sense but its true one, or that we have 
ever attempted to establish any " new anti-slavery 
tests and definitions." 

On the contrary, we assert, with entire confidence, 
that the ecclesiastical, historical and dictionary mean- 
ing of that term slaveholding, together with slave 
laws and judicial decisions innumerable, and common 
usage in the English tongue, have long since been 
* agreed in making the term slaveholding to be and to 
express the holding of human beings as property. 
And that only is what Abolitionists have meant by it, 
according to your own virtual confession, in quoting 
the resolution of the American Anti-Slavery Society 
in 1845, which declares "that by slaveholding this 
Society understands the holding and treating of hu- 
man beings as property, and maintains that to hold 
and treat a human being thus, is universally and al- 
ways sinful, and ought to be everywhere immediately 

This is what the sin-perse school, as you designate 
it, have invariably meant whenever they have used 
the term ; and it is high time that the religious press 
in our country should have done with verbal leger- 
demain, puerile disputation, and hypercritical hair- 
splitting in regard to it. 

6. What if apologists for American slavery of the 
New York Observer type, in the pulpit, the Church, 
the editorial chair, and in the great associations of 
benevolence, have before now confused facts and con- 
founded moral distinctions by the prefixes applied to 
slaveholding 1 What if, when the subject has been 
brought up by some honest Abolitionist in Synods, 
Assemblies, Ministers' Meetings, and Boards of Mis- 
sions, learned brethren have straightway fell to talk, 
ing about benevolent slaveholding, involuntary slave- 
holding, legal slaveholding, Christian slaveholding, 
unselfish slaveholding, innocent slaveholding, and all 
to shield the slaveholder from having guilt charged 
home upon him 1 Yet the fact stands that the real 
and only meaning of slaveholding, by itself, is the 
holding of a human being as property, as a thing. 
That is American slavery ; that is what Garrison and 
Goodell and their eloquent associates have been mov- 
ing heaven and earth for, the last thirty years ; and 
that is what, in the all-wise providence of God, this 
country is in arms about now. 

And pleased as you might be, Messrs. Editors of 
the Independent, to have "pur perse friends come 
over upon our side by a single- hop," and much as it 
would suit you to "waive all past controversies of 
logic," it is not going to be waived, that Abolitionists 
have been all along in the right, and are in the right 
still, in their principles, their premises, their terms, 
their logic, their conclusions, their warnings, and their 
prophesy ings. 

And we strongly suspect that what lias chiefly 
troubled you in the late lleport to the Church Anti- 
Slavery Society, pumped up by so despicable an 
agency in your view as "a donkey engine," is the 
paragraph near the close which says, with a special 
significance — 

"And we have seen, finally, an influential religious 
paper, at the North, that has rendered valuable service 
beforetime in the moral war with slavery, and that 
is now dealing its blows heavy and hot at the dy- 
ing monster — we have seen that paper, in order to save 
an assumed principle of its ethics, that slavery is not 
malum in se, and to prevent the moral obloquy of man- 
kind and of the Churches from settling down upon 
slaveholding and the slaveholder, reduced to the last 
shift of maintaining that the term slaveholding cannot 
be held as an invariable equivalent for holding human 
beings as property, and that, therefore, slaveholding 
is not inherently sinful." 

You, Messrs. Editors, have said a good deal, in your 
way, in disparagement of the Church Anti-Slavery 
Society, while its defenders have been almost wholly 
excluded from your columns hitherto; just as the de- 
fenders of the Church of the Puritans have been ex- 
cluded, while, with all the fury of partisans, yon have 
persistently assailed that Church, and have done your 
utmost to defeat the honest missionof its paBtor in its 
behalf in Great Britain. 

But the time ban come when both the Church Anli- 
Slavery .Society and the Church of the Puritans most 
be heard for themselves in the Independent, where they 
have been misrepresented and maligned, or Die Minis- 
try and the Churches will lie apprised of the gross un- 
! fairness of your proceedings. To me, it is anything 
but pleasant to say these things. Bui, when, with what 
many call flippant arrogance, ym Indict as malignant 
and Impertinent the "publisher] documents of the 
, Church Antiisiavery," which bear tin' honored Cbrl 

f tiau names of 

Wm. Clailin, of Newton, Rev, J. C. Webster, of llop- 

kiulon, and Lewis Tappan, of New York, it is not for 
a Christian minister in my humble position to keep 

I am well aware that I expose myself to your sore 
displeasure, and to your favorite way of manifesting 
that displeasure by ridicule and scorn. But sneering 
and slander have little of terror to one conscious of 
rectitude, and impelled by duty. While I make no 
professions of stronger love for justice, or firmer de- 
votion to principle than other honorable men, yet this 
I know : let me see or hear a wrong done to any man, 
and it awakens at once an outcry of indignation in my 
own soul. Nor can I tamely submit to wrong treat- 
ment in the case of a neighbor, or in my own case, 
without an indignant protest. The wrong itself I can 

'< With temper, look to Heaven, nor stoop 
To think my injurur my foe," 
But to oppose oppression, is a part of my religion. 
Nor can I help resisting tyranny and domineering in 
Church or State, in a clique of ministers and editors, 
a committee of trustees, or an Ex-Parte Council, with- 
out doing violence or treachery to my own moral na- 
ture. In so acting, I know no fear of man, while I 
boast no courage. 

But I should be untrue to the revered maternal ex- 
ample and lessons of youth and manhood, did I not 
detest injustice in every shape. For this it is that the 
poor man and the slave — the one often, the other al- 
ways the victims of injustice— have my warmest sym- 
pathies and prayers. Por this it is that I am an Abo- 
litionist, and that I have always declared myself such, 
and have stood by that worthy name when it was 
purposely Used in opprobrium, as a synonym for 
fanaticism and infidelity. 

For this it is that, without asking how it will affect 
my interests, when I see a desperate effort made to 
put down a man, a Church, or a Society, I spring to 
the defence ; and I am ready to answer those who 
meet me as Fluidius Priscus, a Senator of Borne, 
answered the Emperor Vespasian, when he threatened 
him with death if he spake anything in the Senate 
but what he, the Emperor, would have him speak— 
"Do what you will, and I will do what I ought." 

Alas, that at this solemn season, under the manifest 
judgment of the Most High God for our great national 
sin of oppression, there should not be evinced by. 
editors, ministers, and Churches, a clearer knowledge 
of the time of our visitation! Alas, that we should 
not all be taking occasion as one man, from our pa- 
pers, our pulpits, and our prayer-meetings, quitting 
all our past antagonisms, to press home upon the suf- 
fering Nation its guilt in the matter of slaveholding, 
and to urge now, by the authority of God, upon the 
people and the Government— not the wretched pre- 
tence " that we have no right directly to interfere with 
the institution of slavery"— but the peremptory duty 
of the immediate national abolition of the nuisance 
of slaveholding, and the proclamation of liberty 

ITANTS thereof, in the name of the people of the 
United States, and by command of the only living and 
true God. 

Unless we do this very soon, I greatly fear that the 
angle of Divine forbearance will have been rounded 
by us, and that the decree will go forth, not then to 
be arrested from execution by " many prayers " from 
an apostate and rotten Church— Actum est he te— 
tu periisti — It is all over with thee — thou hast per- 

Jewett City, Ct., June 11, 1861. 

Boston, June 19, 1801. 

W". E. Garrison, Esq, : 

Dear Sir — I wish you would carefully examine 
article fourth of the " Crittenden propositions en- 
closed herewith, and expose the diabolical intention 
contained therein. 

It may be a work of supererogation to refer to these 
old and (in the present condition of public affairs} 
comparatively trifling matters, but I notice that the 
sleek Mawworm of slavery has been nominated for 
representative to Congress as a Union man from Ken- 
tucky. He will no doubt be elected, and will be ready 
at the meeting of Congress with his eternal and infer- 
nal compromises. I refer to the subject now to show 
how necessary it is that Northern representatives 
should critically scrutinize any and all propositions 
coming from the Border States, in order to detect the 
hidden meaning and real intent of the slaveholder. 

The dealers in human flesh and blood always mask 
their cruel designs under a specious and apparently 
harmless paraphrase of words, which, when exam- 
ined in the light of reason, and with judicial care, 
will be found to cover the most dangerous and crimi- 
nal purposes. This charge can be sustained by re- 
ference to the article in question, (No. 4,) which reads 
thus : — 

" Congress shall have no power to prohibit or hinder 
the transportation of slaves from one State to another, 
(mark you ! — a stop there,)' or to a Territory in 
which slaves are by law permitted to be held, wheth- 
er that transportation be by land, navigable rivers, or 
by the sea." 

Now, Sir, it seems to me that the first clause in the 
article would authorize the slaveholder to carry his 
chattels from South Carolina to Massachusetts, or 
from Kentucky to Ohio — in fact, from slave State to 
free State, and back again, and from one free State to 
another, at bis will and pleasure. You will observe 
that the words, " in which slaves are by law permit- 
ted to be held," refer not to the States mentioned in 
the first clause, but to the Territories solely. The 
words, "whether that transportation be by land, nav- 
igable rivers, or by the sea," could and would be held 
to grant the slaveholder the power to send his slaves 
to colonize Lower California, New Mexico, and the 
Southern American States by water, and also to ship 
his refractory bondmen to Cuba to be sold, and to 
carry them to Europe with him in his travels, there 
to be a source of constant contention between this 
and foreign governments. All the clauses in the 
" Crittenden Compromise," or any other proposition 
emanating from the Border States, will warrant a sus- 
picion of foul intent, not apparent on their face ; — and 
it is the solemn duty of all the members of Congress 
from the free States, when they assemble in Washing- 
ington on the fourth of July next, to refuse all compro- 
mises with slavery at any cost. In this way only can 
they save themselves from the numerous traps which 
will be set for them by the tortuous and wcazcl-like 
Southern mind. 

I am astonished at the want of knowledge displayed 
by the so-called wise men of the nation in the discus- 
sion of the Crittenden resolves at Washington, last 
fall. No man seemed to have a correct apprehension 
of their practical bearing; but I think their eyes are 
now opened to the danger of tampering with the 
double-edged sword of compromise. 
I am, Sir, with respect, 

ing in; then, for remaining in the State 1 In every 
case, we have outwitted and them. In the 
first two cases, I undertook her defence alone; in the 
two last, we had two of the most able lawyers in the 
county. Mr. Pox Orland was indicted to answer for 
encouraging " her to remain — was found not guilty, 
and acquitted. Mr. Roby for entertaining her ; recog- 
nized to appear at the District Court It should go 
up to the Supcreme Court, where the law will be 
found unconstitutional. This will be done, if neces- 
The conquest of free speech, and these six counts, 
ithin a week, all largely attended by persons from 
every part of the county, especially by the most influ- 
ential and noble-hearted women, whose presence iu 
the court-room has produced a marked impression, 
have done more toward establishing a free govern- 
ment, than would the killing of a hundred of Ells- 
worth's Zouaves. The lines are now drawn as they 
never were by political manoeuvre, and as they can- 
not be by the cold steel alone, because it is a blow 
at slavery. 

If the North would now assert free speech for 
Liberty, under eonslitutional guaranty, and by the 
authority of mauhood, it would not require "eleven 
months" from the firing of Sumter to quell rebellion 
in the whole country. 

"Cannon balls may aid the truth, but Thought's a weapon 

Slavery has made a conquest in this country by the 
suppression of free speech; and Freedom must make 
her conquest by our steadfast support of free speech. 

You know there was not manhood enough in the 
county, last fall, to protect an anti-slavery meeting 
in the county seat. Now, there are a hundred men 
who would spill their blood, sooner than surrender 
the right of even Sojourner, — to say nothing of yours 
or my meeting; and this manhood has been de- 
veloped, not by a declaration, but by persistent agita- 
tion of the question that politicians have agreed to 
compromise — the negro — a more dangerous compro- 
mise than that of Seward and Crittenden, because 
aimed at the very essence of the government, repudi- 
ating the authority of manhood, and deceiving, "if 
possible, the very elect." 

I have never labored a month in the cause of hu- 
man freedom with so much acknowledged result as 
"nrtng the last just past. Our four Sunday meetings 
have been immense gatherings of the most candid, 
influential, thorough men, coming from the most re- 
mote parts of the county. Yesterday we held two 
meetings three miles apart, and so very intense was 
the interest that no time for refreshment was allowed 
between the meetings ! An old Revolutionary sol- 
dier, ninety-eight years old, walked three miles to the 
meeting, to get into a war for freedom once more 
before he died, as he said; and two women, with 
babes in their arms, were in meeting from 11 till 4 ; 
and though nursing their babes all day, without food, 
said to me at night, they were neither tired nor 

At both these meetings, the churches were closed 
by very small majorities, and by trick, and the people 
listened in God's great temple. 

Never was I so sensible of power, and never did a 
people seem to me so lifted up, and enabled to com- 
prehend the "critical doctrine/' They voted to re- 
quire the trustees of the township to open every 
school-house to free discussion, and pledged them- 
selves to open the churches, or withdraw from them, 
and called for an indignation meeting at the court- 
room, with sufficient time to notify the whole county. 
The superintendent of the Union Sabbath school, who 
shut out of the church, after preaching, (with Ms 
school,) for fear that we might go in, gave a hearty 
and public invitation for a meeting iu his very large 
new barn, and, with eyes suffused with tears, said he 
thought he had a right in the church, but he knew he 
bad one in the barn ; and he would invite Sojourner 
Truth, and everybody else there for the support of 
free speech, regardless of consequences. At all of our 
meetings for three weeks, we have been told that 
armed men were in our midst, and had declared that 
they would blow out our brains. But the battle of 
Sojourner is nearly fought ; and they know whom they 
have to dread till the end of this war of the negro, 
and whose fiery indignation is kindling for a more 
dreadful combat, to secure the rights of woman ; and 
when that is done, I promise them and you I will 
seek rest only in the quiet of the grave. 


Slavery crusade. Many of them, — good and faithful 
servants of the God of Justice, Humanity and Free- 
dom, — have gone to their reward. Others, whose 
physical energies have been worn out by the pilgrim- 
age, leaning upon their staves, are yet abundantly 
hopeful for the victory which seems to greet their 
mental vision. For the remainder, who continue to 
labor and wait, it may be permUted them to behold in 
the flesh the realization of their hopes and prayers, — 
the slaves' emancipation, the nation's jubilee ! 

May you be among this favored number ! 
Faithfully yours, 


Boston, June 20, 1801. 

John Bull. John Bell addressed a secession meet- 
ing iu Knoxville, Tennessee, on the 6th instant, and 
gave utterance to these treasonable sentiments : — 

"For himself he had taken his position. The noose 
was probably around his neck, but lie was frank to de- 
clare himself a rebel! He had counselled resistance 
to the invasive policy of the federal government, and 
that made him a rebel, and if there was any punish- 
ment to follow it, he was willing to incur it— he did not 
seek to evade either the charge or the responsibility." 
(The applause which followed this declaration of Mr, 
Bell was so great, that he could not, for a moment, 
proceed. During the pause, Dr. Curry presented the 
speaker a bouquet on behalf of the ladies present, 
which compliment Mr. Bell appropriately acknowl- 
edged.) Mr. Bell resumed : — 

"Notwithstanding the eagerness of the North to en- 
gage in and prolong this war for military glory, he did 
not believe it would be of long duration. He thought 
it would be ended in a year. England and France had 
au interest in the matter, and they would not permit 
it to eontiuue. It was their interest to favor a recon- 
ciliation . 

"He would not debate the question whether the first 
one or two States had aetetl right in seceding. He did 
not believe they had. But when seven or eight States 
bad seceded, and their people were unanimous, it was 
then a revolution, and the administration had made .a 
great mistake in attempting to coerce them. They 
never could coerce them — they never could conquer 

Indians in the Southern Army. The Arkansas 
regiment arrived here Sunday — strong, with plenty of 
Indians among them, and bowie-knives ever so long. 
They can "whip their weight in wild cats," and are 
determined to average five Yankee soldiers apiece. — 
Fredericksburg (Va.) Arena. 

During the Revolutionary war, our countrymen 
charged that Great Britain was guilty of a revolting 
violation of all the laws of civilized warfare in employ- 
ing the Indians to fight for her, and the same opinion 
in regard to her conduct has prevailed ever since. We 
think that the Southern Government makes a serious. 
mistake when it enrols Indians in its service. We see 
from the papers that Albert Pilce, assuming no doubt 
the costume of a savage, painting his face, wearing a 
ring in his nose, and hanging wampum about his neck, 
lias gone into the Cherokee Nation to raise a regiment 
there to fight the North. 

When that eloquent and famous Indian, George Cop- 
way, a few weeks ago, raised a regiment of Northern 
Indians, and offered it to the U. S. Government, the 
offer was instantly rejected. Perhaps, however, Gen- 
eral Scott may reconsider his decision. He may think 
that Copway and his Indians may do very well to fight 
Pike and his Indians. It would be well if the whole 
fighting of the war could be done by the two savage 
regiments, and still better if it could be done by their 
two commanders. Whoever has seen Pike knows 
that he has a tremendous head of hair. Copway would 
fight like the devil to secure such a wonderful scalp'to 
tickle his squaw and adorn his wigwam. — Louiscille 
Journal. ^^__ 

Terrorism. We receive hardly a copy of the 
Memphis Bulletin which does not bring us some ac- 
count like tills, which we take from last Friday's 
paper : — 

" Abolitionist Hung. — John Beman is the name of the 
watchman on the steamer Morrison, who was yester- 
day hung near Mound City, He was a native of Nor- 
way, came to this country in 1811, and lived in Boston, 
where he has children. He was first examined by a 
committee, was proven to have said that he hoped 
Lincoln would come down the river and take every 
thing ; that he would die rather than live in the South- 
ern States, and much more of the same sort, that it is 
needless to repeat. The committee proposed to for- 
give him if he would take an oath to support the 
Southern States. He indignantly repelled the propo- 
sition, and said he would die first. Finding that he 
was determined and malignant, they threw a rope over 
the limb of a tree, and strung him up twenty-five feet, 
where he was hanging last night." 

Honor to the name of the loyal man ! Boston will 
care for his children. — Providence Journal. 

MilwAUEBB, Wisconsin, June 24th. The feeling 
against the hanks, which has been growing for some 

davH.eiihiiinati'd this morning in an attack upon them 
by a mob. Mitchell's Bank wan the first attacked. 
All the furniture was destroyed, One of the clerks 
was taken out insensible. The mob afterward* at- 
tacked tlie Slate Hank of Milwaukee, the Znrcan 
Bank, and Martin's brokers' office. The damage to 
these was very great, The Montgomery Guards were 
called out by the Mayor, hut. on awMngon the ground 
refused to act. The Zouaves were llieo called out, 
and fired no the mob with buckshot. Fears are enter- 
tained that there will be sad work this afternoon. 

I.ii/rr. — The riot to-day caused a greater loss of prop- 
■rty than was at first supposed. The attack is ascer- 
tained to have been a regularly organized thing. Yes- 
terday meetings were held in the upper wards of the 
city. About 10 o'clock this forenoon, the rioters 
marched from the 6th and 9th wards through East 
Water Btreet to Mitchell's Bank, attacking it with 
stones and bricks, soon riddling the windows complete- 
ly. The clerks barricaded the doors in order to gain 
time to secure the valuables, which they did in a great 
measure. The mob then broke down the doors, and 
soon stripped the room of everything, throwing the 
furniture and hooks into the Btreet. 

The State Bank on the opposite corner and B. Mar- 
tin's office were then attacked, and served in the same 
manner. The Bank of Milwaukee was also stoned, 
hut Buffered little damage. Allis McOreggor'a real 
estate office was completely gutted, and books valued 
at $6000 destroyed. The Zurean Bank windows were 

The Mayor and Police were promptly on the ground, 
but were powerless. When the Zouaves charged, the 
mob ran, and the streets were soon cleared. Guards 
were stationed at the street corners and at each bank. 
About fifty of the rioters were arrested, and lodged in 
jail under a strong guard. 

This evening the mob again met in force in the 2d 
anil 6th wards, and inflammatory speeches are being 
made. They have one cannon, and threaten to attack 
the jail to-night unless their friends are released. 

The Governor has declared martial law, and tele- 
graphed to Racine and Madison for State troops, who 
will arrive to-night. 

The following persons were injured: Alexander 
Mitchell, slightly ; C. H. Larkin, Jr., paying teller of 
Mitchell's Bank, badly bruised; Judge Stanweather, 
trampled on, badly hurt; Mayor Brown, knocked 
down by a stone and slightly hurt ; Mr. Haydon, book- 
keeper of the State Bank, considerably hurt. One of 
the rioters was badly cut on the shoulder, and another 
was wounded in the leg by a bayonet. 

The riot was caused by the action of the bankers on 
Saturday, in throwing out of circulation the notes of a 
large number of the banks of the State. 

lEgTMKKCY Ji. JACKSON, M. ]»., having bad fif- 
tcon yearn' experience in the Qomofeopatbio tre»Un*£t 
of ilisoaHiw, offers her professions) service* tu the L&dien 

ami (JliiHu.'Ji of Boston arnl vi-i:.i'y- 

Reference.*.— David Thayer, M. D. ; Luther Clark, M. D. ; 
John M. T;,rhal], M. D. f Boston. Eliphalet Clark, M. D-, 
Portland, Me. 

Rooms No. 20 Bui finch street. Office hours from 2 to 
4. P. M. 

TERMS.— Mrs. H. 8. Dekbam can accommodate a gen- 
tleman and wife, or two or three single gentlemen, with 
pleasant rooms, on favorable terms, at 75 (formerly 3^) 
Reach street, near the Worcester Depot, Ronton. 
A few transient boarders can also be accommodated. 


liL'itv will attend Anti-Slavery Meetings on Sunday, 30lh 
iiist., at the usual hours, at Cumuington. 

(Eg»- A. T. FOS3, an Ageot c 
Society, will speak at 

the Massachusetts A. B. 

Sunday, July 7. 

OT A. M. POWELL, an Agent of the American A. 6. 
Society, will speak at 

South Rend Mills, N. Y., Saturday, Jane 29. 
Martindale, Sunday, June 31}. 

Red Rock, " July 

DSP HENRY C. WRIGHT will hold meetings in tho 
Universalis! Church in Duxbury, Sunday, June 30, fore- 
noon and afternoon. 

I^-E. II. IIEYWOOD will speak at Music nail, Sun- 
day, June 30, on " Tho Present Crisis, " 

EST The P. O. Address of Mrs. Caroline H. Dall is 
changed from Rradford street to No. 5 Ashland Place, 
Boston. The Anti-Slavery Standard and the New York 
Christian Inquirer will please eopy. 

Milwaukee, Wis., June 25th. All quiet to-day. 
Constant guard is kept at the jail and in the streets. 
No disturbance is apprehended to-day. 






M. D. 

A Business Man. 


Angola, (Ind.) June 20, 1801. 
My Dear Friend,— I wrote you, one week ago, 
that a war had broken out in Steuben County, Indi- 
ana, in consequence of a violation of tho Black Laws 
of the State by iWouBHBB TaiiTii ; and also a viola- 
tion of the Dred Scott Decision by some of tho citi- 
zens of the county, who recognized in her rights that 
they were bound to respect; but, In reality, it turns 

out to be the violation of the old edict that Slavery shall 

rule, in State and Federal Government, and that 
Liberty shall no where assert itself. 

In my experience with mobs, I have never 8CC11 
gn.oh 'leieroiiniitiori. No dog ever bung to a bono as 
have these hungry hounds |o Sojourner, under the 
cover of law— as they understood that to ho their only 
wifety. Sine* the flrit outbreak,— which was elearly 
a riot, and la to be treated as such, within the limits of 

legality ,— -they have resorted to every possible expe- 

dient. She was first arrested for coming Into the 
lion.' I. Washburn, of Worcester, Hon. I State, being black; next, as a mulatto; then, for com- 

Dear Mr. Garrison— The building just taken 
down from the north corner of Franklin and Wash- 
ington streets, to make way for modern improve- 
ments, has a historic interest, anti-slavery wise,which, 
for "auld lang syne," you perhaps may deem worthy 
of record in the Liberator. 

In the third story of that building was a room, 
called Franklin Hall, which, though not so large as 
the present business office of the Massachusetts Anti- 
Slavery Society, (directly opposite.and in which I indite 
these lines,} was yet capacious enough to hold meet- 
ings for addresses and discussions, by yourself and 
the few other kindred spirits who rallied around you 
In that early dawn of the anti-slavery movement in 
Boston (1831) — preceding even the formation of the 
New England Anti-Slavery^ Society — the pioneer or- 

I remember, one evening, a young man zealously 
eombatted there your idea of immediate emancipa- 
tion; and, in reply to his argument for gradualism, 
you told him that he was thus sustaining the slave 
system, with all its abominations ; that he was virtual- 
ly saying to the merciless slave-driver, "Put on the 
lash — put on the lash, until some time hence, between 
now and the judgment day, a convenient time may 
arrive for him to unloose his unholy grasp, and set the 
captive free." You urged him to put himself in the 
position of a plantation slave, &c— to remember those 
in bonds as bound with them ; and you culminated in 
the Bpiril of those lines, so often and so effectively 
quoted in your public addresses : — 
" Ob, where's the slave so lowly, 
Condemned to chains unholy, 
Who, could he burst his bonds at first, 
Would pine beneath them slowly 1 " 
The hearts of the audience were deeply moved by 
your appeal ; but it was evident that the doctrine was 
too ultra for their adoption, without further consider- 
ation. Your opponent was, however, among the 
earliest converts; appearing soon after in the lectur- 
ing field, eloquently urging others to embrace the 
faith he had so recently denounced. 

Among those few who lectured, or were otherwise 
prominent, in the Franklin Hall meetings, was the 
late William J. Shelling, Esq., who, you once told 
me, wrote the Preamble to the Constitution of the 
Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society; and the Rev. 
Moses Tiiacheh, who drafted the Address which 
was published with the Constitution, and who yet 
lives to rejoice (as he tells us in a letter to the Fancuil 
Hall Festival, in 1857, commemorative of the twenty- 
fifth anniversary of the Society's formation,) that he 
" finds ii" occasion to swerve from a single sentiment 
or principle therein set forth." 

There was also the late Alobzo Lewis, Kso.., the 
famed I bin I and Historian of Lynn. lie was one of 
the Vice Presidents of the Society, and onee served 
as editor pro tern, of the Zdberator, during your first 
Eastern anti-slavery tour. lie kept a school in the 
Franklin Hall building, where l applied to Mm for the 

admission Of some colored hoys and girls J which in- 
novation (as it WM in those days) would probably have 

been granted had he not commenced preparations for 
other duties in I.jnn, 

Other reminiscences float before me, but I will not 
at this time spin out a longer thread. 
Xhe contrast between that day of small things and 

Ihe present, when the whole nation is at hist, aroused 

for lettlementof tho slavery question, is indeed most 
marvellous; and as potent In its tendency to there- 
suite of ttiat faithfulness and perseverance, now by all 

the world acknowledged HB QbaMWtOriBtiCS of the Autt- 

Wotld Not Touch It. A great Union meeting 
aa held in .San Francisco a few weeks ago. Some 
25,000 people took part in it. Patriotism and Union 
e manifested in every way. An incident is related 
illustrating the feeling of " Young America." A com- 
pany of boys were being marshaled to carry the ban- 
ners representing the names and arms of the thirty- 
four States. The. Northern States went off' lively, but 
the Southern States dragged ; it required a great deal 
of persuasion to get the boys to carry any of them, but 
finally, one by one, they were shouldered, until it came 
to the last, which was South Carolina — here the feel- 
ing broke out into open mutiny. Not a boy would 
carry it, or touch it — persuasions, commands and 
bribes were alike disregarded. Finally, an " outsider," 
a boy who was not "posted," was enlisted, and by a 
cash payment of fifty cents and large prospects ahead, 
was hired to carry South Carolina through, and the 
boy stood manfully by it all day, malgre the jibes and 
jeers of the remainder. 

g^= A case of poisoning with pies filled with 
pounded glass was discovered at the encampment of 
Col. Howard's Third Maine regiment, Friday. Three 
of the men were seized with violent illness. The 
symptoms were peculiar, and surgeons from the neigh- 
boring camps were called in consultation. Upon in- 
terrogating the sick men, it was found they had all 
eaten pies purchased early in the morning from a pie- 
vimder about the camp. A part of one of these pies 
was examined, and was found to be filled with pounded 
glass. One of the men is expected to die, and the 
other two are in a dangerous condition. The pie 
vender has not yet been discovered. Patrols were 
detailed for that purpose, but their efforts were unsuc- 

g^=It is now evident that the main blow against 
the rebels will be struck from the Federal Capital. 
The army on the right and left banks of the Potomac, 
distributed so that it can all be concentrated at one 
point in less than two hours, now consists of fully 
forty-five thousand effective men, comprising two in- 
fantry and one cavalry regiment of regulars, twenty- 
one regiments from the city and State of New York, 
five from Pennsylvania, four from Maine, three from 
Connecticut, three from Michigan, two from Ohio, 
two from Massachusetts, one from Rhode Island, and 
six batteries of light artillery. 

Ten thousand more men will be added to this im- 
mense body, early next week. Ten thousand, with 
the District militia, will be sufficient for the defence 
of the Capital, so that a grand army of forty-five 
thousand as spirited troops as can be found anywhere 
can be moved against the rebels. With the aid of 
Cen. Patterson's corps d'armee, they will he more than 
sufficient to break the Hues of the rebels, and drive 
them in the direction of Richmond. 

Baltimore, June 24. The Agent of the Baltimore 
and Ohio Railroad at Martinsburg has arrived, and re- 
ports a great destruction of the property of the com- 
pany there by the rebels. Forty-eight locomotives 
and a large number of gondolas and coal cars were 
surrounded by piles of wood, and fired, and all the 
perishable portions consumed, and the iron damaged 
perhaps beyond repair. A large hotel there, occupied 
by H. B. Carpenter, was with great difficulty saved. 
The agent says he and the master mechanic were ar- 
rested and carried before General Johnston for trying 
to stop the destruction of property. 

Alexander, Va., June 23d. A captain of one of 
the companies of the 2d Connecticut regiment was ab- 
ducted by the Secessionists yesterday. A lady re- 
quested him to provide her with an escort to her house, 
as she was afraid to go alone. He gallantly tendered 
services, since which nothing has been heard 
of him. 

g^= Mr. McDonald, a native of Worcester, Mass., 
who was working as a carpenter in Mississippi, has 
escaped. He was three times imprisoned on his way. 
The last time was at Aquia Creek, from whence he 
tied at great peril. Swimming eight miles, he reached 
the Pawnee at Maryland Point, completely exhausted. 
He states that the rebels at Aquia Creek had been 
reinforced 3000 strong, and that in the late engage- 
ments with the F'reeborn and Anacosta, they had fifty 
men killed, and many wounded. 

Prizes Captured. A letter dated on board the 
United States steam frigate Mississippi, at Key West, 
June 8, confirms the report that she had captured a 
steamship, which was loaded with shot and shell for 
the rebels. She was sailing under false papers. They 
also took a large brig the day before. 

g^gf^Thc skirmish that occurred on Monday last in 
the vicinity of Edward's Ferry proves to have been 
a serious affair for the rebels. A few shells were 
thrown across the river by the battery attached to 
Col. Stone's command, and one of them struck in a 
boat in which a party were crossing a small creek, 
and nearly twenty of them were killed. 

It seems that S. W. Clark, of the Third New York 
regiment, deserted the night before the affair at Great 
Bethel, and, obtaining a citizen's dress from traitors, 
gave the traitors full information as to our move- 
ments. He is now at Richmond, the rebels refusing 
to receive him into service. 

The Tribune's Washington dispatch says : — An- 
drew -Tohnson, oL Tennessee, with three friends, was 
fired at on their way here by fifteen Virginians at 
Cumberland Gap, but they all escaped without inju- 
ry. Mr. Johnson thinks that, with a fair canvas and 
six weeks' time, the whole of Tennessee would be 
carried for the Union. 

jj^=* A private letter from Minister Corvrin, dated 
Mexico, May 17th, says the accounts reaching there of 
matters in the United States are confused. He ex- 
presses an earnest desire to know the facts, it being 
reported through secession channels that President 
Lincoln had been driven from Washington, and that 
Gen. Scott was at the head of the Confederate army ! 

jjg^=" A Washington special dispatch to the New 
Y r ork Evening Post states that gentlemen from Paris 
say they saw a letter there from Senator Mason, dated 
February 20th, declaring that arrangements had boon 
made to secure the passage of the secession ordinance 
in Virginia, and that Washington would be seized at 
an early day. Mason was then sitting in the Semite. 

J2£jf=* A force of the enemy's cavalry have returned 
to Harper's Ferry, and destroyed much of the remain- 
ing property. They arrested eleven Union men, and 
fired without effect on fifty others who were escaping 
by swimming across the Potomac. 

J^= Among letters captured by General Lyon at 

THE Proprietors of this Institution take pleasure in an- 
nouncing to theiuvnlids of Mieiiipin and its neighbor- 
ing States, that they have opened their WATEU-CL'RE at 
St. Mary's Lake, and are now in readiness to receive pa- 

Thi3 Institution is situated in one of tbe most healthy 
and pleasant locations in the State, on. the banks of a 
beautiful little lake, four miles Kortli of the City of Hat- 
tie Creek. 

The buildings are new, commodious, and furnished for 
the comfort and convenience of invalids. The bath-rooms 
are large, and fitted up with hot, cold, vapor, chemical, 
and electrical baths. 

Tbe lake, whose waters are as clear and soft as those of 
a spring from the granite mountain's base, is well supplied 
with boats and bath-houses. No more beautiful fresh wa- 
ter bathing ca,n be found in any land. 

Several hundred aercs of the grand Old Oak Forest, im- 
mediately .surrounding tire lake, have been resll'ved for 
pleasure-grounds. ""~~— ^^^ 

The afflicted, requiring^ttrgk.f 
a most desirable establishment, "_, ■ 
in the best possible condition to bear aa operation, and re- 
ceive the best of caro afterwards. 

Particular attention given to the treatment of diseases of 
the Eye. All operations performed that warrant a prospect 
of restoring sight to the blind. Oar treatment for Cata- 
ract is entirely new, and in advance of anything hitherto 

supply of beautiful Artificial Eyes kept constantly on 

Paralysis, and every varietyejlfc Nervous and Chronic 
diseases, -will be treated. 

The Indies' Department is under the care of Mrs. S. A. 
Peterman, whose long experience in the treatment of the 
diseases incident to the female constitution renders ber 
treatment unsurpassed by that of any physician now prac- 
tising in that department of the medical profession. 

There will be a competent Music Teacher io attendance, 
to give instruction in Piano, Guitar, and Vocal Music, to 
such as may wish to take medical treatment and pursue tho 
study of Music at the same time. For such, this will be 
found a most desirable location, where the mental and 
physical systems may both be developed ; the one in tho 
music room, the other io rambling through the leafy 
woods, in the Gymnasium, and in boat-rowing, than which 
no better exercise can be found. 

Wo intend, with the aid of competent help in every de- 
partment, to make this Cure the invalid's Home, as well 
as a place for medical treatment. 

Those coming as patients should furnish themselves with 
two comfortables, two linen or cotton packing sheets, one 
woollen blanket, and one haif-iiozen bath towels, or they 
can be furnished by the Cure at fifty cents per week extra. 

TERMS — From S" to $10 per week, for treatment, board, 

Ac, according to rooii:.- 

This Institution is :w,: 'vfhig^n Cent ral Kail- 

road. Carriage ahva\s . 'i."/" .aghlj^^ek I'c- 

pot to convey people "to the Curb- 

Mrs. S. A. PETERMAN, M. D., 

Physicians and Proprietors. 
To whom all letters of inquiry should be addressed. Each 
communication, to insure an answer, should contain a 
pustule stamp for return letter. 

St. Mary's Lake, Michigan, May 20, 1S6I. J 21 

Latest from the State ov Pickens and Steal- 
ings. The following Proclamation appears in the 
Charleston Mercury of June 7th : — 

State op South Carolina. ) 
Executive Chamber, June Li, 1861. J 
I have understood that many good people have been 
remitting funds to creditors in the Northern Strifes. 

In the existing relations of the country, such con- 
duct is iu conflict with public law, and all citizens are 
hereby warned against the consequences. 


jKrrr.nsojj City, Mo., June '22d. A gentleman 
from near Camp Colo siiys. at. tho light there, on the 
IHlh inst.., twenty-three Onion men were killed, Thry 
were cnuiniamlod by Cupt. Cook, who tied, hut the 
men rallied, and forced the assailants to retreat, with a 
Iosb of twenty-Hve men. The editor of the Wfl.rsRW 
Democrat ami three other prominent citizens of War- 

sriw were no tt I he mmiher. Sevonleen of l he l'n ion 

men who were killed were sleeping in n burn at the 
time of the attack. 

Governor Jackson, with (Kit) men, pnssed CiimpCole 

on the 20th, pushing forward probably for Arkansas. 

The Trihi'if has intelligence Hint Capt. Prince, with 
400 regulars, man-hod from Kansas City Io l,ih- 
m-lv. Mo., on the I'.Uh inj.1 ., to disperse a ennip ot 
600 rebels under command of Brigadier General Mo 
fin. Thanexl dayjtho rebels, bearing oftba approach 

of Capt, Trioee, broke up their rnnip, and scattered ii 

vM'vy direction. Capt. Prince took possession pf tin 
town, and captured the principal secessionists, In 
eluding Gen. Morin. All took the oath of allegianct 
except Gen. Morin. who remains osapsisonor. A 

Nome Guard whs then organised and armed. 

||» The Secession footing is on the moreaso In 
Baltimore, and the vasl numbers of Union troops con- 
ttiiiilly passing through the city do not diminish it, 

villc were orders for the destruction of bridges 
on the North Missouri and Hannibal, St. Joseph and 
Pacific liailroads, and instructions to ditferent persons 
respecting the organization of troops. 

SlIT 3 It is reported that five important towns in the 
interior of St. Domingo have been fortified, and, as- 
sisted by the Haytiens, the inhabitants intend to resist 
Spanish progress there — that the inhabitants of one 
village there have been massacred because they re- 
fused to swear allegiance to Spain — and that tbe Span- 
ish troops have been defeated in a small engagement. 
Additional troops arc being sent from Havana to re- 
inforce the troops. 

a IS^T" T he Madrid Correspondence referring to a dis- 
patch stating that President Lincoln bad declared that 
if Spain occupied San Domingo, she would do so at 
her own risk and peril, says that the Government has 
received no official notice of any such declnration, but 
it is prepared to defend the integrity of the territory 
which it has annexed to Spain. 

TuuNPEit and Hail. On Sunday, 16th inst., a 
thunder storm passed over Boston, and at the Battle 
time a hail storm visited a number of towns on the 
South shore, and in several cases did considerable 
damage. At Quincy, stones foil of the size of nearly 
half an inch, but did not result in any serious injury 
to glass or crops. In the town of Milton, the hail did 
great damage to the crops, and broke a large amount 
of window-ghiss. Hailstones foil to the .size of an 
inch and a quarter in diameter. The first peal of 
thunder broke directly over the church of Kev. Mr. 
Pike, in which divine service WOS there befog held, 
and the storm soon became so heavy as to break iu 
the windows, and deluge the congregation sitting at 
the western portion of the house. The services were 
discontinued in the middle o( the sermon. 

In Plymouth the damage was estimated at SottOO. 
Blinds were completely shattered, shingles broken 
and torn from the roots, and many of the buildings 
had not a single pane ot glass remaining on the south 
and westerly sides. In one green-house alone, 17(H> 
lights wore broken. Trees were stripped of both 
Loaves and fruit ; grass JUSI ready to out is level witli 
Ihe ground, and the gardens will all have to be re- 
planted; Some of the hailstones were as large as 

The hail storm raged with violence in some parts ot' 
Rhode Island, breaking windows, unroofing frail 
buildings, and prostrating trees. Down in the harbor 
tin- uftUatonefl were so large that ihey made the hands 
of the boatmetl black and blue, and drew blood from 

their beads, The Providence Jownai Bays that such 

a tampesl has HOI been known in Iwentv t\\ e \ ears, in 

ihe track of tills tornado. 

In some parts ot New Jersey, the storm inflicted 

greal damage. Between Rahway and Brunswick, 

whole fields of grain were completely prostrated, 
trefil were bereft of fruit, leaves, and stem- on- eighth 

of an inch in thlokneas. In the nelghbiirtiood of 
Metuchin, scarcely i window was loft, panes ol glass 
being first perforated, as If with bullets, and after- 
wards completely demolished. 

J* ■ The town of RobortSport, In Liberia, was 
visited by a terrifie tornado on the night ol March lb. 

which prostrated Ihirtj two houses Xwo persons losl 

their lives by being erushed by ihe falling buildings 

$40 PARKER $40 

Sewing Machines, 


THIS is a new style, first class, double thread, Family 
Machine, made and Hocused under the patents of 
Howe, Wheeler & Wilson, and Grover & Baker, and its 
canstnii-'tum is the best combination of the various pa- 
tents owned and used by these parties, and tho patents of 
the Parker Sewing Company. They were awarded a Silver 
Medal at the last Fair of the Mechanics' Charitable Asso- 
ciation, and are ihe best finished and most substantially 
inadc Family Machines now in the market. 

{Sp Safes Koom, 18S Washington street. 

CEO. E. LEONARD, Agtnt. 
Agents wanted everywhere. 

All kinds of Sewing Machine work done at short notice. 
Boston, Jan. IS, 1861. 3m. 

Report of the Judges of the last Fair of the Massachusetts 
Ch:i-i!ah!f Mrrhiiiie Afsoeintian. 
"Foun Paukeh's Sewing Machines. This Machine is 
so constrneteii that it embraces the combinations of the va- 
rious patents owned and used by Elias Howe, Jr., Wheeler 
.t Wilson, and Grover .fc linker, for which these parties pay 
tribute. These, together with Parker's improvements, 
make it a beautiful Machine. They are sold from $40 to 
$120 each. They aro very perlVcr iu their meehnnism. 
being adjusted before leaving the manufactory, iu such a 
uer that they cannot get deranged. Tho feed, which 
is a very essential point in a good Machine, is simple, pos- 
itive and complete. The apparatus for imaging the length 
of stitch is very simple and eiTeetice. The tension, as well 
asother part', is well arranged. There is another feature 
which strikes your eomniiltee favorably, vi* : iheie is no 
wheel below the table between the standards, te come in 
contact with the dross of the operator, and therefore no 
danger from oil or dirt. This machine makes the dc-ublo 
lock-stitch, but is so arranged that it lays the i ■ ' . 
the back .piit.- flat and smooth, doing away, in a great 
measure, with the objection sometimes urged on that ac- 
count. " 

Boston, Juno 7, 1861. 



II will entirely euro, ov gpfWkUj volievo. tho RstfawtBg 
Atstnsstag soianlaluta i Dyspepsia, Dtropsjr, Dtarrhw'al fabtltty, ETorVOttSOMB, I toSMi I'ilos. BniSMhlttti 

Jaundios, Djawrtoty, Efouralgta, U»or Oomplsi ■ 

las, oad tho ondloss «atal»gtt« of fomals &Wottlttta\ tusa 

Of vvliioli io .1 lOH I Into Df tho blood. 
Got our now I'.iiniihU'l. U)d road it. 

,u v iiT a COMPANY, 

No. $9 Soiann at., Boston. 
Poi Jq |>j tU :■ 
ifttt 19. 3mU. 



JUNE 28. 

t t t g 

For tho Liberator, 


** Tho North aroused nt last ! " What roused lior iro 7 

Was it tho bondman's miseries untold — 

Tho mother shrieking for hoi children sold, 
Or her own children made to pass through firo 
To this groat Southern Moloch ? Alas ! no ! 

Shamo bo upon her ! Still, in calm content, 

Forth to her merchandise or toil she went ; 
Unmoved by such dire tales of shame and woo, 

Mothinks would thrill the Eternal Heart ! Hut when 

Tho traitors' fiery rain of shot and shell 

Poured fast on Sumter's battered citadel, 
Rending the flag that o'or its walls did wave ; 

Burning with vengeance, sprang a thousand men, 
The honor of that soulless rag to save, 
"Where one was found to mourn the wrongs that crush the 
hapless slave ! 

Wisconsin, June, 1861. C. L. Morqak. 

For tho Liberator. 


Tell us, is it the morning light 
Xhat brightly gilds yon mountain height? 
Or is but a meteor blaze 
That on its lofty summit plays — 
A sudden splendor, false as bright, 
To lade and leave a darker night ? 

Ah ! our hearts beat wild and fast ! 
Has the morning come at last? 
Thou who on the mountain long 
Hast cheered tho darkness with a song, 
Shout to us who dwell below, 
Conies the promised dawn, or no ! 

In the valley's darkness praying 

For the Dayspring still delaying, 

Waiting through the weary years, 

Fainting with our doubts and fears, 

If tho morning drawns not nigh, 

What have we to do but die ? C. 

From the New York Independent. 


[luther's hymn.] 


We wait beneath the furnace blast 

The pangs of transformation ; 
Not painlessly doth God recast 
And mould anew the nation. 
Hot burns the fire 
Where wrongs expire ; 
Nor spares the hand 
That from the land 
Uproots the ancient evil. 

Tho hand-breadth cloud the sages feared 

Its bloody rain is dropping ; 
ISui poison plant the fathers spared 
All else is overtopping. ^_^--~ ~~ 
Sftgt,-:5V-est^ Southy^orth, 
It curses the earth ; 
All justice dies, 
And frand and lies 
Live only in its shadow. 
What gives the wheat-field blades of steel 7 

What points tho rebel cannon ? 
What sets the roaring rabble's beelij 
On the old sta&«fiangled pennon? 
What breaks the oath 
Of the men of tho South ? 
What whets the knife 
For the Union's life? — 
Hark to tho answer : — Slavery \ 


Then waste no blows on lesser foes 

In strife unworthy freemen ; 
God lifts to-day the veil, and shows 
The features of the demon ! 
North and South, 
Its victims both, 
Can ye not cry, 
" Let Slavery die ! " 
And union find in freedom? 

What though the cast-out spirit tear 

The nation in bis going, 
We who have shared the guilt must share 

The pang of his overthrowing ! 

V '.thpOSc 


Shall they complain 
Of present pain 
Who trust in God's hereafter ? 

For who that leans on his right arm 

Was ever yet forsaken 7 
What righteous cause can suffer harm, 
If he its part has taken ? 
Though wild- and loud 
And dark the cloud, 
Behind its folds 
His hand upholds 
The calm sky of to-morrow ! 

Above the maddening cry for Wood, 

Above the wild war dramming. 
Let Freedom's voice be beard, with good 
The evil overcoming. 
Give prayer and purse 
To stay Tho Curse, 
Whose wrong we share. 
Whose shame wo bear, 
Whoso end shall gladden Heaven ! 

In vain the bells of war shall ring 

Of triumphs and revenges ; 
While still is spared the evil thing 
That severs and estranges. 
But, blest the ear 
That yet shall hear 
The jubilant bell 
That rings the knell 
Of slavery forever ! 

Then let the selfish lip be dumb, 

And hnshed the breath of sighing ; 
Before the joy of peace must come 
The pains of purifying. 
God give us grace, 
Each in his place 
To bear his lot, 
And, murmuring not, 
Endure and wait and labor ! 


It is not time that flics ; 

Tis we, '%\i we are flying : 
It is not life that dies ; 

'Tis we, 'tis we are dying. 
Time and otcrnity are one ; 
Timo is eternity begun ; 
Life changes, but without decay ; 
'Tis wo alone who pass 'away. 

It is not truth that flics ; 

Tis we, 'tis we are flying ; 
It is not faith that dies ; 

'Tis we, 'tis we are dying. 
0, evor-during faith and truth, 
Whoso youth is ago, whoso age is youth ; 
Twin stars of immortality, 
Ye cannot perish from our sky, 

It is not hopo that flies ; 

'Tis we, 'tis we are flying ; 
It is not love that dies ; 

'Tis wo, 'tis wo are dying. 
Twin streams that have in heaven your birth, 
Yu glide In gentle joy through earth, 
Wo fade, like flowers, beside you sown ; 
Ye are st/'ll flowing on. 
Yet we but die to live, 

It is from death wo'ro flying ; 
For ever livos our life ; 

For ai there is no dying. 
Wo die but as the spring-bud diea, 
In summer's golden glow to rise. 
The W be our days of April bloom ; 
Our July is beyond tho tomb. 


"American Society for Promoting National Unity. — 
■ God is our refuge and strength.' — Society RooraB, 
Bible House, Astor Place, New York. — 1801." — 
pp. 16. 

" Letter from (he Right Rev. John II. Hopkins, D.D., 
L.L.D., Bishop of Vermont, on the Bible View 
of Slavery." Printed at New York, by the Society 
above named. 

" Review of a Letter from the Right Rev. John H. 
Hopkins, D,D., L.L.I). , Bishop of Vermont. By a 
Vermonter. — Burlington: Pree Press Print. 1861." 
pp. 28. 

In the Liberator of April 5th was given a notice of 
the first of the three pamphlets above mentioned, 
which announced the establishment of a new Society 
in New York city, for the manufacture, commenda- 
tion anil diffusion of pro-slavery literature. It con- 
tained, besides the Preamble and Constitution of the 
new Society, five pages of names of "proposed" Vice 
Presidents and Honorary Members, most of them al- 
ready known as men favorable to the continuance of 
slavery. In a subsequent issue of the same pamphlet, 
there was substituted, in place of these names, an ad- 
dress of the Executive Committee "to their fellow- 
citizens," signed by Samuel F. B. Morse, Chairman 
of the Executive Committee, and Hubbard Winslow 
and Seth Bliss, Secretaries. The chief features of 
this address are an assumption that slavery, as now 
practised in this country, is approvingly ordained of 
God — another assumption, kindred to this in falseness, 
that opposition to slavery proceeds from infidelity — an 
admission of the fact (directly opposite to the assump- 
tion last named) that the Anti-Slavery movement " is 
a religious war against sin " — a declaration that their 
own course of policy must be to " divest the Anti- 
Slavery organization of its religious feature " (!) — an 
exaltation of the Constitution as " the true rule of 
our political faith " — a disparagement of the Declara- 
tion of Independence as grossly erroneous in its doctrine 
of human rights — a representation that action by Con- 
gress in defence of such rights in slaves would be 
an infringement, 'altogether unjustifiable, of a re- 
ligious right of slaveholding belonging to their mas- 
ters — and, finally, a general independence of truth 
and fairness in its method of arguing the subject. 

In conclusion, this pamphlet announced that a sec- 
ond publication by this Society — " Bible Views of 
Slavery," by Bishop Hopkins of Vermont — would 
soon appear, to be followed by other works ot similar 
character as soon as funds and other circumstauces 
should permit. 

In compliance with the request of the Executive 
Committee, Bishop Hopkins accordingly wrote the 
" Letter " forming the second pamphlet above named, 
which, before appearing in that form, was printed in 
the New York Observer, with high commendation. 
My purpose now is to notice the very able " Review " 
of that Letter, subsequently published in Burlington, 
"by a Vermonter." 

The character of the Bishop's letter makes it ab- 
solutely necessary for this Reviewer to speak of the 
misrepresentations, of fact and of truth, with which 
that letter abounds; and he addresses himself to this 
work with commendable directness, as follows : — 

" Sophistry, however, for minds unaccustomed to 
logical thought, and especially sophistry skilfully ad- 
dressed to ignorance for the very purpose of deception, 
cannot be counteracted by mere demonstration of the 
truth. There is thrown upon the defenders of the 
truth the ignoble and nasty necessity of uncoiling all 
the snaky folds of the sophistry itself, so that it may 
be visible and palpable to all men. That these remarks 
are applicable to the character and purpose of the Bish- 
op's letter, I mean to make undeniable before I have 
done with it. The time for soft words is past." 

The Reviewer fully establishes what he has thus 
intimated. He shows that the Bishop has practised 
gross and palpable falsification of history, ecclesiasti- 
cal and other ; that his statements, wherever plausible 
to the careless reader, are made so by shameful 
terpretation of Scripture, and by false arguments and 
assumptions : that, in his treatment of the " curse of 
Canaan" and other passages of the Bible — "instead of 
an unconscious self-delusion, there is a conscious pur- 
pose to deceive others by reasoning known to be 
false"; that the argument (from the example of the 
patriarchs) used by the Bishop of Vermont in de- 
fence of slavery is identically the same, perfectly par- 
allel in every point, with that of "the Bishop of Salt 
Lake hi defence of polygamy ; that the latter of 
these Bishops, who holds this method of interpreta- 
tion to justify both slavery and polygamy, shows him- 
self abetter reasoner than the former, who takes one 
and rejects the other; that if what was permitted to 
the Jews is therefore permitted to Christians, then what 
was prohibited to Jews is also prohibited to Chris- 
tians, and what was commanded to Jews is also com- 
manded to Christians; that the slavery men must 
take all or nothing ; and that there is no possible es- 
cape from this necessity, except by the grossest viola- 
tion of all the rules of honest reasoning. 

The Reviewer proceeds to show the grossness and 
audacity of some others of the Bishop's gratuitous 
assumptions, such as that, wherever the English Bible 
uses the word servant, the original means slave; that 
because it may be right, and sometimes a duty, for 
the slave to suffer wrong, therefore, it is right for the 
master to inflict it ; that the slaveholders pretend to no 
property in the slave other than the right to his labor ; 
and that the axiomatic statement of the Declaration of 
Independence respecting the equality of men is proved 
false by the unlikcncss of men in size, color, weight, 
health, property, &c. In these, and many other par- 
ticulars, the Reviewer skilfully uncoils the snaky 
folds of the Bishop's sophistry, making plain to every 
reader both the fact of mis-statement and the intent 
of deception. This exposure is made, not only with 
masterly ability, hut with much-needed plainness of 
speech, except for the blunder, inexcusable in so skill- 
ed a reasoner, yet repeatedly made, of calling this 
mendacious Bishop "a Christian." 

One other mistake,into which our Reviewer has fallen, 
has misled so many persons, and been used so exten- 
sively by ecclesiastical deceivers as a white-wash for 
pro-slavery character, that it needs to be corrected. 

This is the position taken in regard to slavery by 
the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in 
1818. Our author says, p. C — 

" In 1818, the General Assemby of the Presbyteri- 
an Church, North and South, declared unanimously 
that slavery is utterly inconsistent with Christianity. 

This is perfectly true, but it is only half the truth. 
The same document expressly permitted the. indefi- 
nite continuance of slaveholding among Presbyterian 
ministers and church-members. And the combina- 
tion, in that famous document, of anti-slavery lan- 
guage wifh a pro-slavery policy, is only another spec- 
imen of that deceit among ecclesiastical authorities 
which the Reviewer has exposed in Bishop Hopkins's 
pamphlet. A very large number of the people who 
adopted that Presbyterian Declaration in 1818 were 
slaveholders ; and they have remained slaveholders 
ever since ; and a considerable proportion of them 
and their descendants now declare slavery to be whol- 
ly right and Christian, and have joined that atrocious 
Southern rebellion which hopes to perpetuate and ex- 
tnd it. How are these inconsistencies to he explained ? 

Let me first give the evidence that this Declaration 
of the Presbyterian General Assembly in 1818 did 
allow the continuance of slaveholding. Hero are pas- 
sages from that document, which I emphasize bv 
italics, and to which I prefix appropriate head- 
ings :— 

flow THE BtAvTEHOLIHSra OF Pkehhytkkian MIn- 


" We do, indeed, tenderly sympathize with those 
portions of our Church and our country where the 
evil of fllavery has been entailed upon them." 


mediate Emancipation l 
" The number of slaves, their ignorance, mid their 

vicious habits generally, render an immediate and 
universal emancipation inconsistent alike with the 
safety and tho happiness of the master and the 

How the General Assembly discourage Agi- 

" And we, at the same time, exhort others to for- 
bear harsh censures nod uncharitable reflections on 
their brethren, who unhappily live among slaves 
whom they cannot immediately set free." 

OREO Americans, and try to whitewash the 
slaveholding founders op the colonization 

Society ! 

" We recommend to all our people to patronize and 
encourage the Society lately formed for colonizing in 
Africa, the land of their ancestors, the free people of 
color in our country . . . And we exceedingly rejoice 
to have witnessed its origin and organization among 
the holders of slaves, as giving an unequivocal pledge of 
their desires to deliver themselves and their country 
from the calamity of slavery." ! 1 ! 



"We recommend to all the members of our reli- 
gious denomination not only to permit, hut to facili- 
tate and encourage, the instruction of their slaves in 
the principles and duties of the Christian religion ; 
by granting them liberty to attend on the preaching 
of the Gospel, irken /.key have opportunity ,- by favoring 
the instruction of them in the Sabbath School, when- 
ever those schools can be formed; and by giving them all 
other proper advantages for acquiring a knowledge of 
their duty both to God and man. We are perfectly 
satisfied that it is incumbent on all Christians to com- 

unicate religious instruction to those, who are under 
their authority ; so that the doing of this in the case 
before us, so far from operating, us some hare apprehend- 
ed that it might, as an incitement to insubordination and 
'nstirrection, would, on the contrary, operate as the 



"We enjoin it upon all Church Sessions and Pres- 
byteries, under the care of this Assembly, to discoun- 
tenance, and, as far as possible, to prevent, all cruelty, 
of whatever kind, in the treatment of slaves." 


"And if it shall ever happen that a Christian pro- 
fessor in our communion shall sell a slave who is also 
in communion and good standing with our Church, 
contrary to his or her will and inclination, it ought im- 
mediately to claim the particular attention of the 
proper church judicature." — See Assembly's Digest, pp. 

These pro-slavery provisions follow the anti-slavery 
talk at the commencement of this famous document of 
the Presbyterian Church. How are we to account for 
the combination of ideas so opposite in the same in- 
strument? Plainly, thus : — 

A minority in that Church were strong and earnest 
opposers of slavery, constantly troubling the majority 
by their opposition. When these pressed for action of 
the Church upon this subject, and it was found that 
some action was necessary to avert division, the saga- 
cious old leaders of the General Assembly tried the 
policy of compromise, giving, in the same document, 
excellent anti-slavery talk to the protesting minority, 
and a continued allowance of slaveholding to those 
who wished still to hold slaves. The latter, of course, 
took the practical concession thus made to them, re- 
joicing that their opponents were quieted by merely 
verbal concessions. The former made the enormous 
mistake of accepting the anti-slavery talk as satisfac- 
tory, in a document which allowed the indefinite con- 
tinuance of slaveholding. The result of their error is 
clearly manifest in the fact that Presbyterians now 
are among the most pertinacious of slaveholders ; that 
the "New School" are largely contaminated with it, 
while the " Old School," for the most part, give a 
hearty support to Jeff. Davis's atrocious rebellion 
against the government. 

The double-faced Presbyterian Declaration of 1818, 
which has allowed slavery not only to exist, but to in- 
crease in corruption, from that time to the present, 
ought never to be quoted as an anti-slavery docu- 
ment. — c. k. w. 


The Abolitionists have labored years long to con- 
vince the North of the real character and designs of 
the Slave Power, and to arouse the people to some ef- 
fectual resistance to its aggressions. The events of 
the last ten years have taught them that the nation 
was sunk too low in the scale of morals to look for- 
ward with even a forlorn hope to such a result, until 
some overwhelming stride at once to seize the whole 
function of government should wake them from their 
death-like lethargy to defend their own rights- That 
hour has come. Shall they repudiate the child they 
have prayed for so long 1 True, it is not to their 
liking, but they could not control the laws of its pa- 
rentage. Born of the whirlwind, it will not exhibit 
the character of the lamb. It is the highest product 
of the prevailing Christianity which says, "Defend 
the Union, (not the slave,) government is divine, and 
it is the highest duty of the Christian and the patriot 
to protect the Constitution at all hazards." Ah, Mr. 
Clergyman, a diviner power than the government 
stands behind the throne to settle this question. The 
people hate slavery some, from principle ; but far 
oiore because it "touches their pride, and disturbs theii 
peace and prosperity. They liked it well enongl: 
at a distance, when it concerned only another race 
but when it comes to their own firesides, they loathe 
its horrid presence. So Herod and Pilate have joined 
hands to extirpate it, if it will not keep-its own side 
of the fence, in order to ensure quiet; under the Con- 
stitution, if they can, over it, if they must. This 
involves another issue not presented yet ; a conflict 
between the people and the government, which must 
necessarily be anticipated and provided for; hut, of 
course, it will be deferred till the last extremity. So far 
as the Union is concerned, it will be a sham fight, for 
there is none to defend. There is nothing left but the 
withered parchment of the Constitution which they 
are vainly striving to uphold— vainly, for the sceptre 
they have so long wielded to perpetuate oppression 
has been wrested from them by a higher Power, and 
they are being made the blind instruments of deliver- 
ance from the most villanous tyranny upon which 
the sun ever shone. Whether viewed in the light of 
facts or philosophy, we could have no possible reason to 
expect the present contest to assume any higher form 
than it now presents. Never yet was a war waged in 
behalf of justice and humnnity. The moment the 
soul rises to the sublime height of giving freedom to 
the slave for his own sake, aside from any selfish in- 
terest, it catches a glimpse of the glorious banner 
suspended from the eternal throne of God, " Peace on 
earth; goodwill to men." Such always has been, 
and still is, the position of the American Anti-Slave 
ry Society. 

Let no Abolitionist think that he does God service 
or helps tho slave by enlisting in the war, His is a 
far higher and holier mission ; to deepen the grow 
conviction that the country can never have peace until 
slavery is exterminated, root and branch, and urge it 
on to a final issue. We cannot trust this sacred cause 
to the uncertain chances of war, or to the heterogeno- 
ous materials that compose it. So far as that is c 
cerned, the only hope Tor tho slave rests in the fanati- 
cism of the South, in refusing to come to tonus. 
Neither will the hydra-headed monster die with one 
death. Long after he is thought to hare yielded up 
the ghost will he rear again his brazen crest, mid sum 
mon tho Abolitionists to a renewal of their labors. 
But may we not at the same time recognize, without 
inconsistency, or infidelity t<» our cherished princi- 
ples, those eternal laws by which sin and it* rotrlbu- 
tion are made to serve the purposes of Heaven; and 
observe how, in the seething caldron of war, which 
never settles any principles, hut is merely the raring 
of the human passions brought into conflict with the 
everlasting right, the BcKislmciiS and craftiness of 

men are made subservient to the behests of infinite 
wisdom as a part of the divine economy. 

The triumph of a reform rests not in the conver- 
sion of the masses, but in the development of those 
influences which create an irrepressible antagonism 
between national prosperity and those institutions op- 
posed to the upward tendencies of the human soul, to 
which the masses are made to yield as an irrevocable 
law of their being. 

In limes like this, we need to live two lives in one, 
and he able to grasp all sides from a single stand-point 
of observation, in order to preserve our identity for 
two days in succession. None of us have changed, or 
departed from our original principles. The rapidity 
of startling events has suddenly called out the special 
individualities of our characters, and the various shades 
of thought and feeling which the slow process of years 
might never have developed. 

Adhering to technicalities, if we maintain that both 
sides are righting for slavery, we must admit that it is 
a house divided against itself, and therefore it cannot 
stand. Divested of them, the question is simply this : 
Who is on the Lord's side, and who is against 1 Wo 
are all one in a holy purpose, each scrupulously guard- 
ing and watching the angel child Liberty, that no stain 
may appear on her garments. 

If, when Thomas Sims was knocking at the door of 
American civilization for a recognition of his birth- 
right, instead of a court-house in chains, and a Massa- 
chusetts Judge crouching beneath them, there had 
been enough moral life to have sounded forth from 
church-spire and hill-top, work-shop and valley, the 
bugle-blast of the poet, — 

" No slave-hunt in our borders — no pirate on our strand ! 
No fetters in the Bay State — no slave upon our land ! " 

we would not now be treading the bloody fields of 
civil war. 

But, accepting the present for what it is, the first 
breaking up of the powers of darkness, it is a glorious 
time to live. The clashing of the elements is soul- 
stirring music to the ear. It is the sound of the de- 
mons coming out, to be followed by the sweet songs 
of the angels of peace. 

Worcester. S. E. W. 


We copy from advance sheets of the July num- 
ber of the Atlantic Monthly, portions of an article 
contributed to that magazine by the lamented Majc 
Winthrop, late of the Seventh Kegiment of Nc 
York city. The following is his account of the 
temporary quarters of the soldiers at the Capitol : 

" They gave us the Representatives Chamber for 
quarters. Without running the gauntlet of caucus, 
primary and election, every one of us attained that 
sacred shrine. 

In we marched, tramp, tramp. Bayonets took 
the place of buncombe. The frowzy creatures in 
ill-made dress-coats, shimmering satin waistcoats, 
and bats of the tile model, who lounge, spit, and 
vociferate there, and name themselves M. C, were 
off. Our neat uniforms and bright barrels showed 
to great advantage, compared with the usual cos- 
tumes of the usual dramatis peruana; of the scene. 

It was a dramatic business, our entrance there. 
The new Chamber is gorgeous, but ineffective. Its 
ceiling is flat and panneled with transparencies. 
Each pannel is the coat-of-arms of a State, painted 
on glass. I could not see that the impartial sun- 
beams, tempered by this skylight, had burned away 
the insignia of the malcontent States. Nor had 
any rampant secessionist thought to punch any of 
the seven lost Pleiads" out from that firmament with 
a long pole. Crimson and gold are prevailing hui 
of the decorations. There is no unity and breadth 
of coloring. The desks of the members radiate in 
double files from a white marble tribune in the cen- 
tre of the semicircle. 

In came the new actors on this scene. Oui 
presence here was the inevitable sequel of past 
events. We appeared with bayonets and bullets, 
because of the bosh uttered on this floor ; because 
of the bills — with treasonable stump speeches 
their bellies — passed here ; because of the cowardice 
of the poltroons, the imbecility of the dodgers, and 
the arrogance of the bullies, who had here coope- 
rated to blind and corrupt the minds of the people. 
Talk had made a miserable mess of it. The ultima 
ratio was now appealed to. 

Some of our companies were marched up stairs 
into the galleries. The sofas were to be their beds, 
With their white cross-belts and bright breast-plates, 
they made a very picturesque body of spectators 
for whatever happened in the hall, and never failed 
to applaud in the right or the wrong place at will. 

Most of us were bestowed in the amphitheatre. 
Each desk received its man. He was to scribble on 
it by day, and sleep under it by night. When the 
desks were all taken, the companies overflowed into 
the corners and into the lobbies. The staff took 
committee-rooms. The colonel reigned in the 
Speaker's parlor. 

Once in, firstly, we washed. 

Such a wash merits a special paragraph. I com- 
pliment tho M. C.'s, our hosts, upon the water privi- 
leges. How we welcomed this chief luxury, after 
our march! And thenceforth how we prized it! 
For the clean face is an institution which requires 
perpetual renovation, at Washington. " Constant 
vigilance is the price " of neatness. When the sky 
here is not travelling earthward in rain, earth is 
mounting skyward in dust. So much dirt must 
have an immoral effect. 

After the wash, we showed ourselves to the eyes 
of Washington, marching by companies, each to a 
different hotel, to dinner. This became one of the 
ceremonies of our barrack life. We liked it. The 
Wasliingtonians were amused and encouraged by 
it. Three times a day, with marked punctuality, 
our lines formed, and tramped down the hill to 
scuffle with awkward squads of waiters, for fare- 
more or less tolerable. In these little marches we 
encountered, by-and-by, the other regiments, and, 
most soldierly of all, the Rhode Island men, in blue 
flannel blouses and bersar/liere hats. But of them 
hereafter. It was a most attractive post of ours at 
the Capitol. Spring was at its freshest and fairest. 
Every day was more exquisite than its forerunner. 
We drilled morning, noon and evening, almost hour- 
ly, in the pretty square east of the building. Old 
soldiers found that they rattled through the manual 
twice as alert as ever before. Recruits became old 
soldiers in a trice. And as to awkward squads, men 
that would have been the veriest louts and lubbers 
in the piping times of peace, now learned to toe the 
mark, to whisk their eyes right and their eyes left, 
to drop the butts of their muskets without crushing 
their corns, and all the mysteries of flank and file 
— and so became full-Hedged heroes before they 
knew it. 

In the rests between our drills wc lay under the 
young shade on the sweet young grass, with the 
odors of snowballs and horse-chestnut blooms drift- 
ing to us with every whiff of breeze, and amused 
ourselves with watching the evolutions of our friend; 
of the Massachusetts Eighth, and other less expe- 
rienced soldiers, as they appeared upon the field. 
They, too, like ourselves, were going through the 
transformations. These sturdy fellows were then in 
a rough enough chrysalis of uniform. That, shed, 
they would look worthy of themselves. 

But the best of the entertainment was within the 
Capitol. Some, three thousand or more of us w 
now quartered there. The Massachusetts Eighth 
were under the dome. No fear of ward of air for 
them. The Massachusetts Sixth were oloi|uenl for 
their Slate in the Senate Chamber, [t was singu- 
larly fitting, among the many coincidences in the 
history of this regiment, that they should be (here, 
tacitly avenging the assault upon Sumner, and the 
attempts to bully the impregnable Wilson, 

In the recesses, eaves i\n<\ erypls ofjthe Capitol 
what oilier legions were besl owed, I do not know. 
I daily lost myself, and sometimes when out of my 

reckoning was put on the way by sentries of strange 
corps, a Reading Light Infantry man. or some other. 

We all fralernized. There was a fine enl Imsiasm 

among us; aot the soldierly rivalry in discipline 

that may grow up in future between men of dif- 
ferent States acting together, hut the brother] I 

Of ardent fellows first in the field, and earnest in 
the cause. 

All our life in the Capitol was most dramatic and 


Taking the oath is described as follows: — 
" We raised our right hands, and,claUB0 by clause, 
repeated the solemn obligation, in the name of God, 

to be faithful soldiers or our country. It was not 
quite so comprehensive as the beautiful knightly 
pledge administered by King Arthur in his com- 

ados, and Iran-mil !<■<! to our time by Major Ceu- 
eral Tennyson of the ParnaeBUS Division. VVe did 
not swear, as they did of yore, to be true lovers as 

■ell as loyal soldiers. Ca vasarut dire in ihgi — par- 
ticularly when you were engaged tp your Amanda 
the evening before you started, as was I he case with 
many a stalwart, brave, and many a mighty man of 
a corporal or sergeant in our ranks. 

We were thrilled and solemnized by the stately 

ceremony of the oath. This, again, was most dra- 
matic ; a grand public recognition of a duty ; a rea- 

vowal of the iundamenal belief that our system 
was worthy of the support, and our government of 
the confidence, of all loyal men. And there was 
danger in the middle distance of our view into the 
future— danger of attack, or dangerous duty of ad- 
vance, just enough to keep any trifler from feeling 
that, his pledge was mere holiday business. 

So, under the cloudless blue sky, we echoed in 
unison t)Te sentences of the oath. A little low mur- 
mur of rattling arms, shaken with the hearty utter- 
ance, made itself heard in the passes. Then the 
band crashed in magnificently. 

We were now miserable mercenaries, serving for 
low pay and rough rations. Read the Southern 
papers, and you will see us described. " Mud-sills " 
—that. I believe, is_the technical word. By repeat- 
ing a form of words* after a gentleman in ;i glazed 
cap and black raiment, we had suffered change into 
base assassins, the offscourings of society, starving 
for want of employment, and willing to ' imbrue our 
coarse fists in fraternal blood' for the sum of eleven 
dollars a month, besides hard tack, salt junk, and a 
hope of a Confederate States' bond apiece for boun- 
ty, or free lots in the treasuries of Florida, Mississippi 
and Arkansas, after the war. How carefully from 
that day we watched the rise and fall of United 
States stock ! If they should go low among the 
nineties, we felt tiiat our eleven dollars per mensem 
would be imperilled. 

We stayed in our palace for a week or so after 
April 26'th, the day of the oath. That was the 
most original part of our duty, thus far. New York 
never had so unanimous a deputation on the floor of 
the Representatives Chamber before, and never a 
more patriotic one. Take care, gentlemen mem- 
bers of Congress! look to your words and your acts 
honestly and wisely in future ! don't palter with 
"beTty again ! it is not well that soldiers should get 
into the habit of tiiinking they are always to un- 
ravel the snarls and cut the knots twisted and tied 
by clumsy or crafty fingers. The traitor States need 
the main de fer — yes, and without the yard de vel- 
ours. Let us beware, and keep ourselves worthy of 
the boon of self-government, man by man! I do 
not wish to hear, ' order arms !' and ' charge bayo- 
nets ! ' in the Capitol. But this present defence of 
free speech and free thought ,.»«,$, let us hope, that 
danger forever. 

When we had been ten days in our showery bar- 
racks, we began to quarrel with luxury. What 
had private soldiers to do with the desks of law- 
givers? Why- should we be allowed to revel longer 
fn the dining-rooms of Washington hotels, partaking 
the admirable dainties there? 

The May sunshine, the birds and the breezes of 
May invited us to camp, the genuine thing, under 
canvas. Besides, Uncle Sam and Abe wanted our 
room for other company. Washington was filling 
up fast with uniforms. It seemed as if all the able- 
bodied men in the country were moving, on the 
first of May, with all their property on their backs, 
to agreeable, but dusty lodgings on the Potomac." 

The article closes as follows : 

" Under Providence, Washington owes its safety, 
1st, to Gen. Butler, whose genius devised the cir- 
cumvention of Baltimore and its rascal crew, and 
whose utter bravery executed the plan ; he is the 
Grand Yankee of this little period of the war. 2d, 
to the other Most Worshipped Grand Yankees of 
the Massachusetts regiment who followed their 
leader, as he knew they would, discovered a for- 
gotten colony called Annapolis, and dashed in there, 
asking no questions. 3d. And while I gladly yield 
the first places to this General and his men, 1 put 
the Seventh in as last, but not least, in saving the 
capital. Character always tells. The Seventh, by 
good- hard, faithful work at drill, had established its 
fame as the most thorough militia regiment in ex- 
istence. Its military and moral character were ex- 
cellent. The mere name of the regiment carried 
weight. It took the field as if the field were a ball- 
room. There were myriads eager to march ; but 
they had not made ready beforehand. 

Yes, the Seventh had its important share in the 
rescue. Without our support, whether our leaders 
tendered it eagerly or hesitatingly, Gen. Butler's 
position at Annapolis would have been critical, and 
his forced march to the capital a forlorn hope — 
heroic but desperate. 

So honor to whom honor is due. 

Here I must cut short my story. So good-bye to 
the. Seventh, and thanks for the fascinating month 
I have passed in their society. In this pause of the 
war, our camp life has been to me as brilliant as a 
permanent pic-nic. 

Good-bye to Company I, and all the fine fellows, 
rough and smooth, cool old hands, and recruits ver- 
dant but ardent. Good-bye to our Lieutenants, to 
whom I owe much kindness. Good-bye, the Or- 
derly, so peremptory on parade, so indulgent off. 
Good-bye, everybody. 

And so in haste I close." 

If it was right lo o|,|,o-e it. then, it id now. For thfl 
man personally, hi- personal friend ■li'niM jpeal 
and mourn. The public have relation only to him 
i politician. Republican editors who opposed 
him six months ago, only stultify themselvet by 

laudations of him now. lie has not changed) and 
his friends anil the world know that lie has not. 
rben do Dot the Republican papers now in mourn- 
ing for him and lamenting bis death, and those who 

have hung Hags at half-mast for him, only say to the 
world I hat they falsely represented him to their read- 
ers in October last, that they lied about him and ac- 
cused him untruly ? flow will the public rely upon 
a paper Lhat last year denounced as the worst of 

men, the man whose death it now laments as a 
public calamity, and an irreparable loss to the na- 
tion V — Ashtabula Sentinel. 


Mr. Russell, in his sixth letter to the London Taws, 
writteu from Charleston, says.: — 

Nothing I could say can be worth one fact which 
has forced itself upon my mind in reference I o the 
sentiments which prevail among the gentlemen of 
this State. I have been among them for several 
days. I have visited their plantations, J have con- 
ersed with them freely and fully, and I have en- 
joyed that frank, courteous, and graceful intercourse 
which constitutes an irrresistible charm of their so- 
ciety. From all quarters has come to my ears the 
echoes of the same voice ; it may be feigned, but 
there is no discord in the note, and it sounds in won- 
derful strength and monotony all over the country. 
Shades of George III., of North, of Johnson, of all 
who contended aggainst the great rebellion which 
tore these colonies from England, can you hear the 
chorus which rings through the State of Marion, 
Sumter and l'inekney, and not clap your ghostly 
hands in triumph ? That voice says, "If we could 
only get one of the royal race of England to rule 
over us, we should be content." Let there be no 
misconception on this point. That sentiment, varied 
in a hundred ways, has been repeated to me over 
and over again. There is a general admission that 
the means to such an end arc wanting, and that the 
desire cannot be gratified. But the admiration for 
monarchical institutions on the English model, for 
privileged classes, and for landed aristocracy and 
gentry, is undisguised, and apparently genuine. 

With the pride of having achieved their indepen- 
dence is mingled in the South Carolinian's heart a 
strange regret at the result and consequences, and 
many are they who " would go back to-morrow if 
we could." An intense affection for the British con- 
nection, a love of British habits and customs, a re- 
peet for British sentiment, law, authority, order, 
civilization and literature, pre-eminently distinguish 
the inhabitants of this State, who, glorying in their 
descent from ancient families on the three islands, 
:>se fortunes they still follow, and with whose 
members they maintain not unfrequently familiar 
relations, regard with an aversion of which it is im- 
possible to give an idea to one who has not seen its 
manifestations to the people of New England and 
the population of the Northern States, whom they 
regard as tainted beyond cure by the venom of 
" Puritanism." Whatever may be the cause, this is 
the fact and the effect. 


We are astonished at the course of the Republi- 
can journals in noticing the death of Senator Doug- 
las. These same journals, last year, denounced him 
without sparing, as the worst, politician in the whole 
country, whose success was most of all to be feared. 
There was propriety in doing so, because he was a 
candidate of a party organized upon principles ad- 
verse to true Republicanism, and at war with the 
best interests of the country. He was the repre- 
sentative of those principles, and had made himself 
so by the whole course of his political life. Repub- 
lican journals spoke of him and his views as alike 
dangerous, and to be dreaded. They warned the 
people solemnly against putting him in power, as an 
act that would hopelessly ruin the country. No one 
of all the editors of Republican papers opposed Mr. 
Douglas because of any pergonal objection. It was 
as the representative of modern Democracy they 
made war upon him. Since last year, Mr. Douglas 
has not professed to have changed any of his views 
or principles. lie has no where said that lie had 
erred in his political life. On no occasion has he 
said he was wrong, in the history of his last fifteen 
years— when he has been the advocate, of all the 
measures that have led to this war. He sustained 
all those measures of compromise that demoralized 
the North, and encouraged Southern outrages. lie 
was the leading spirit in the repeal of the Missouri 
Compromise. Of slavery he said, he cared not 
■■ whether it was voted up or voted down." though 
beyond this indifference he was with the South, pro- 
slavery. He was the bitter and constant supporter 
of Missouri ruffianism in Kansas, lie stood by. 
when Brooks assaulted Sumner, and never lifted 
hand or voice against that fearful outrage. When 
he opposed the Lecoinpton Constitution, he was care- 
ful to place that opposition on the ground that it 
was contrary to the principles of the bill repealing 

the Missouri Compromise, lie was constantly for 

the rigid enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law, 

and every where defended the South in the princi- 
ple of slaveholding. 

When this war commenced) he declared himself 
for the Union, and the maintenance of the Govern- 
ment. That was all. lie had never been for seces- 
sion, and never dared to be. He occupied the place 
of all Ins party — of all parlies of the North — noth- 
ing more. Hut he was especially careful to insist, in 
all his speeches, that it. was the flag and the Union 
that he supported — not Republicanism, nor anti- 
shivery freedom, lie carefully said that slavery had 

nothing to do with the strife thai it. was a question 
of Union, merely a question whether we should 
trade freely through the Mississippi Valley, lie 

BCOUted the idea thai this war, in any shape.' was :i 
war for freedom from slavery, or against I he o\len- 

siou ot' slavery. No where did he repudiate an\ ot' 
his former views or policy, or aceepi anv Republican 
principle. lie merely supported llie Administration 

as a Union man, studiously rejecting anv semblance 

of I he support of KepuUieani'sm. lie ilid what he 
dar«d not rafitS€ to do; and not a word or aet of his 
proves that his Support ot' the war was from anv re- 
gard lor free principles, or the advancement OT hu- 

This was his public Character, This is :is he was 
seen till he was upon his death lied, lie never 

changed towards Republicanism, and his friends 
woidd promptly reject any such charge. Xhey 

would at this moment reject with contempt, anv pre- 

tonco that ho had changed. All thai Donglaa was 
before the pubKe, lie is still. lli : - bistorj is the some. 


Springfield, III., May 23, 1861. 

There must be some adequate cause for the im- 
pression which prevails among the less intelligent 
and least informed classes throughout the Southern 
States, that Mr. Lincoln is an habitual and confirmed 
drunkard. It is well known that the publications of 
the Harpers have an extended circulation there. In 
that region their Magazine is the standard of classic 
literature, and their Weekly, with its profuse illustra- 
tions, is regarded as the very mirror of the times. 
Both of these periodicals, are— or were until quite 
recently — received as gospel by those of our South- 
ern brethren who indulged the taste for reading. 
No longer ago than the 2d of March, when Mr. Lin- 
coln was proceeding toward Washington, Harper's 
Weekly appeared with a couple of illustrations, so 
outrageous in character and purpose that the follow- 
ing comments were prepared at-^hat time. They 
were not published, in the hope that the pictures 
might pass into oblivion, doing no harm. That hope - 
has not been realized, and it is proper now to re- 
member the immediate source of this evil. When a 
President of the United States, regularly elected by 
the people, is represented as lying dead drunk in the 
Executive chambers, it becomes us to know who 
started the lying story. The following is a brief de- 
scription of an illustration in Harper's Weekly of 
March 2d, the fidelity of which many readers of the 
Democrat will recognize. It is entitled : " Our Presi- 
dential Merryman." Here Mr. Lincoln is carica- 
tured in a state of maudlin drunkenness; hair and 
clothes disordered, glass in hand, and surrounded by 
a group of loafers, grinning and drinking. 

There is not the semblance of truth as a palliation 
for this miserable lie ; -wherever known, Mr. Lincoln 
is regarded as the most temperate and abstemious of 
men, and the brothers Harper were fully aware of 

In the distance is seen the Union and Constitution, 
in a hearse, going to their burial. Ail this is founded 
on a quotation from a daily paper; "The Presi- 
dential party was engaged in a lively exchange of 
wit and humor. The President elect" was the^mer- 
riest among the merry, and kept those around him 
in a continual roar." 

A picture teaches a thing a thousand times more 
effectively, and leaves its impress a .thousand times 
more lastingly on the mind, than the most vivid and 
graphic language. It matters not what position the 
Harpers may assume now. they cannot escape the 
responsibility of a falsehood which belongs especially 
to them. Let the whole country remember that it is 
to them we owe the invention of that chaste and 
elegant fiction, that the Chief Magistrate of this 
people is a besotted 'drunkard. " FiAT.Kic.n. 

— Correspondence of the Missouri Democrat. 


Rev. Mr. Hepworth, in writing from Baltimore to 
the Boston Journal, pays the following tribute to a 

hitherto unapplanded hero : — 

The standard bearer of the Sixth regiment, in its 
march through Baltimore, as noble a fellow as ever 
wore the uniform k4' the okl Bay State, was Tim- 
othy t'uow i.i-.y. His two aids were sergeants 
lVrrill and Marlaml. Unused, as indeed all our 
soldiers were, to the rough usage of actual warfare, 
it would not have been strange if Crowley had 
shown some signs ot' tear. Indeed, he might have 
rolled up the colors which would inevitably call 
down upon him the hatred of the vast and murder- 
ous mob. But Crowley was not made of such stuff. 
He had sworn to stand by his standard, and with 
him it was either succeed or die in the attempt. 

Pistols were freely fired, but the compAnv saw at 

their head that standard proudly leading them on. 
No one who has never been in the service can im;ic- 
ine how the colors of a regiment keep up iteeoOTage, 
So long as they are defiant, the company have light 
hearts; it' they should be taken away, a strange 
distrust runs through the whole force. Well, the 
troops had lost their band, they did no! have even 
a fife and drum, and so they kept (heir eves fixed 

upon this standard. Tramp, tramp, tnmp, left, left, 

left, the music of their own steady, measured tread, 

this was all they had. Crowley w:is i] w 1.. 

many a missile, for the mob knew- that to disgrace 

the regiment, it was only necessary to down with the 

standard. Paving stones flew Unck and .. 

ing Crowley's head, and some hitting the 
standard itself, marks of which were shown US, 

Ami this shows the everlasting pluck of Crowley. 

One stone my informant said it seemed ;us large U 
a hat struck him ftist between the shoulders a ter- 
rible blow, and then rested on his knapsack, and 
yel Crowley did not budge. With a firm step, he 

went on. currying the roofe on his knapsack for sev- 
eral yards, until one of the sergeants Stepped Up 
■iud knocked it off, "And." 'said the chaplain. 
'Heaven only knows what our OOyS would Ikho 

lone if that standard had been taken; 0«j never 
would have recovered from mich a disgrace." Such 

a DOhle art, it seems to me, is worth) of record. 

Crowley Bhowed himself a man. It was ■ 

pnl.-ivo ki&d of action which we call bfWVe; n 
was something better. Tho soldier who i> simply 

brave stands only on ihe lowest round of the ladder 

of heroism. All' men may be brave. Crowlej WW 

■1 : lie knew beforehand what the consequences 
me.rht ho; ho reckoned all thechaaoei B< 

an element of character which is 
Godlike; it was not impulse, it was real manUucss. 


Church of the living God, the pillar and ground of 
truth " !! ! Was there ovvr a greater jumble of ideas 
than this 1 For slavery in thU extract, substitute the 
petty offeuee of sheep-stealing, or robbing of hen- 
roosts, ami then see how it will read ! And, then, the 
conclusion so complacently arrived at, that " if slavery 
is ever abolished, it must be by her"— by the very 
Church which does homage to and is controlled by 
slavery I 

The Church of the Puritans cannot hope for clear- 
ness of moral vision while it is satisfied with such a 


The cowardly and lawless interruption of the Anti- 
Slavery Convention in Boston on the 3d ultimo, under 
the leadership of Mr. Richard S. Pay and Mr. J. Mur- 
ray Howe, has since been imitated at Buffalo, Roches- 
ter, aud other places. For an account of the rowdy- 
ism at the Convention held at Buffalo, see our last 
page, as given by the Commercial Advertiser of that 
city, given in a manner to encourage the rioters, rather 
than otherwise. How utterly tost to all self-respect, to 
all sense of decency, to every manly feeling, must such 
invaders of a lawful assembly, convened for the holiest 
purposes, be ! Such shameless viliany is only one of 
the innumerable plagues to which the accursed slave 
system has given birth; but, thank God, it is as im- 
potent as it is despicable. The result of it will be to 
strengthen and advance the cause it was intended to 
put down. This is certain. 

A glorious achievement, truly, for an organized body 
of bellowing, brutal, brazen-faced ruffians to howl 
down one man and two women, attempting to plead 
the cause of " all such as are appointed to destruction " 
in that portion of our land which is "full of the habita- 
tions of cruelty," and thoroughly demonized in spirit! 
And who were the parties thus put down ? Rev. Be- 
riah Green, formerly Professor at Hudson College, and 
subsequently President of the Oneida Institute — a man 
of the rarest culture and the most scholarly attain- 
ments, one of the profoimdest thinkers of the age, a 
great heroic soul, a world-embracing philanthropist, 
full of " the milk of human kindness," genial, per- 
suasive, courteous, large-hearted, and without spot or 
blemish: — Mrs. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, daughter of 
the late highly respected Judge Cady, and wife of 
Hon. Henry B. Stanton — among the foremost women 
of the age in intellectual power, moral elevation of 
mind, breadth of reformatory purpose, and nobility of 
character : — Miss Susan B. Anthony, who is honorably 
known to tens of thousands in the Empire State for 
her efficient public labors in the cause of education, 
temperance, the rights of her sex, as well as the anti- 
slavery cause ; intelligent, self-sacrificing, and thor- 
oughly devoted. 

One other speaker, who joined this little party at 
Rochester, Rev. Samuel J. May, of Syracuse, needs 
only to be named to indicate every thing pure, up- 
right, benevolent, loving and lovable — one in whom all 
" the fruits of the Spirit," enumerated by the Apostle, 
are seen in the richest profusion. 

And it is such as these who are branded as fanatical 
and mad, while their vile and rowdy assailants stand 
forth unblushiugly as the representatives of all that is 
patriotic, and the champions of "law and order." 
There is no disposition to bring them to justice by 
those in authority, for a state of universal demoraliza- 
tion prevails, society is turned upside down, and " he 
that departeth from evil maketh himself a prey." 




Extract of a private letter from a prominent and 
highly esteemed member of the Republican party in 
Maine to a friend in this city : — 

"I have often been impelled, during these exciting 
times, to write you a few words touching the progress 

Ot (Lcs-ratiausclil WHICH our ICeiI.. S o nrn so much 

interested. The secession of South Carolina, and the 
strong probability that the confirmed and determined 
slave States will follow her, is a new phase in the 
progress of the great struggle with slavery. I have, 
for years, foreseen this result, and have not withheld 
my vaticinations in regard to it. It must take place 
now, or some time soon. In spite of the timidity of 
many Republicans, and the utterly servile spirit of 
the Northern commercial classes, as indicated in the 
disgraceful Boston mob, the Philadelphia Union meet- 
ing, and the result of the late municipal elections, 
I believe and hope the catastrophe will occur now. 
True, there are a host of difficulties in the way of es- 
tablishing a Southern confederacy — how to carry the 
mails, how to avoid paying revenue to the General 
Government, and to obtain out of an impoverished peo- 
ple, whose financial system is in confusion, a sufficient 
revenue to equip and maintain an army and navy — 
how to appease the jealousy of other "lave States, and 
without a general Convention to agree upon a plan of 
action which will suit all their different views — all 
these seem formidable difficulties in the way of the 
consummation of success. But then the excitement 
is so great, and there is at the bottom of this great 
question such a world-wide difference, out of which 
hostile feelings constantly grow, that the chances of 
a compromise and settlement seem very small. The 
North seem weak enough to compromise again, but the 
South are so infuriate and unreasonable, so bent upon 
self-destruction, that it does not seem possible to con- 
ciliate them. So, with a separation of the confedera- 
cy, we enter upon a new epoch of our history. 

Upon the slave and his fate, the effect of disunion 
seems at present disastrous. The separation cuts him 
off from Northern sympathy, and the influence of 
humane and civilized government. If the South 
would submit to the Republican rule, I think slavery 
might disappear gradually and peaceably. But, shut 
up within a confederacy whose sole policy will he the 
security of slavery, I am afraid the slaveholders will 
be able to maintain their ill-gotten power for many 
years. That is, they might do so if their very infat- 
uation did not work their ruin. They will, however, 
reopen the foreign slave trade, and by the superior 
fruitfulness of the colored race, the white being re- 
enforced by no foreign emigration, will at length, cre- 
ate a powerful brute force of fierce hatred and resis- 
tance, which will, before many years, quench slavery 
in blood. It is a fearful future to contemplate ; but 
did ever a guilty people so rush upon a terrible pun- 
ishment, in spite of all the warnings of mankind ? 

True, it will be a signal deliverance. To have the 
horrid and filthy hoof of the Slave Power taken off 
our necks, and to stand up in the dignity and decency 
of honest men, will be no slight advantage. Aside 
from our guilty implication in slavery, no thoughtful 
person has failed to notice what a hindrance in the way 
of our progress, what a corrupter of our morals, what 
a fruitful source of individual and social degradation, 
the practice of slaveholding has been to us. I believe 
it will be for the disenthralled North the beginning 
a career of advancement in every moral, social and 
material good. 

My only fears are of a dastardly recession, and of 
an ignominious compromise. Every voice and pen 
must now come to the rescue, and each with a power 
self-multiplied, to stimulate, encourage, threaten and 
command. Blessings upon the Old Guard of Abolition- 
ists I Let every soul be instant, every soldier on his 
watch-tower ; and if treason to right and justice is 
done, let it not be for want of warning, and sharp and 
serious censure." 


The claims of this anniversary can hardly fail, at 
the present hour, to be recognized. Its funds are de- 
voted, not to African colonization ; not to political par- 
tisanship; not to theological and metaphysical polem- 
ics; not to the separate education or religious instruc- 
tion of persons of color; not to the fomenting of sec- 
tional prejudice, civil war, or bloody insurrection; not 
to the relief or redemption of individuals. 

These subscriptions have always been appropriated 
to the work of awakening the public conscience, en- 
larging the popular heart, and enlightening the nation- 
al mind, that, by the practical application, through 
legitimate channels, of the acknowledged religious and 
political principles of this country, slavery might be 
abolished, and the whole land made happy and united : 
not through enforced emancipation, but by voluntary 

There is no longer any need of defining or describ- 
ing the brutal system of slavery that, since 1789, has 
been demoralizing the country. A lifetime — under 
violence, loss, and continual annoyance — has been 
spent in doing that. The people know, now, that it is 
no distant, imaginary evil, but one that overshadows 
every life with danger and dishonor. AVhile fulfilling 
even the simplest duty of humanity to any perishing 
fellow-creature who has taken refuge in the sanctuary 
of their own homes, their whole nature is outraged by 
the thought that he may be mercilessly seized as a 
slave, from the very hearth. They cannot protect a 
hunted child from a fate worse than death, without the 
risk of being themselves broken down for life by fine 
and imprisonment. 

Of course, the pious refusal of free Northern popu- 
lations to obey such diabolical mockeries of Constitu- 
tions and laws, with the simultaneous determination of 
slaveholding ones at the South never to permit their 
amendment, necessitates revolution. And now, no 
qualified observer, surveying the country, can hesitate 
to acknowledge the great ,rork already done by the 
American Anti-Slavery Society. It has enabled the 
Northern populations to meet the present crisis with 
calm and intelligent resolution ; and if the American 
Anti-Slavery Society had been earlier sustained, to 
diffuse its deep human feelings, its true counsels and 
accurate knowledge, more extensively, the masses of 
the people would betimes have been so warmly and 
wisely devoted to this magnificent cause, that revolu- 
tion would have been purely moral, and no disturbing 
crisis like the present could have occurred. 

But the .wrong a few just and generous persons have 
been unable to prevent, may still, by timely co-opera- 
tion with them, be retrieved. 

In the very nature of things as they here exist, it 
will always rest with disinterested persons in private 
life to initiate every change for the better. Under its 
present cherished institutions, the country must always 
look beyond its Church and State dignitaries, its po- 
litical aud ecclesiastical servants, for the previous prep- 
aration indispensable to national progress ; for how can 
a Governor, a Senator, a Judge, a minister of any de- 
nomination or religious society, take the lead ? Every 
such public functionary is engaged by the people not 
to lead, but to serve ; not to make creeds and constitu- 
tions, but to administer under them ; not to make things 
what they should be, but to take them exactly as they 

Hence the need of an auxiliary private, voluntary 
service, like that which for the last seven and twenty 
years the American Anti-Slavery Society has by this 
anniversary helped to fulfil. Its claims to popular 
support-begin to be felt. The moral vanguard of the 
people, whether in a sovereign or a functionary capac- 
ity, begins to see the mistake of sending a noble Sfficial 
servant to reap where no generous voluntary service 
of good and thoughtful men has previously sowed. 
Let all now unite to sustain such a service — the only 

pnacthlo ""-nsufpoomfnl national n-iErresS — the only 
possible condition of national growth or guaranty for 
continued national existence. 

After having for a life-time done what we could in 
this behalf, have we not established its claim upon 
every thoughtful, just and noble soul? On all such 
we cordially and confidently rely for both moral sup- 
port and pecuniary aid. Both will be afforded by the 
act of subscription to which we now invite. 

We entreat our friends to remember that, however 
advantageous and indispensable the largest sums sub- 
scribed, none confer on us a higher obligation than the 
smaller one which the guest offers, regretting that it is 
the largest in his power. 

In behalf of the Twenty-Seventh National Anti- 
Slavery Subscription-Anniversary, 




3EfF" Wc regret that the letter of Mr. Piilsbury, last 
week, wns marred by several typographical errors, 
which were overlooked in correcting proof. We have 
on file another letter from Mr. P. 

SC/p'Wc copy from the Northampton Free Prett, an 
excellent and well-conducted paper, the letter from 
Mr. Burleigh in another column, giving an account of 
the outrages perpetrated in Wcstlield West (farms In 
a gang of " patriotic" rowdies, ending in the burning 
of the school-house as an offering to the demon spirit 
of slavery. 

It is admitted by nearly all persons in the free 
States, that slavery is intrinsically and fundamentally 
wrong, that it is a violation of justice and natural 
rights, at war with the laws of God and humanity, and 
that no government has a right to legalize it, and make 
it one of their civil institutions. But it has been 
claimed, that by reason of the right of sovereignty, any 
government has the right to exercise a jurisdiction 
over all subjects pertaining to the welfare of the peo- 
ple under its control, and that, by virtue of this right 
of sovereignty, it may legislate slavery into existence, 
and may maintain it by legal enactments when it is 
created. But, in my judgment, a great mistake is 
made, and a great fallacy uttered, when such a doc- 
trine is advanced, and such an extensive application 
of the right of sovereignty is claimed. This right, 
like all other rights, is bounded by the principles of 
justice and equity, and cannot transcend them. No 
State under it has the right to legalize crime and 
wickedness, and to make it legal to commit murder, 
theft, piracy or slavery. No State lias even the polit- 
ical right to do such a thing, certainly not the moral 
right. No State has the right to pass a law, allowing 
an act which is " malum in se," — that is, in itself in- 
trinsically wicked and criminal. It has undoubtedly 
the right to pass a law, allowing an individual to do, or 
prohibiting him from doing, an act which is or is not 
"malum prohibitum," or a crime, according as it is, or 
is not, allowed by the State. By " malum prohibitum " 
is meant, an act which in itself is not criminal, hut 
may become so by being prohibited by the State. To 
such acts, the sovereign power of the State extends, but 
not beyond them. Slavery, then, being a crime, 
"malum in se," like murder, theft and piracy, cannot 
possibly be legalized by government, but must remain 
such, whether the government attempts to legalize it 
or not ; and should be so considered and treated by 
every one. 

If this position is a sound one, — and of this I have 
no doubt, — it follows necessarily, that no State in 
which slavery docs not exist has any right to consider 
slavery a legal institution in any State where it does 
exist, but a crime there and everywhere. And such 
being the case, it has no right to bind itself by any 
constitutional provision to recognize it as a legal one, 
and to engage that & fugitive slave shall be returned to 
his master; for by so doing it becomes particeps crim- 
inis with the slave State itself. 

To illustrate these views, and make the case a very 
clear one, I will suppose that, at the time the Union 
was formed, piracy was an authorized and legalized 
practice in the Southern States — that a large number 
of vessels were permitted by law to engage in this 
enterprise, and that the vessels and cargoes taken by 
these piratical expeditions were considered by the law 
dI' these Slides u Die tegcU property of the captors, and 
were adjudged such by their legal tribunals. It is 
now proposed by them to form a union wilh the 
North ; and in doing this, they maintain that it is nc- 

eessfiiy that the North should recogoize this right in 

them to engage in these piratical expeditions, and 

their right of property in the vessels and cargoes they 
ihould capture ; and that If any of these vessels and 

cargoes should find their way into the Northern 

Stab :■, and bo olalmed by those from whom they 

captured, they should not be given up to them by the 
North, but to the pirates who had captured them ; and 
that they should insist upon a provision in the Nation- 
al Constitution making such a stipulation. Would 
the North, 1 ask, feel justified in making bucIi a stip- 
ulation ; and if they did make it, would they feel 
bound to observe it? Would they feel justified in 
countenancing the doctrine that property obtained in 
this way should be considered and treated as property 
obtained in any other way, and given up, not. to its real 
and bona fide, owner, but to those who had no other 
claim to it than that founded upon piracy'/ I do not 
think they could be brought to consider it in this 
light, or to make such a constitutional stipulation; 
or, if they made it, that they would consider them- 
selves bound to carry it into execution. I believe 
that the State would decide that it was a stipulation 
that they never had a right to make, — that it was a 
clear invasion of the rights and property of others, as 
founded in justice and the laws of all other countries 
of the civilized globe, except these piratical govern- 
ments; and having so decided, they would proceed 
to declare this provision of the Constitution null and 
void, leaving in full operation all other parts of the 
Constitution, which were considered moral and just. 
And no judicial tribunal, National or State, would 
consider itself bound to enforce a law, made under 
uch a constitutional provision, but would treat it as a 
dead letter, totally to be disregarded and contemned. 
Now, the doctrine is maintained by those in favor 
of executing the laws made under the provision of 
the National Constitution relating to fugitive slaves, 
that all provisions of the Constitution, of whatever 
nature, must be recognized and enforced, without any 
regard to their justice or injustice, and that all States 
which have adopted this Constitution, and the indi- 
viduals composing them, are hound to carry out these 
provisions, and can in no way be released from them. 
Now, we have put a case, putting to a test the sound- 
of this doctrine, and shown it to be clearly un- 
sound, and that there may be cases where a provision 
of the Constitution would clearly not be binding; 
and by so doing, we have completely overthrown the 
hole ground upon which the binding force of the 
Fugitive Slave Law rests, so far as it relates to those 
ho believe in its gross injustice and criminality. 
Por if one provision of the Constitution may be ren- 
dered invalid for such a cause, so may another be ; 
and their whole doctrine is overthrown. 

But to continue the parallel between piracy and sla- 
very. I say that the views expressed above in rela- 
tion to piracy apply equally well to slavery. This in- 
stitution, here at the North, is viewed as criminal as 
piracy, and the property held under it as wrongful and 
unjustifiable; and even more so, as the one is the as- 
serted right of property in the souls and bodies of our 
fellow-men, and the other in mere inanimate matter, 
as goods, wares and merchandize. And not only so, 
but that slavery is the actual result of the slave trade, 
which is now legally piracy, as it was always morally 
such, so that the only claim of the owner of a slave 
to a property in him is one founded on piracy, either 
directly, or through a remote ancestor of the existing 
slave. What such a right of property is worth is 
easily understood by those who can appreciate the 
source from which it proceeds, viz., piracy. Why, 
then, entertaining such opinions here at the North, 
have we any more right to recognize the right of 
property in slaves than in vessels captured by. piracy ? 
And why have we any more right to stipulate, by a 
constitutional provision, to return slaves to their mas- 
ters, as their just property, instead of allowing them 
to own themselves, than to return vessels and cargoes 
captured by pirates to the latter, instead of their true 
owners? And why is the State or its citizens, or any 
tribunal, whether State or National, any more bound 
to carry this constitutional stipulation into effect, than 
such a stipulation in regard to pirated property 7 I 
must confess that, for myself, I do not see even so 
iuucii rUft&un, as n. c enormity ^r_o 1(? ^ r i rn e_ari.Jiip,jiasf!.. 
of slavery is so much greater. 

There can be but one possible ground that furnishes 
even a specious justification of slavery, and that is, 
that the African race arc not in fact human beings, 
but brutes, and therefore, like other brutes, are justly 
subjected to the dominion and control of the white 
race, who arc, in fact, the only human beings. But 
no one, even the most inveterate slaveholder, will at- 
tempt to maintain such a ground as this. There are 
differences in intellectual capacity among the African 
race, as there are among the white race, and the 
highest order of the former stand higher in the scale 
of intellectual development than the lowest of the lat- 
ter ; so that if intellect is to be made the standard 
according to which men are to be made slaves, a 
large part of the white race should be reduced to sla- 
very, as well as any portion of the African race. 
And not only so, upon the ground that the whole Afri- 
can race are naturally inferior to the ivhole white race, 
and therefore may be reduced to slavery, it would ne- 
cessarily follow that there should be no free colored 
people, as there are at present, but all indiscriminately 
should be made slaves. And the fact that a large 
portion of the African race, even in the slaveholding 
States, arc allowed to remain free, shows that even in 
these States, they have no confidence in this doctrine 
as a justification of slavery, and do not act upon it. 
In fact, there is no ground upon which slavery can 
;tand but that of gross and unmitigated wrong. Its 
inly title is that of piracy, and that committed upon a 
human being; and it is equally criminal with other 
piracy, and much more so. 

I hold, therefore, that the National Government have 
no right in any way to recognize the institution of 
slavery as legally existing in any territory under the 
jurisdiction and control of the National Government; 
for they have no authority given to them by the Con- 
stitution, from which they derive all their authority, 
for this purpose, but that they are bound both by the 
letter ami spirit of this instrument to abolish it wher- 
ever it exists in the National Territory and in the 
District of Columbia, and by a law of Congress forbid 
that it should ever be introduced into any of the Ter- 
ritories of the United States; and that no compromise 
ever should be acceded to by the free States, with a 
view of conciliating the slave States, let the consciences 
be what they may, which should recognize the legal ex- 
istence of slavery in any way whatever within the 
jurisdiction and sovereignty of the National Govern- 
ment. If the Union cannot be saved but by a sacrifice 
of justice and right, and the enslavement of the col- 
ored race, let it fall 1 My maxim in this, as in all 
other cases, is — "Fiat justitia, runt caelum." 

W. S. A. 


In last Saturday's Springfield Republican, I read that 

Charles C. Burleigh, a rabid Abolitionist, delivered 
a political address at a school-house in West Panns, 
Westfield, Thursday evening, and uttered sentiments 
offensive that a mob gathered and broke up the 
meeting, and celebrated their triumph by making a 
bonfire of the school-house and its contents." 

This statement gives the mob more credit — not 
much, at that, it is true — than they deserve, for it im- 
plies that their riotous demonstration was provoked by 
something "offensive" which they heard in the ad- 
dress. The truth is, they did not wait to know wheth- 
er its "sentiments" would be "offensive" or not; 
but began the disturbance before a word of it was ut- 
tered, and even before the speaker had reached the 
place of meeting. It was enough for them that lie 

was "a Abolitionist," [they filled the blank 

with a different epithet from the Republican's,} and that 
the appointment had been made by "a [epithet re- 
peated] Black Republican." Between these two pes- 
tiferous classes of persons, they evidently saw no ap- 
preciable difference ; for their maledictions were dis- 
tributed between them with entire impartiality, as well 
as the utmost liberality. If you think your readers 
would care to see a correct account of the affair, the 
following is at your disposal. 

On Wednesday evening last, I went to Westfield 
West Farms, to meet an appointment, which, at my 
request, had been made for mo there. Having re- 
peatedly, within the last two or three years, had a 
quiet and attentive hearing there, I went, anticipating 
nothing else at this time. But, on reaching the school- 
house, at the appointed hour, I found a scene of un- 
expected confusion, and soon saw evidence of a pur- 

ise to make disturbance. The house was nearly full 

■some were sitting, some standing — there was a buzz 
of voices — the stove had been thickly sprinkled with 
some substance like pepper, which, in burning, gave 
out a pungent odor, annoying to all in the house. Most 
of the company had come to hear the address ; a few 
— five or six, I think — to prevent its being heard. The 
well-disposed had opened a window to correct the air, 
but could keep it open only by taking the sash entire- 
ly out. 

The chief rioter, whose name I was told was Tyler, 
and whose face bore, in Nature's plain hand-writing, a 
certificate of his fitness for the work he was about, sat 
at the teacher's desk, no doubt to prevent my standing 
there ; and with him sat an old man, of countenance 
no way prepossessing, puffing tobacco-smoke from the 
stump of a pipe blackened by much use. I passed in, 
and, not at first suspecting the purpose of their sitting 
there, laid on the desk a bundle of books and roll of 
portraits, and had hardly more than turned to take a 
survey of the room, when both were violently hurled 
against the stove, and fell to the floor. I took them 
up, and held them in my hands during the remainder 
of my stay in the house. 

The head of the riotous gang now began to vocifer- 
ate that no lecture should be allowed there, protesting, 
with sundry expletives more emphatic than elegant or 
reverent, that we had no right to use the house for 
such purpose. Others replied and remonstrated; 
voices grew high, oaths were frequent, and fists were 
shaken. Seeing the impossibility of making myself 
heard to any advantage, I stood a silent spectator of 
the tumult for a few minutes, then accepted the invita- 
tion of the occupant of a dwelling-house near by, to go 
and give my lecture in that. As I began to move to- 
ward the door, a small specimen of a man met me, 
rudely seized my arm, gave mo a push more spiteful 
than forcible, and said something about tar and feath- 
ers. I walked on as if he had not been in the way, 
and nearly all present went with me to the friendly 
neighbor's house, where we had an undisturbed and 
pleasant meeting. 

At the close of my discourse — as I had no engage- 
ment for the next evening — I proposed to speak again 
i—ii.-.vr' in t-Jm.t reg-ion. and, being promptly invited 
to do so at the same house, made 

half an hour or so in social converse, we dispersed. 
When 1 passed the school-houBe, with the friends who 
made me their guest for the night, the company had 
gone, and all was still and dark. Two or three hours 
later, the voices of my host and his family roused me 
from sleep, and, looking out, I saw the school-house 
on fire, and evidently too far gone for any chance of 
saving it. Probably at the overturning of the stove, a 
few coals had fallen unperceived through the floor, and 
from them the fire had' kindled ; though, as I heard 
next morning, there were suspicions that, after the 
people had gone home, some of the rioters returned, 
and purposely set the house on fire. Be that as it 
may, one thing is certain, that, in one way or the other, 
the school-house was made a whole burnt-offering to 
the demon-deity whose worship is the suppression of 
free speech for freedom. And what could be in better 
keeping? If thought is to be stifled and utterance 
choked, in order that slavery may go unrebuked, what 
is the need or use of school-houses ? Why should not 
ignorance go with barljarism ? 

Florence, 1st mo. 8th, 1861. 


Cincinnati, Ohio, Jan. 9, 1861. 
EniTon Liberator: 

In your last issue, you announce that the Dial is to 
be discontinued. Please correct this as soon as you 
can. The Dial is changed from a Monthly to a Quar- 
terly Magazine, but counts yet on a long battle for the 
liberty of Man. It hopes to give good papers, during 
the year, from Emerson, Curtis, Thoreau, Sanborn, 
Howells, Furncss, Joel and Myron Benton, and 0. B. 
Frothingham. It claims to be the freest magazine in 
America; and if it dies, 'twill be of telling the truth 
to despots of mind and body. Prom all who care to 
the extent of two hundred cents whether such an 
organ "is voted up or voted down," I shall hope to hear. 
Yours for good drainage, whatever frog-ponds be 
broken up, M. D. CONWAY. 

Anti-Slavery Festival and Anniversary. We 

trust it will only be necessary to remind the friends of 
our cause, that the Annual Subscription-Festival will 
be held on Wednesday evening next, at Music Hall, 
lsurc a large and brilliant assembly, ready to tes- 
tily their abiding interest and unwearied zeal in behalf 
of the grandest movement of the age, by contributing 
generously of their means for its completion, whether 
it be the widow's two mites, or donations on the largest 
scale- For particulars, see advertisement in another 
column ; and do not fail to read the admirable state- 
ment of the case from the. pen of Mrs. Chapman. 

The annual meeting of the Massachusetts Anti- 
Slavery Society will commence in the Tremont Tem- 
ple, on Thursday morning next, nt half-past 10 o'clock. 
Its members and friends in the various country towns 
will, it is hoped, bo strongly represented. 

6bsd in the Petitions. The petitions for put- 
ting mi effectual end to Blare-hunting in Massachu- 
setts should he irnnndintely forwarded for prcscnta- 

liun to the Legislature. They ean be sent either to 
the Anti-Slavery Office, 2'1Y Washington Street, or i<> 
On' Representatives of the various towns from which 
they emanate. Those who have ubtyel pm their Big- 
natures to them Should do so with all alucrily. Before 
Dod, and by the law of eternal justice, what moral 

difference is there between the act of kidnapping on 

iIm' 008 i (if Al'i ien, and consenting to the re capture of 

Hi-- panting fugitive on our own noil ? 

appointment ac- 
cordingly. But the next day, some who were indig- 
nant at what they considered a violation of their right 
to hear peaceably in their school-house, resolved to try 
again to assert that right. They got permission of the 
District Committee man to use the house, and an- 
nounced that the meeting would be there. [I learned 
in the morning, what I did not know before, that per- 
mission had not been asked for the first evening, be- 
cause, as I was told, it had been customary to use the 
house for meetings without that formality, and no ob- 
jection was anticipated, as none had ever before been 

When we met the second evening, no disturbers 
were at first present, and it was said that the mob- 
leader had declared that he should not molest us. But 
either the report or his declaration proved false, for I 
had spoken hardly more than fifteen minutes when he 
appeared, and standing in the door, with his gang be- 
hind him, began a clamorous interruption. Some 
within tried to prevail on him to be quiet, and to let 
the door be shut, but he only grew more noisy, till 
several of the young men, provoked beyond their 
power of self-restraint, (some " Democrats " among 
them, not liking perhaps that'the reputation of their 
party should be compromised by the bully's conduct,) 
rushed upon him to put him out. A scene of wild 
confusion followed ; struggling and pushing and blows, 
swearing and threats and defiance, making altogether 
a tumult in which it was, of course, useless to try to 
proceed with my address, and I stood looking on in 
silence. In the strife, one rioter seized some of my 
hooks which were spread on the desk before me, and 
hurled them furiously at his antagonists; but my 
friends gathered them up, and returned them to me. 
While the battle raged, one of the mob snatched the 
loose legs of the stove from under it on one side, and 
overturned it, pouring the fire out upon the floor, and 
filling the room with smoke. My friends speedily re- 
placed it, and, as they supposed, gathered up and put 
back alt the coals. It having become manifest that 
the rioters were strong enough to prevent my being 
heard, I again decided to leave the house, and repair 
to the kind neighbor's, (the invitation being renewed,) 
where we met the evening before. I had packed my 
books and put on my coat for this purpose, when a new 
phase of the affair appeared. It seems that, doubtful 
of their success in one way, the mob had planned 
another — had sent to Westfield for a lawyer who was 
also a Justice of the Peace, and a police officer, and 
that these dignitaries had been in the house during a 
part of the time of the struggle just described; the 
man of "a little brief authority," the magistrate-law- 
yer, had made out a warrant to arrest me on a charge 
of assault, using as complainant the fellow who had 
assaulted me the evening before. The poor fellow's 
notions of personal identity had, it seems, become so 
confused in the tumult that, mistaking me for himself, 
aud himself for me, he swore to a complaint against 
me for his own act upon me. The officer came to me, 
warrant in hand, but, instead of making the arrest, 
told mc that the movers of the prosecution would 
withdraw it, if I would leave the school-house. I re- 
plied, in substance, that if he wished to give me a mo- 
tive for going, he was too late, as I hail already re- 
solved to go for another reason, the impossibility of 
making myself heard there; if he wished to hasten 
my going, he was too soon, for now I must stop awhile 
longer, to inquire into this new shape of the case, and 
that I was curious to see the man who had sworn lo 
such a ridiculously false accusation. The man was 
called out, and stood forward, not — I thought — with 
the greatest alacrity or an air of the utmost, conlidenee. 
and I subjected him to a brief cross-questioning which 
he evidently did not. enjoy ; although, of course, wilh 
his instigators and backers about him, he still stood to 
his lie, and Ihey echoed it. But he soon slunk hark 
among the crowd. Having given his associates :t con- 
cise expression of my estimate of the whole uiiiur, ami 

then Invited all who wished lo hear mc fiirlher lo I'ol 
low me lo thi> neighboring dwelling-luuise again, 1 led 

tin- way thither, Some followed; some stayed to 
speak thtir minds also to the rioters. Oo reaching the 

house, 1 found the evening so far spent that I eon- 
eluded not to resume my discourse, and lifer pas sin g 



The Ladies who have for so many years received the Sub- 
scriptions of their friends to the Cause, ask the favor of 
their company, as usual, at this time of tho year, on 
WEDNESDAY EVENING, the 23d of January, 
in Music Hall, Boston. 
As accidental omissions are almost unavoidable, even of 
those whose company is most desired, the Ladies hasten to 
say that ALL wlto hnte slavery, and wish to become subscribers 
to the funds for its peaceful, immediate abolition, without 
expatriation, may obtain special invitations (without which 
no party is ever admitted) at the Anti-Slavery Office, 221 
Washington Street, and of the Ladies at their respective 




— -eAium- -H.-aarTHWrrTC. 
[£^" The friends of the Cause in distant cities, or in coun- 
try towns, with whom we have been so long in correspon- 
dence, are earnestly entreated, for the sake of tho Cause, 


Collection* by Saliie llolhy : 

Millhury, 8 3ti ; Brookfield, 7 66 ; Andover, 7 ; 
Mrs. E. B. Chase, 5 ; A friend, 1 CH ; Newbury- 
port, 7 25 ; Diamond Plain, 12 ; Went Wren- 
thain, 4 21 ; Barnstable, 2 08 ; North Dennis, 

3 70 ; East Dennh-, i 'I'd ; Harwich, 9 ; Hyan- 
nin, '■> 02 ; Centreville, 4 ; .Mr.-, Kufwcll Mareton, 
2 ; Oflterviilo, 8 32 ;, B ; I'n.vineetown, 
C 27 ; Manvifle, It. I. 3 43 ; Eaat Greenwich, 
do. 4 23 ; Canton, Mass., 5 34 ; East Necdham, 

4 30 ; North Berwick, 3 ; JauicsN. Buflura,i0 ; 
Franklin, 3 57 ; Weat Mcdway, a 53 ; friend*, 

'2 ; Fall River, 10 ; a friend, 1, 150 

Collection* by A. T. Foes t 
Contributions at Fall River, S10 ; Wm. Barker, 1 ; 
Wm. Howlaud, 1 ; New Bedford, '20 ; Lawrence, 
191. $30 


Annual New York State Anti-Slavery Convention will be 
held at Albany, in Association Hall, Monday evening, 
Tuesday and Wednesday, afternoon and evenings, Feb. i, 5, 
0. Hon. Gcrrit Smith, Lucretia Mott, Rev. Beriah Green, 
Ernestine L. Rose, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Oliver John- 
son, Rev. S. J. May, Aaron M. Powell, Susan B. Anthony 
and others will address tho Convention. 

Afternoon sessions will commence at half-past 1 o'clock. 
Admission free. Evening sessions at half-past 7 o'clock. 
Admission, 10 cents. 

JE^- SIXTEENTH COURSE.— The Eighth Lecture he- 
fore the Salem Female Anti-Slavery Society will be given 
by Rev. FnEnunicK Feothisgham, of Portlend, on Sun- 
day evening, 20th January, in Lyceum Hall, at 7 o'clock. 

.The Ninth Lecture will be given the following Tuesday 
evening, 22d inst., by Rev. J. M. Masxikg, of Boston, 
in e same place. Admittance fivec ente. 

Cakoli.vb Balch, Rec. Sec. 

MANCHESTER, N. H-— A. T. Foss, Hesrt C. 

Wkighi and J. M. Hawks will speak in Manchester, N. 
II., Sunday, Jan. 20, day and evening. 

f£T H. FORD DOUGLASS will ipeak at Neponset, Mon- 
day evening, Jan. 12. 

U3f H. FORD DOUGLASS will speak at East Abing- 
ton, Sunday, Jan. 27, afternoon and evenin . At Bridge- 
water, Tuesday, Jan. 31. 

&T WOMAN'S RIGHTS.— The Second Annual New 
York State Woman's Rights Convention will bo held afe 
ALBANY, in Association Hall, Thursday and Friday, 
afternoons and evenings, Feb. 7 and 8. 

Lucretia Mott, Ernestine L. Rose, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 
Hon. Gerrit Smith, Rov. Beriah Green, Rev. S. J. May, 
Aaron "M. Powell, Susan B. Anthony, and others, will ad- 
dress the Convention. 

Afternoon sessions at half-past 2 o'clock. Admission free. 
Evening sessions at half-past 7 o'clock. Admission 10 eta. 

JST FREE DISPENSARY, for Women and Children, 
274 Washington street, Boston. Open every day, from 12 
to 1 o'clock. 

Tho above institution (in connection with the Ladies' 
Medical Academy) is now open for the gratuitous treat- 
ment of Women and Children, and for Surgical Patients of 
both sexes. Difficult cases may have tho benefit of a Con- 
sultation on Wednesdays, at 12 o'clock. 

Midwifery. Attendance by duly qualified female prac- 
titioners will bo provided for the poor, at their own homes, 
free of rkorgre. 

E^"MRS. M. B. JACKSON, M. D-, having had fifteen 
years' experience in the Homoeopathic treatment of dis- 
eases, offers her professional services to the Ladies and 
Children of Boston and vicinity. 

References.— David Thayer, M. D. ; Luther Clark, M. T 
John M- Tarball, M. D., Boston. Eliphalet Clark, M, J 
Portland, Me. 

Rooms No. 34 Bowdoin and 10 AUston streets. Offica 
hours from 2 to 4, P. M. 

at this moment of hope and cheer, when the very evidences 
gross make it difficult to raise money in large sums,— 
e up collections in their respective neighborhoods ; 
using all diligence to make the amount of smaller subscrip- 
tions supply any deficiency the hard times may possibly 
occasion in tho larger ones. Now, as the very time for tho 
most efficient expenditure, should be tho time of most de- 
voted effort. It is to he hoped that nr'a town in any State 
we have ever had correspondence, nor an individual 
whoso heart is in unison with ours on this subject, will bo 
found wanting to our list. We have ample opportunity to 
know that there are many such at the South, as well as at 
the North, for we are not exclusively of Northern birth, 
nor all free from the painful remembrance of havJDg once 
been slaveholders. We hope to welcome as many as pos- 
sible at the evoning reception ; — at all events, to receive 
their subscriptions by letter. Some of the ladies will be 
ready, while directing the arrangements for the evening 
reception, to welcome and receive the subscriptions of all 
their friend3 who prefer to make their calls during tho day. 

fl^~ The Germania Baud will fill the pauses of conversa- 
tion in tho evening. The guests may leave cloaks and 
shawls in the care of the attendants at the entrance and in 
the ante-rooms. 

fl3F" Each invitation must bo countersigned by tho guest, 
as last year, before presenting at the door. 

jE^" Tho guests who have not already received special 
invitations, will find them at tho Anti-Slavery Office, 221 
Washington street. 

$3T BESSIE S. LOCKWOOD, M. D., JVo. 34 Auburn 
Street, Boston. Particular attention paid to tho Diagno- 
sis and Treatment of Chronic Diseases. 
a^vB Hours from 11, A.M., tiU 2, P.M. Nov.23— 3m 

*T SITUATION WANTED.— A lady who has had 

large experience in matters of house-keeping, and who ia 
eminently qualified satisfactorily to discharge the duties 
connected therewith, desires a situation either as house- 
keeper, or matron of some establishment, either ia this 
city or vicinity. The best of references given. Address 
5., Anti-Slavery Office, 221 Washington street. 

if If Mr. Henry Alexander will call on R. F. Wallcut, 

at 221 Washington street, he will find the document which 
he left at 26 Essex street. 

MARRIED— In this city, Jan. 7, by Rev. L. A. Grimes, 
Elijah W. Smith to Eliza Rilet. 

Johs Wm. Teamoh to Florence P. Gavlt. 

In Northampton, Jan. 9, Hexrv M. Burt, Editor of 

the Northampton Free Press, to Frasces A. Hrsr, daugh- 
ter of Seth Hunt, Esq. 

The British Reviews, 


Blackwood's Magazine. 

• • 

THE LONDON QUARTERLY, (Conservative.) 





runr.isiiEn by the 


AND to be obtained at the 

Anti-Slavery Offices, 5 Beekman Street, New 

York ; 107 North Fifth Street, Philadelphia ; 

15 Steuben Street, Albany ; and 221 

"Washington Street, Boston. 

?o. I. — Correspondence between Lydta Maria Child and 
Governor Wise and Mrs. Mason, of Virginia. 
pp. 28. 5 conts. 

Jo. 2. — Victor Hugo on American Slavery, with letters 
of other distinguished individuals, via., Do 
Tocqucvillo, Mamni, Humboldt, Lafayette, 4o. 
pp. 24. 6 cents. 

Jo. 3. — An Account of some of the Principal Slave Insur- 
rections during tho last two Centuries. By 
Joshua Coffin, pp. 3C. 5 aonts. 

So. 4. — Tho Now Reign of Terror in tho Slaveholding 
States, for 1859 and 18C0. pp. H4. 10 cents. 

No. 5. — Daniel O'Conncll on Amerienn Slavery ; with 
other Irish Testimonies, pp. 48. 5 conts. 

No- 6. — Tho Right Way tho Safe Way, proved by 
Emancipation in tho West Indies and olse- 
whore. By L. Maria Child, pp. 95. 10 cents. 

No. 7. — Testimonies of Capt. John Brown at Harper's 
Forry, with his Address to tho Court, pp. 1G. 
3 conts. 

No. 8. — Tho Philosophy of tho Abolition MoTWBtnti 
By Wust'E'.t. rmi.ui'S. pp. 17. Scents. 

No. 0, — The Duty of llhinbeilieiieo to the Fugitive Slavo 
Act I An Appeal to tho Legislators of MnWMba- 
Botl*i. By It. Mauia Ciiu.n. pp. 86, ft conts. 

No. 10. — Tho Infidelity of Abolitionism. By Wu, 
Li.ovn llAimisoN. pp. 12. :!.-i'iUs. 

No. 11. — Bpsoob. of Joan HMMok, oomiotod ofi Yiw. 

latiou of the Fugitivo Slave Act at Chicago, 111. 

pp. I' 1 . ,1 oonta. 
No. 12 The l'ati'iiin'liiil Institution, as described by 

Members of its Own Fninily. Compiled by L. 

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For the Liberator. 


Stand firm, New England ! — ualm and cool 

Be thy deliberations noiv ; 
Though madness in the South may rule, 

Still, Freedom cluims thino altar-vow ; 
Of what for Freedom thou bast wrought, 
Bato not a shade of word or thought ! 
Heed not Oppression's angry waves ! 

Concession ne'er would still tho storm ; 
Thy free-born sons to chattel slaves, 

Peace to ensure, though thou transform, 
1 Give, give,' the slave-fiend still would cry ; 
No boon would over satisfy ! 
Inglorious peace thou wilt not crave, 

Freedom and honor dwell with thee, 
No son of thine can bo a slave, 

Thy mountains and thy plains are free ; 
Then, if a hunted bondman come, 
New England may he make his Home ! 

From the Harvard Magazine. 
Bright year of promise ! ushered in 

By ransomed millions' loud acclaim, 
Who now a nobler life begin, 

Redeem' d from Slavery's curse and shame 1 
The Russian serf, but yesterday 

A slave to the insensate sod, 
No more a tyrant must obey, 

But bows before the freeman's God. 

Yet not alone by Baltic's tide 

This morn the sun of freedom shines, 
But walks, with more than regal pride, 

Above the classic Apennines. 
For Italy, so long cast down 

'Neath Despotism's iron heel, 
Mindful, at last, of old renown, 

Draws, not in vain, th' avenging steel. 
Now by the Tiber's storied wave, 

And Adriatic's silver flood, 
Striking for freedom or a grave, 

Tho patriot sheds his dearest blood. 
Base Bomba from his hated throne 

By Garibaldi's hand is burled ; 
And Freedom's fruitful seed is sown 

Amid the plaudits of the world. 

glorious Sixty-one, all hail ! 

From distant Ural's snowy pines 
The songs of Freedom swell thy gale, 

To 'the fair Southern Land of YineH. 
So may we feel that healthful breeze 

Sweep hither on. its saving way, 
Our tyrants' hearts with terror seize, 

And speed Emancipation's day. 

Though now whore Santee's waters flow, 

And by Fort Moultrie's blood-stained wall, 
Born to a heritage of woo, 

Bows 'neath the lash the Afric thrall, 
God grant the contest now begun 

May bid tho bondman's fetters fall ; 
Then shall wo sing thee, Sixty-one, 

The year most glorious of all ! 

From the Boston Journal. 


As within my chamber musing, 
^3Vatching the departing year, 
Listening to the tread of angels, 
"Waiting still their notes to hear ; 

Lo ! I hear the spirit voices 

Of the dying year exclaim : 
Have you used tho moments wisely, 

Or has been my gift in vain ? 

Have you tried to help.the needy 1 

Have you soothed the bed of pain ? 
Have you lifted up the lowly, 

Nojhave deemed your labor vain T 

If a single ray of sunshine 

Gleamed within the cottage door, 
Or a heart was made more grateful 

Tn the dwellings of the poor 1 
Have you wept with weeping mourners? 

Have you dried their falling tears? 
Have you pointed them to Jesus, 

When you gained their listening ear 7 

Have you tried to be more useful, 

As the hours flew 3wiftly by, 
And to bear with greater patience 

AH the ills you could not fly 7 

Have you learned the one great lesson 
Which our Father fain would teach — 

That the trials and temptations 
Which His wisdom gives to each, 

Are the rounds in life's rough ladder, 
Which our toiling feet must press, 

Ere we see His glory dawning 
From the Mount of Holiness? 

If you have, the year in passing 

Has not fled for you in vain, 
Bat the Lord of all the harvest 
Has secured His golden grain. 
No. 3i Bowdoin street. M. B. J. 


If we knew the cares and crosses 

Crowding round our neighbor's way ; 
If we knew the little losses, 

Sorely grievous day by day ; . 
Would we then so often chide him 

For the lack of thrift and gain — 
Leaving on his heart a shadow. 

Leaving on hi3 heart a ^stain ? ' 

If we knew the clouds above us, 

Held by gentle blessings there, 
Would wc turn away all trembling, 

In our blind and weak despair ? 
Would wo shrink from little shadows, 

Lying on the dewy grass, 
While 'tis only birds of Eden, 

Just in mercy flying past 1 

If we knew the silent story, 

Quivering through the heart of pain, 
Would our womanhood dare doom them 

Bock to haunts of guilt again ? 
Life hath many a tangled crossing, 

Joy hath many a break of woe, 
And the cheeks, tear-washed, arc whitest ; 

This tho blessed angels know. 

Let us reach into our bosoms 
For the key to other lives, 
And with love toward erring nature, 

Cherish good that still survives ; 
So that when our disrobed apirits 
Soar to realms of light again, 
We may say, Dear Father, judge iu 
As we judge our fellow-men ! 


Eemember him, the villain, righteous Heaven, 

thy great day of vengeance, and blast the traitor, 
And his pernicious counsel, who, for wealth, 
For power, the pride of greatness, or rovengo, 
Would plunge his nativo land in civil war ! 


Is there not some chosen curse, 
Some hidden thunder in the stores of Heaven, 
Red with uncommon wroth, to blast tho man 
Who owes his greatness to his country's ruin? 



Ho stands as tho grave old prophet stood, 
Proclaiming the truth of tho living God — 
Pouring reproof on the ears of men, 
Whose hearts aro at cono in their follyand sin, 
With a challenge of guilt still anforgiven, 
To tho soul unfitted, unmeet for Heaven. 

Are you for Liberty, or for Slavery? — The Mttjhfy Is- 
sue — The one Great Test of the Nineteenth Centu- 
ry — The Doom of all who befriend Slavery. 

West Randolph, (Vt.) January 4, 1861. 
Wbi. Lloyd Gaekison : 

Mr Fiuend — Great and intense is the excitement 
among the Green Mountains. The dissolution of the 
American Union — the, downfall of the Republic, the 
model Republic — tho cowardice and treachery of Bu- 
chanan — the deliberate treachery of Floyd and Cobb, 
who have controlled the Treasury and the military 
the past four years, and used all their power and in- 
fluence to throw money and arms into South Carolina 
and other slave States, to enable them to secede and 
resist the Federal Government, all carried on under 
the eye and in presence of the President, and he taking 
no steps to prevent the treachery, and to preserve the 
government ! Deep, loud and bitter are the curses 
poured upon them all by those whose homes are amid 
these valleys and upon these mountains. Multitudes 
await around the stations and post-offices, on the arri- 
val of every train and mail, all eager to get the la- 
test news from Washington and Charleston. 

Even now the people can hardly believe that slave- 
holders can be the embodiment of the 'sum of all 
villany.' They are amazed at such fraud, treach- 
ery, lying, theft, robbery and plunder as are prac- 
tised by the slaveholders, though their eyes see and 
their ears hear it all. They are unwilling to believe 
that a slaveholder is of necessity a thief and robber, 
and that he can, in the nature of things, have no re- 
spect for property, or personal and family rights. One 
man, who had ever opposed Abolitionists, and pleaded 
for the character and rights of slaveholders, said, the 
other day, respecting the secession traitors, " D — n 
them ! they are determined to prove themselves to 
be just what the Abolitionists have declared them to 
be, the meanest and vilest of all thieves and robbers." 
It is very hard for priests and politicians to admit 
that we have never applied an epithet to slaveholders 
which they did not deserve. 

But I took my pen to say to all true friends of lib- 
erty and enemies of slavery, amid this storm and tem- 
pest of revolution, when the Repuhlic, in its present 
form, is hastening to its final doom, do not lose sight 
of the one'great issue — Liberty or Slavery. This is now, 
and ever has been, the sole and single issue — the one 
only test : Are you for Liberty, or for Slavery ? Thirty 
years ago, you and your coadjutors made that issue 
before the nation and the world, and, ever since, we 
have been applying it as a test to Church and State. 
Are you the friend of liberty, or of slavery ? This has 
been applied to priests, deacons, Christians and 
churches ; to politicians, legislators, judges, govern- 
ors and presidents. Are the Bible and Constitution, 
are the creeds of churches and political parties, for 
liberty, or for slavery ? We have said — Down with 
the Bible ! Down with the Constitution! Down with 
Democracy ! Down with Whiggery ! Down with 
the Repuhlic! Down with all religions, governments, 
and gods — that cannot exist without enslaving men ! Let 
men be sacred in "life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- 
piness " — and let all things perish that must exist by 
desecrating and imbruting man ! This has been the 
sole and single issue of Abolitionists, and to this test 
have all institutions and customs, social, ecclesiastical 
and political, been brought. 

Before this God-appointed test, down went the Meth- 
odist church, as a jia^'oHarorganization. Then down 
went the Baptist denomination. Then followed the 
Presbyterian combination. The entire South went 
for the " sum of all villany," the North for liberty, 
(politically.) But all the ecclesiastical bodies of the 
country have bowed, and done homage to the test, to 
some extent— at least sn-fo-^ fn™J« *u aiaven'OTuers 
feel that they were on trial before the religious tribu- of the land, as convicted murderers and pirates. 
The same test — Are you for liberty, or for slavery 3 
was applied to political combinations. Down went the 
Know-Nothing party. Then,' down went the Whig 
party. Then, down went the Democratic party. 
As national organizations, they all went for slavery ; 
and where are they ? With the dead past — no more to 
take part in the mighty and glorious conflict between 
Liherty and Slavery. And now, as the last crowning 
triumph of Liberty, down has gone the American 
Union ! — this great American Republic, which had 
by her loud and continued boasts of liberty attracted 
the gaze of mankind. But her staple article of trade 
proved to be "slaves and the souls of sien." 
Abolitionists asked the American Republic — " Art 
thou for liberty, or for slavery 1 " The Republic an- 
swered, " For slavery " — and sank, to rise no more. 

Thus have gone down to death and oblivion, as 
national institutions, all our ecclesiastical and political 
combinations. With them have passed from the po- 
litical horizon all our Northern statesmen, our Web- 
sters, our Fillmores, our Pierces, our Douglases, 
our Cushings, our Bell-Everetts, our Choates, who 
have taken part in the mighty struggle. They went 
for slavery — the Benedict Arnolds in the camp of 
Freedom — and have shrunk away. One yet remains, 
the arch traitor of all — so far as he had power to be — 
and James Buchanan now hangs over the yawning 
gulf of oblivion, into which he is soon to plunge, amid 
the scorn and contempt and bitter execrations of an 
insulted and betrayed nation. Even those for whom 
he has sacrificed his manhood spit upon him, and 
turn from him with loathing, as from some weak and 
cowardly reptile. 

Thus must it ever be from this day forth and for- 
ever ; for, in this conflict between Liberty and Slave- 
ry, the friends of Liberty can never retreat, nor stay 
their warfare, till the friends of Slavery have ceased 
to pollute the earth. In this hour of revolution, 
when our political institutions, so far as they are for 
slavery, are being dashed to pieces, may Abolition- 
ists never forget the secret of their power — i. e., un- 
compromising fidelity to liberty — uncompromising hostility 
to slavery. Liberty and Slavery ! the two great an- 
tagonistic ideas and institutions of the continents of 
Europe, Asia, Africa, as well as of America ! There 
can be no truce between them. Seventy years of ef- 
fort, on a national arena, by the greatest intellects of 
the world, to blend and harmonize these two moral 
contradictions, have proved utterly ineffectual. For a 
time, it seemed as if slavery was destined to win the 
day; but "The Liberator" came to. the rescue; 
and, after revealing to the astonished world the facts 
and horrors of slavery as they exist under the sanc- 
tion of the American Church and Republic, called 
around the standard of liberty the self-forgetting, self- 
sacrificing and truly heroic of two [continents, and 
from that day the minions of slavery have been as- 
sailed and driven from one hiding place to another, 
until now they are compelled to appear in their true 
character — as kidnappers and pirates — as impersona- 
tions of the "sum of all villany." And all has been 
gained, solely, by an earnest and persevering applica- 
tion of the test — Arc you for liberty, or for sluvcry ? Slave- 
holders, slave-breeders, slave-traders, slave-hunters, 
slave-drivers, are on trial before the tribunal of God 
and humanity, as thieves, and robbers, and kidnap- 
pers, and pirates — as perpetrators of rape and incest — 
as those who sell their own daughters and sisters to 
prostitution, and grow fat on the blood and tears of 
the innocent and the helpless. The verdict of God 
was ever against them. The verdict of humanity is 
being rendered against them. 

You, dear Garrison, have led the van in this tri- 
umph of truth over falsehood, of justice over injus- 
tice, of purity over impurity, of liberty over slavery ; 
and, so far as you and your coadjutors are concerned) 
it has heen accomplished without violence, or threats 
of violence, but simply by the consistent and stern ap- 
plication of the test — Aveyoufhr liberty, &■ for slavery f 
to the domestic, social, ecclesiastical, political, com- 
mercial and literary life of the uatfOSi Helper, In 
hie " Impending Crisis," has truly given, in a brief 

formula, the secret of your power, and the weapons 
of your warfare ; i. e. — 

"No co-operation with slaveholders in politics. 
No fellowship with them in religion. 
No affiliation with them in society. 
No patronage to slaveholding merchants. 
No guestship in slave-waiting hotels. 
No fees lo slaveholding lawyers. 
No employment to slavehotding physicians.] 
No audience lo sbiveholding parsons. 
No recognition of pro-slavery men, 
except as ruffians, outlaws and criminals." 

Tims applying the simple test, you and your co- 
laborers have laid low in dust the pro-slavery organi- 
zations in Church and State, as national institutions ; 
and the people are driven to reconstruct their cccle- 
siaslical and polilieal institutions on the new basis — 
i. e., Wholly for Liuerty, or wholly for Slave- 
ry. The principle of compromise between these two 
irreconcilable and eternal moral antagonisms can no 
more be the basis of a religious or political organisa- 

For liberty? or for slavery ? The issue is distinct. 
No man, no church, no government, no god, can he 
for both. All in heaven and earth must be wholly for 
one, or wholly for the other. No god, no man, no Bi- 
ble, no constitution can befriend both, and succeed. 
Wholly for liberty, or wholly for slavery ! No man 
can serve God and Mammon. No man can be for 
Christ and against him. All that is for liberty must 
be the undying foe of slavery ; all that is for slavery 
must be the eternal enemy of liberty. 


P. S. Dear Garrison, I am with your friends 
James and Abby Hutchinson. You will not be for- 
gotten in this family amid the Green Mountains, 
where you, as a most welcome guest, have been en- 
tertained. They only wish you to come again, ac- 
companied by Mrs. Garrison. I hope you will do 
so, should another summer find you battling for liberty 
in bodily form. It is a beautiful world amid these 
snow and forestcapped mountains ; and James and 
Abby Hutchinson nobly and personally battle for tho 
rights of man among the sons and daughters of Ver- 

There is great and general satisfaction throughout 
the State, so far as I can learn, that the Legislature so 
promptly refused to repeal her Personal Liberty Bill. 
Can it be that the dear Old Bay State will repeal her 
laws for the protection of personal liberty on her soil, 
at the bidding of kidnappers — even though the alter- 
native be the entire dissolution of the Union ? If she 
does, her infamy will be complete. 

How about the Annual Meeting ? Will the Bell- 
Everetts, headed by Fay, attempt to mob it 1 Thou- 
sands would go down from tho Green Mountains, I 
believe, to save the Old Bay State, and New Eng- 
land's metropolis, from such a deed of infamy, if they 
believed the attempt would be made. 

This is Buchanan's Fast! It is truly refreshing, 

real relishing," to hear that traitor to his God and 
country, after, by his imbecility, cowardice and treach- 
ery, guiding the ship of State amid rocks and break- 
ers, call on the nation to pray to God to keep it from 
being dashed in pieces. The call is treated with much 
contempt in Vermont, and those who do fast and pray, 
fast and pray that God would remove speedily the 
cowardly traitor who has led the nation into its peril. 
I thank God the slaveholding Republic has reached 
its doom, though no thanks to the imbecile, slave- 
hunting President that doomed it. 

At the close of next Sunday, Jan. 6th, I shall have 
lectured in Vermont twenty times in sixteen days — 
besides attending three conferences. All ears are 
open to hear — all hearts open to feel. Consternation 
is in all the laud. At what 1 At the downfall of a 
Government which has been, from its beginning, the 
friend of slavery and enemy of liberty — an insult to 
God, and an outrage upon humanity — A covenant 


consternation is felt over four millions of men and 
women turned.inta _nKo±t-J-, ~.m.a im\rgnu ana- soior as 
brutes. Over this crime of the nation, with its at- 
tendant horrors, there is no moral indignation, no con- 
sternation ; but over the downfall of the Republic that 
perpetrates the deed, ail hearts quail, all faces are 
paled. With thanksgiving and the voice of melody 
do I behold this consummation, for which I have so 
long preyed and labored. H. C. W. 

olilkmisls had no, reason to cease from their labors, 
at the seeming approach of the dawning of that day 
for which they have so long looked, but '.that they 
should work on until their hopes were fully realized. 
At the close of the meetings, a vote of thanks 
was unanimously passed, tendering the thanks of the 
audience to the speakers for their faithful, earnest and 
eloquent addresses. 

Yours, for the cause of humanity, 

II. L. S. 

jlrlrftfi %XtuU&. 


Laweence, Jan. 3, 1860. 
Mr. Garrison : 

Dear Sir — The Essex County Anti-Slavery Soci- 
ety held its quarterly meeting at Lawrence Hall in this 
city, on Sunday, 30th nit. It held three sessions, at 
all of which Mr. A. T. Foss spoke. Mr. Charles L. 
Remond spoke briefly in the afternoon. There was a 
very good attendance in the morning, the hall was 
well filled in the afternoon, and crowded in the eve- 
ning; and mostly by those who, seemingly, were 
ready and anxious to hear the real truth — and the 
truth was candidly and fearlessly spoken. There was 
much good anti-slavery seed sown, and, I trust, some 
of it, at least, fell on good ground. At the opening 
of the meeting, Mr. Foss said the meetings were free 
to all. If any had a thought to utter for or against 
the cause he was advocating, they would have liberty 
and opportunity to utter it. If any wished, they 
could ask questions at any time, or dissent from 
any thing he might say, only that their questions 
should be confined to the points under discussion, and 
they should make no display of rowdyism. 

He then said slavery was like a pyramid standing on 
its apex, supported on either side by the Church, the 
Constitution, and commercial interest; and his work 
was to knock away these props, and let the wicked 
institution fall to the ground. And this he went about 
doing with a vigorous hand. He showed, in a clear 
and forcible manner, sustained by many facts, the 
complicity of the Church with slavery, pointed 
out the compromises in the Constitution support- 
ing the "peculiar institution," and closed by say- 
ing that, if we could induce men to obey the 
voice of God speaking in their own souls, instead 
of these outward authorities, there would be a speedy 
end to slavery. His thorough examination of the 
so-called " Christian church " caused some of the birds 
in the theological nest to flutter, but, I think, on the 
whole, it did some good, as it showed that the knife 
penetrated to the quick, and that there is life away 
down beneath the outward crust. 

In the afternoon and evening, he discussed the 
following resolutions : — 

Resolved, That the Union of these States was 
formed by a compromise of the rights of man, and 
was therefore wrong in its inception, and could only 
be disastrous in its progress, and sure of an igno- 
minious end. 

Resolved, That a union of liberty and slavery is 
impossible, and we rejoice in the prospect of the de- 
struction of the abortion, called the " American 

In support of the resolutions, ho referred to tho 
articles in regard to representation, and the importa- 
tion of such persons as any State should think proper, 
and the rendition of fugitives, &c, and claimed that 
therein was a compromise of the rights of man. 

lb 1 said the demoralized stale of the press, the pul- 
pit and political parties, showed that its progress had 
been disastrous ; and the fact that South Carolina had 
seceded, and that other States were about to do wo, 
for the purpose of continuing slavery, proved Eh&tll 
must come to an ignominious end. lie said it; was as 
impossible to unite liberty and slavery as it would be 
to unite fire and gunpowder — that the struggle that 
had been going on between them since the formation 
Of llii.i government proved this to he true, and that we 
should rejoice at ihc prospect of the destruction of 
the American Union, for in its destruclion we have 
every reason to hope for the abolition of slavery. 

a i'hT- 1 in- <i(,.*-Lh:. r :i-pn, (he resolution! were passed by 

a large majority. 

Mr. ijeiiioud's remarks were confined chiefly to 

the present crisis in politico} alliiirs. lie said llie ah 


According to previous announcement, this con- 
vention met at St. James Hall, yesterday afternoon. 
A very limited number of persons were in attend- 
ance, most of whom had been drawn to the place by 
curiosity. Miss Susan B. Anthony called the meet- 
ing to order, after which the Rev. Beriah Green 
proceeded to deliver an address at some considera- 
ble length. 

In the evening, an audience, very little larger 
than that in attendance in the afternoon, assembled, 
among whom were to be noticed several colored 
men, and a few ladies. Susan, as usual, opened the 
ball, called the house to order, and introduced Mrs. 
Elizabeth Cady Stanton. Elizabeth immediately 
drew her manuscript, and forthwith proceeded to in- 
form those present of the horrible state of things 
which now and always had existed in the world 
generally, and in this country particularly. She 
had derived her first impressions iu regard to slavery 
from a little "nigger gal;" and that little "nigger 
gal," she, Elizabeth, considered as well posted in re- 
gard to the horrors of the peculiar institution, and 
as well qualified to give an opinion as to its injus- 
tice, as the most eminent theologian or jurist. The 
Fugitive Slave law, of course, was duly " tackled," 
— Jefferson was accused of very unhandsome things. 
Neither did the Dred Scott decision escape. She 
avowed that, after all the labor and talent bestowed 
upon it, the cart had been placed before the horse. 
Any woman in the house, she thought, could have 
given a better opinion. She thought it would be 
best to let South Carolina slide, in which case the 
rest of us could live harmoniously together, after the 
manner prescribed by her, Elizabeth. The lady 
continued her address at length, much after the 
same style ; but we have not the space or inclina- 
tion to follow her. She was listened to with re- 
spectful attention, and no inclination to disturb her 
was manifested. 

At the conclusion of her remarks, ex-Justice Ilin- 
son arose! and expressed a desire to offer a resolu- 
tion. Birdseye Wilcox, Esq., objected, and moved 
that the meeting adjourn, accompanying his motion 
by some very emphatic remarks. Here followed 
much confusion, during which Mr. W.'s favorite ex- 
pression, " Augh ! " was frequently heard. The 
ex-Justice finally obtained a hearing, and proceeded 
to take the sense of the meeting as to their approval 
or disapproval of the sentiments advanced by Mr 
Stanton. Those who coincided with the lady's ideas 
were requested to " manifest the same by saying 
aye," An impressive silence followed. Those op- 
posed were desired to say no ; and they said " No ! " 
most emphatically, and with almost absolute una- 
nimity. Things here began to assume rather an 
uproarious look, and Miss Anthony appeared to be 
getting angry, and attempted to preserve silence, 
but without much success. Mr. Wilcox wished to 
be heard; so did Mr. Ilinson — neither gentleman 
seeming to be well posted in regard to parliamentary 
usages. - Tolerable order having been restored, Rev. 
Beriah Green was introduced. He spoke vehe- 
mently for some time, in the course of which he was 
frequently interrupted by groans, hisses, and ap- 
plause, and at one time, the police were obliged to 
interfere. Most of the ladies who were present got 
up to leave, but at the request of Miss Anthony, 
several of them resumed their seats. 

After Mr. Green had finished, a- young gentle- 
man, who was introduced as Geo. W. Taylor, of 
Erie Co., came forward and attempted to speak, but 
the confusion was so great that he was obliged to 
desist. lie was called upon bv some one for a sonur. 
and, making a virtue of necessity, commenced to 
sing a hymn, in a low, almost inaudible voice. This, 
however, did not please some dissatisfied persons, 
who struck up " The Star Spangled Banner," and 
sang it with such volume as completely to drown the 
voice of Mr. Taylor. 

The confusion here became so great, that Mr. 
Taylor was no longer heard, and Miss Anthony, 
after announcing the programme for to-day, and ex- 
pressing her disgust at the treatment she and her 
associates had received, declared the Convention 

Mr. Hinson moved a re-organization of the meet- 
ing, and proposed Mr. B. Wilcox as chairman. Mr, 
Wilcox was elected, and proceeded to mount the 
stage, where he scaled himself with much dignity 
He was followed by Mr. Hinson and others, but 
just as proceedings were about to commence, the 
person m charge of the--hall shut off the gas, and 
those who were yet in the hall were left in almost 
total darkness. 

We hope never to see the proceedings of last 
night repeated. To speak of the whole thing in its 
mildest form is to say, it was a disgrace. While 
Susau B. Anthony and her coadjutors have an un- 
doubted right to express their opinions, and that 
without molestation or hindrance, the policy of hold- 
ing these miscalled " conventions " is very ques- 
tionable. We hope, for the credit of the city, that 
those who were m attendance, and by their inex- 
cusable conduct brought about a miniature pande- 
monium, will either keep away, or, if they must 
needs be present, will go prepared to observe the 
common decencies of life.- — Buffalo Commercial Ad- 
vertiser, iih inst. 

Cady Stanton, a venerable looking lady, with gray 
hair in curls, wlio proceeded to read fiiim a manu- 
script. The uproar -was redoubled, and she was at 
last obliged to retire. Susan B. again look llie 
Bfcand, ;ill| i' 1 tne bowls and stamping of the crowd. 
At last, somebody found the way lo the gas metier; 
and in a moment shut tlie meeting off into lolal 
darkness. Miss A. stood her ground till lights were 
procured, and then declared the convention ad- 
journed. The ponventionwte were affcerwardfl safely 
escorted out of the Hall by Chief Best. 

After Hie Abolitionists bad left, the bulk of the 
audience still remaining, George Hinson proposed a 
rc-organizalion, and nominated II. E. Howard as 
Chairman. Mr. Howard accepted on condition that 
the meeling should keep perfect order. R. D. Ford 
was chosen Secretary. 

It was moved and carried that a Committee of five 
be appointed to draft resolutions. E. R. Jewel l and 
John L. Tallcott were named among others, but per- 
emptorily declined. The following gentlemen ac- 
cepted: Chas. Sherman, Horatio Seymour, Thos. 
Trueman, Wm. Monteith, and C. S. Macomber. 

The Committee retired, and loud calls were sent 
up for Tallcott. Mr. Tallcott wished to know the 
objects of the meeting. The Chairman told him it 
had been got up on the spur of the moment, and was 
pledged to discuss no question which would bring on 
disturbance. That was all the object he knew of its 
having. Mr. Tallcott professed 'himself unable to 
fulfill these conditions, and so declined speaking. 

George Ilinson was appointed a committee to go 
round with a hat for subscriptions to pay for the 
Hall. He collected $3.84, 

Horatio Seymour, Esq., reported from the Com- 
mittee on Resolutions. They had thought proper to 
express, in few words, the sentiments of the commu- 
nity, in view of such an inopportune gathering of fa- 
natics _ as had just been witnessed. He offered the 
following :— r- 

Ilesolved, That in view of the deep feeling and so- 
licitude of our people, and the threatening aspect of 
our national affairs, we regard the calling of a meeting 
at this place to give utterance to the wild theories of 
fanatical Abolitionists, with unqualified disapprobation. 

Resolved, That if this class of people are desirous to 
utter their treasonable sentiments, we trust that they 
will in future select some other locality than the eily 
of Buffalo. 

The resolutions were adopted vociferously and 
unanimously, and the meeting forthwith adjourned. 
— Ibid. 


The Abolition Convention held its second day's 
session yesterday, in St. James Half. It did not as- 
semble till late in the afternoon, nor was there ap- 
parently any stronger show of Abolition strength 
than was manifest on Thursday. Miss Anthony, as 
before, was the executive. Rev. Beriah Green again 
took the stand, and delivered, in great part, a repc- 
tition of what he had said the previous day. The 
meeting was continuously interrupted by shouts and 
shuffling of feet on the part of the audience, and 
was adjourned finally amid much confusion. 

In the evening, about two hundred persons assehv 
bled in the Hall. Chief of Police Best, with twen- 
ty policemen, stood in readiness to repress any at- 
tempt to break up tho meeting. His Honor the 
Mayor, though suffering from sickness, was also pres- 
ent. Miss Anthony called, or attempted to call, the 
assemblage to order, and introduced Mr. Green 
again. His appearance was the signal for renewed 
turmoil, which the police tried in vain to quash. 
George Hinson rose, and wanted order, saying that 
"Susan" couldn't be heard. Then the audience 
clamorously elected Mr. Addington as " extra Chaii 
man," and Mr. A. trotted up on to the stage, and 
went through the motions nf a speech. Then ( ieorge 
Ilinson nominated J. K. Tucker as Vice President, 
and Tucker was elected, and made a speech to the 
effect that he didn't know, and didn't want to know, 
what the objects of the meeting were, and (he peo- 
ple might make as much noise as they liked, for al 
of him. Then there were cries " Ilinson "; first 
for a speech from Ilinson, and then for a song from 
II. Then Burt Scott was elected, on (ieorge llin- 
son's nomination, to a chair on the stage, which he 
declined, and somebody made a motion to put Hin- 
son out, which Miss Anthony declared was carried, 
calling, at, the same lime, oil the police to carry the 
motion into effect. Then three lusty cheers for (he 
Dnion Wore given, and somebody struck up the 
" Stfil Spangled llanncr." 

Ail this while, Rev. Beriah was proceeding with 

the pantomime of.a spt b,and the main body of the 

audience kept swaying to and fro from one' pari of 
the Hall tO another! Al. last, there were lend erics 
for " Bristol," and Cvrenius f '. RCCOrdinglj mouulod 

the platform. The Mayor at this stepped out, an 
declared that Mr. Bristol should urn speak. M 
Brifltoj "guessed he would try it on." The May< 

then called his force up, and was speedily surrounded 
by llie police, when Mr. Bristol retired lo Hie green 

i' i. To thfl close of Mr. (ireen's speech, I tie babel 

continued undiminished. 

Miss Anthony, after the speech was ovejr, addressed 

(he crowd with all the sarcasm and slinging invec- 
tive she could command, ami al the close of her re- 
marks announced thai she would proceed lo lake up 
a colleclioii lo defray expenses, which she did. IIo- 

turning to tliffstftgej she Intooduced Mrs. El&abctb 


St. James Hall was the scene of another tumult, 
last evening, even more disgraceful to our city and 
more outrageous than that of the night before. We 
shall not describe it in detail, for we feel too much 
shame on its account to be willing that more pub- 
licity than is necessary should be given to the oc- 
currence. The disturbers of the meeting were more 
numerous and more rowdyish than on the former 
occasion, and carried their performances to a length 
little short of mob-rioting. 

We care not how obnoxious a meeting may be ; 
there can be no warrant for such proceedings, in 
order to break it up, or manifest disapprobation of 
its objects. None but those whose self-respect is 
very low, and whose instincts incline to rowdyism, 
would demean themselves by becoming instigators 
of, or participants in, any such movement. If de- 
cency and common sense (the latter to recognize 
the folly of persecuting and treating with violence 
whatever ultraism may be deprecated) cannot suf- 
fice for the preservation of order and the right of 
speech, it is a pity that our laws eanuot be made to 
bear upon disturbers as well as rioters. 

The uproar broke out, last evening, in the greatest 
violence during the address of Mrs. Stanton. En- 
tire control of the meeting was taken by the disor- 
ganizes, who elected, on motion of ex-Justice Hin- 
son, S. II. Addington, Chairman, and John K. 
Tucker, Vice-President. Of course, it will be un- 
derstood that Mr. Addington was not of their 
" crowd." C. C. Bristol was called upon, and pro- 
ceeded to the platform to speak. At this stage of 
the proceedings, the uproar being tremendous, Mayor 
Alberger, who lias been ill unfit to perform any of 
the energetic fiumtiana-cf—fcio «ffi -i^ appw^d, .o»A 
attempted to get a restoration of order. After an 
altercation with Mr. Bristol, the latter subsided— 
subsequently, however, obtaining permission to state 
that he had no intention of instigating or encourag- 
ing the disturbance of the meeting, when he took 
the stand in response to calls. 

The Mayor 1 regained a considerable degree of 
order, which lasted, however, only for a short period. 
as he was unable to remain and impose the restraint 
of his presence upon the disturbers. The speakers 
of the " convention " soon had to give up to the im- 
possibility of carrying on their proceedings in such 
bedlam, and Miss Anthony [declared the meeting 

On the adjournment of the "convention," its 
opponents organized a meeting, on motion of ex- 
Justice Hinson, by electing E. H. Howard, Presi- 
dent, and Oscar Ford, Secretary. The President 
imperatively insisted that reporters had no business 
to make the proceedings public. "We maintained our 
right, but we now waive it, inasmuch as nothing oc- 
curred for which we are disposed to take space from 
other matter. — Buffalo Express, 5th inst. 


To the Editor of the National Anti-Slavery Standard: 

The Union is saved ! The danger of secession is 
passed, if you can only let Carolina know as speedi- 
ly as possible that our Northern Buffaloes^have come 
forth in their might, trampled the right of free speech 
in the dust, and cut the jugular vein of Abolitionism, 
by mobbing one slender gray-haired man, and two 
"strong-minded" women. These wild bovines, in 
defiance of law and order, tramped into the hall of 
St. James, and worried the three helpless "fanatics" 
with their hideous bellowings through two entire 
days. The Mayor came to the rescue, and looked 
the herd bravely and steadily in the face, made a 
noble, manly speech, and ordered his police (some 
fifty or sixty in number, admitted free, for the ex- 
press purpose of preserving order) to do their duty, 
and drive these inhuman interlopers back to their 
burrows. But what could he do more than utter 
brave words? His police, being Democrats, would 
not obey the orders of the newly elected Republican 
Mayor ; so far from it, they actually joined the mob 
themselves, encouraged by respectable men from the 
Democratic and Bell-Everett ranks, among them the 
distinguished juniors of Millard Fillmore and I [oral io 
Seymour. The speakers, through much tribulation, 
said their say, and at 10 o'clock the meeting ad- 
journed. Whereupon the bovines look possession of 
the Hall on a lease of ten dollars an hour, and with 

fi'cat efforts raised three dollars and forty-five cents. 
'hey then proceeded to organize, and with difficulty 
found a man willing to assume such grave responsi- 
bilities. Mr. Talcott, a member of the bar, rose and 
asked the Chair to stale llie objects of the meeting, 
but they were too momentous for utterance and iair- 
ly stuck in his throat. Whilst he was in the process 
of deglutition, a Committee retired to draft resolu- 
tions. The Chairman, recovering, said, he "didn't 
exactly know the object of the meeting," but he 
a tfposed it was forces discussion about anything 

that wouldn't make disturbance." Mr. Talcoit re- 
plied, that he was- " wholly incompetent to discuss 
thai subject," and sat down. 

The Business Committee then reported that they 
had no paper (they meant ideas") to draft resolutions. 


closed the 

And thus 

ol'tlie lug 

day of our 

James Bu 

Iftd seme incoherent nonsense 
k of an old letter. Just then, uol know- 
it they mot, or how to do it. some rogue 

• drunken vagaries by turning off the gas. 
nded an Auli-Shiverv Convention in one 

.st cities of the Empire State, on the Fast 

nous President the immortal "platform," 

h.-inan in (he year of our Lord eighteon 

hundred and si\tv-one. 

Free Speech in South Carolina, is tarred and 
feathered, exiled and hung. In Washington ii is sub- 
ject, to bluster, throat, insult and ridicule. In Bos- 
ton, the very Sprigs of fashion ehoke it down with 
porflimo and soil resolutions in favor of whal ii Buf- 
fers south of (be line. But in (he -City of the 
West," within !he sound of Niagara's roar, in the 
presence of sueli solemn majesH , rnde BuffiUoOS arc 

let loose lo trample on the constitutional rights of 

freemen to insult and ridicule the daughters of 
Pilgrim .Falhers. standing in (lie forum to plead for 

Justice and mercy for an outraged race. 
Buffalo, Jan. B, ism. K. c. s. 

y ■ Che ship Losbia, under French colors, (sup 
posed to he the ship Montaufc of Nan ITork,) was 
ivccniK taken bj s Spanish steamer of war, and 
btontghl into Havana, with BOO negroes on board, 


The lecture which waw to have been delivered by 
Ilinton Rowan Bfllper, Of North Carolina, the au- 
thor of " The Jiiiju-Jiditig Crisis," on the Two Sys- 
tem! "f LafcOTj did not come oil', but was postponed 
on account of the weather. At about 6.30 J'- M,, 
however, when the hall was deserted, a company be- 

fan to come in — first among tlicm the editor o? the 
kiy Boole, who wan very anxious to find a place 
where he could pay an entrance fee. Dr. Lewi.-. A. 
Havre, Dr. W. K. Cleveland, Capt. Wiley, and a 
number of gentlemen who used to congregate about 

the Breckinridge Headquarters, Came in by 'J o'clock, 
making in all twelve or fifteen people, beside our re- 
porter. There was lively conversation in relation to 
the black and white races for twenty minutes, most 
of which was too indecent to be even hinted at iu 
this journal. The janitor then turned down the gat, 
whereupon they begged him lo desist for a few min- 
utes, and Dr. BATHE was called to the chair — a win- 
dow Beat near the door. 

Dr. Cleveland then read the following resolu- 
tions : — 

Whereas, certain fanatical and misguided people in 
the Northern Status for a number of years attempted 
to inculcate doctrines subversive of the best interests 
of our common country, and have drawn after them 
numbers of ignorant and thoughtless persons who were 
not aware that such doctrines were in violation of the 
Constitution ; and, whereas, parties embracing these 
heretical notions have grown to such political power 
in some of the Northern States as to have passed laWB 
which are in violation of the Constitution of our com- 
mon Confederacy, and therefore unjust toward the 
Southern States ; and, whereas, a large portion of the 
pulpit and the public press have been perverted from 
their legitimate pursuits to the dissemination of slan- 
der, falsehood, and detraction against the Southern 
people, and treason against the Government; there- 

liesolved, That we sincerely sympathize with our 
Southern brethren in their just complaints. 

Resolved, That the misguided fanatics who have 
spread by their treasonable doctrines the discord that 
is now imperiling our condition as a united people, are 
traitors to the country ! their teachings heretical and 
unconstitutional, and their influence fatal to the preser- 
vation of the Union. 

llesolved, That it is the duty of the President of 
the United States, bound by his official oath, to use 
every constitutional means to effect the immediate re- 
peal of those obnoxious and unconstitutional laws 
passed by many of the Northern States. 

Resolved, That the doctrines of Horace Greeley, 
William II. Seward, Henry Ward Beecher, Charles 
Sumner, Wendell Phillips, and others of that fanati- 
cal stamp, are treasonable in their nature, disturbing 
to the general peace, calculated to mislead the ignorant, 
and should be held up to the just indignation, condem- 
nation, and suppression of every community in which 
it is endeavored to express them. 

Capt. Wiley moved their adoption, and they 
were unanimously adopted. 

Mr. F. L. Talcott moved that when they ad- 
journ, they adjourn to meet at the next lecture of 
Mr. Helper in New York, and this motion was car- 

A young man suggested that the last resolution 
did not agree with the others, because they said : 
" We will come peaceably." 

Whereupon followed a consultation in regard to 
the propriety of reconsidering the last vote. 

Dr. Sayiie said that the object of the meeting 
was not hostile to Mr. Helper ; it was to gain infor- 
mation. He found nothing in Helper's book but de- 
traction, falsehood, and slander, calculated to do 
great harm. He would like to hear him compare 
the two systems of labor, and if he arsrued that with- 
out touching the Constitution of the United States, 
he would give him the right to speak and preach 
from now till doomsday, simply giving them the 

Erivilege of review. The great damage that had 
een done had been from this speech having been 
published as a campaign document, containing the 
doctrines of the Eepubbcan party. Horace Greeley 
knew tliis was wrong ; but the South believed that 
it was the progr amm e of the Republican party, and 
so could do no better than they had done, although 
Seward and Morgan had come out and denounced it. 

Mr. Hoktox — Did Morgan denounce it ? I never 
heard of that. 

Dr. Sayee — Then I say that he onght to. But I 
say the peoplc_of New Yjndj should tret up a mee.*- . 
_L» s --i n >--»^« I >fimeiit Thurlow Weed, for Tie was -more 
of a patriot and statesman than any and all of the 
Republican party. He deserved to be sustained by 
all patriotic, Union-saving citizens of the United 
States. When the South saw men like Andrew, 
elected to be the Governor of a great State, after 
having glorified John Brown, they might well believe; 
that we were all alike. 

Mr. Hoetox — Don't you believe that every Re- 
publican wants to pen Slavery in ? 

Dr. Sayee — Yes. 

Mr. Hoetox — I think you are giving them too 
much credit. 

Dr. Sayee — It is not a proper time for a dis- 
cussion of their real crimes, and their real sins. 
The Grammar Schools and the Sunday Schools 
teach children that Slavery is a sin. which is in vio- 
lation of the Bible ; and they have become infidels, 
all of them. 

Mr. Hortox — Yes, sir ; I asree with everv word 
of that. 

Dr. Sayee — A man tried to answer Mr. Van 
Dycke, and he worked three weeks at his sermon, 
and the day before he was to deliver it, his brains 
were taken away from him so conspicuously- that 
even his abolition friends thought he was a fool. 

Capt. Wiley moved a reconsideration of the last 
vote; but. after consultation, withdrew his motion. 

Mr. Hoetox — Better let it be as it is- We don't 
want to hurt Ah: Helper. 

Dr. Sayee — Only it may be possible that a Metro- 
politan Police, who are paid by the City of New 
York, in violation of the Constitution and of the 
State, and who were originally intended to defend 
the Constitution, are now* paid to protect the traitors 
to the country, to club down honest citizens who 
meet to sustain the Constitution. Iu the Cooper 
Institute, they swarmed to defend the traitors, and 
after the Chief of Police gave me his pledge that 
we should have the room afterward to pass resolu- 
tions denouncing the meeting, instead of keeping 
his oath, formed a line of his police, and marched 
us all out of a building dedicated by its sign to the 
Union ! 

Capt. Wiley — I want to know if, in this great 
metropolis of New York, there are not more peo- 
ple than the police? I think the Union-loving peo- 
ple, when they are invited to attend the next lec- 
ture, will be delighted to come, if they have an 
opportunity to know what is to take place. I think 
they are the sovereigns, and the police are their 
servants; and 1 think it is possible that they might 
come before the police, and that the literat'i might 
bo crowded out of doors by the bone and sinew, who 
don't get an opportunity very often. If they should 
got here before, why. then, what would the servants 
of the people do when they saw the yeomanry 
here ? 

A Gextt.oiax— Take a back seal. 

Capt. Wiley — They would take a back scat. 

The meeting then adjourned. 


As our 'o'<ir Southern brethren are about to break 
up the Onion because they cannot ride it forever, 
and as ihey complain ihat we of llie free States 
have not done our duly to the slave States, we have 

thought ii might be interesting to call attention to 

the following li;;nivs. shewing BOW much niouc\ has 

really been paid bj the United States Qovenuneat 
to extend the area of slavery on Una continent. 

. OSt of tki;t;itoi;v rnieu 
Louisiana, (puzonaaed of Fi-.-mccl 

lnlcreM paid, 

Florida, (purchased of Spain,) 
Interest paid, 
Texas, (ror boundary,) 
rexafl, [fox indemnity.) 
Texas, [for creditors. Last Coi 
[ndlan expenses of all kinds, 
To purchase navy, pay troops, 
ah other expenditures, 

Mexican War, 

Soldiers' pensions and bountj Lands, 

Florida War, 

Soldiers' pensions, 

To remove Indians, 

Paid iiy treat) for Ken Mexfoo, 

Paid to extinguish Indian lilies. 
Paid to ti> >■; • 


;? 16,006,000 













This is oerteinl} a nice little sum to pay for the 
increase of slavery. Three f.vnnhs of the entire 
amount baa heen paid bv the free States; 

sla\ci'\ lias not had ItS rights in the I IllOl 

I ,i nj out \> gel . ■ n ;hta somewhere else ' 


(*wW / /L^ 

f^S C^i^C-^7 -sify 




AT — 


ROBERT F. WALLCUT, Gexehal Agent. 

D^" TERMS — Two dollars and fifty cents per an mi in, 
in advance. 

Eg?" Fivo copies will bo sent to one address for ten 
dollars, if payment bo nmdo in advance. 

E^" All remittances are to bo made, and all letters re- 
lating to the pecuniary concerns of tlie paper art) to be 
directed (tost pais) to the- General Agent. 

£3?" Advertisements inserted at the rate of five cents per 

(E^"Tho Agents of tbo American, Massachusetts, Penn- 
sylvania, Ohio and Michigan Anti-Slavery Societies are 
authorised to receive subscriptions for The Llbkiiatoh. 

IJ^~ The following gentlemen constituto the Financial 
Committee, but are not responsible for any debts of the 
paper, viz : — Francis Jacksox, Edmund Qmxer, Eumu.nh 
Jackson, and Wendell Phillips. 

The United States Constitution is "a covenant 
with death, and an agreement with helL" 

fy "What order of men under the most absolute of 
monarchies, or tho most aristocratic of republics, was ever 
invested with uucti an odious and unjust privilege as that 
of tho separate and exclusive representation of less than 
half a million owners of slaves, in tho Hall of this House, 
in tho chair of tho Senate, and in the Presidential man- 
sion? This investment of power in the owners of ono 
Hpccies of property concentrated in the highest authorities 
of tho nation, and disseminated through thirteen of tho 
twenty-six States of the Union, constitutes a privileged 
order of men in tho community, more adverse to the rights 
of all, and more pernicious to the interests of the whole, 
than any order of nobility ever known- To call govern- 
ment thus constituted a Democracy is to insult the under- 
standing of mankind. ... It is doubly tainted with tfca 
infection of riches and of slavery. There is no name in 
tho language of national jurisprudence that can define it — 
no model in tho records of ancient history, or in the politi- 
cal theories of Aristotle, with which it can bo likened. It 
was introduced into the Constitution of tho United States 
by an equivocation — a representation of property under tho 
name of persons. Little did the members of the Conven- 
tion from tho Free States imagine or foresee what a sacri- 
fice to Moloch was hidden under tho mask of this conces- 
sion. " — Joiht Quixcy Adams. 


(Dur fmrntry- i$ tlw ttfmlrt, mw (Kotmtrymm im alt ^taufctol 

J. B. YEKBIHTON & SON, Printers. 

VOL. XXXI. NO. 4. 


WHOLE NO. 1571 

ttfttg* of Qjpt&i&m 


Extracts from a Sermon Preached in the First Con- 
gregational Church in Lynn, on occasion of the 
National Fast, Jan. 4, 1861. 


Let us endeavor, for the time, to keep passion and 
resentment in abeyance, while we candidly consider 
some of the offences against the Union, which have 
been committed at the North. 

Justice to our Southern countrymen requires us 
to say, in the first place, that they have suffered a 
serious and provoking annoyance from Ultraists 
among us, whose declared purpose has been a dis- 
solution of the Union. For thirty years we have 
bad among us a class of people whose zeal, activity, 
and noise have supplied the want of numbers — who 
have carried on ceaseless war, first and chiefly 
against the Gospel of Christ and its institutions, and 
then against social order and the authority of law. 
They have sought to lay in ruins the State, in order 
to destroy the Christianity that is in it. To unsettle 
government in all the States, the most com- 
prehensive and sure way was to destroy the con- 
federation of the States — the arch that sustained 
the whole fabric. In order to this, no scheme 
promised more than appeals to the deep-seated 
anti-slavery feeling of the North, and awakening 
this into an active war with the prepossessions and 
interests of the South. Not that they had indeed 
such a flaming benevolence towards the blacks, any 
more than the French revolutionists were really 
actuated by the zeal which they pretended for the 
rights of man, and the relief of the oppressed, when 
they gave them slaughter instead of oppression. So, 
as all other infidels before them have done, they put on 
charity as a cloak for their sinister designs. They 
-would have it that the revolution which they pro- 
claimed was to emancipate the human race from all 
its ills, including Christianity, law, and slavery; 
leaving every one to do what is right in his own 
eyes. The grand assumption of their theory has 
been, that slavery, being the sum of all villanies, 
the embodiment of all wrongs, must be the foremost 
point of assault, and Christianity, and law. and other 
villanies, should be assailed in their subservience to 
this. Christianity, assumed to be a prop of slavery, 
should be ruthlessly removed for the evil which it 
upheld, aud civil government should give place 
because it interferes with man's freedom, and is 
therefore but another form of slavery. 

On a platform so constructed, this body of pro- 
fessed reformers have gone forth against slavery, 
and against our National Union, for the time of one 
■whole generation. The impression which they have 
made is much greater at the- South than at the 
North. And at the North, the mischiefs which they 
have indirectly done are vastly greater than the re- 
gard which is consciously paid to their denuncia- 
tions. The anti-slavery sentiment of the better and 
Christian portion of the people has unconsciously 
received an unhealthy tinge from an infusion of their 
spirit. Many sound and Christian men, wholly and 
honestly repudiating their doctrine and purposes, 
have yet had their breathing affected by the pesti- 
lential vapors generated from their laboratories of in- 
fidelity. But the worst effect of these .doctrines has 
been upon the Southern mind. There they have 
been caught up and set forth as true samples of 
Northern feeling; and so have called forth malig- 
nant retorts upon the North, as a whole. These 
retorts have begotten ill blood in the great body of 
our Northern people, that had no concern in the 
provocations given; and so have the more keenly 
felt the wrong. 

This is an evil for us to deplore ; but not for us to 
reform. For that is impossible. Tempests do not 
yield to reason ; nor does fanaticism stay its fury 
out of regard to mischiefs done. The greater the 
ruin done upon our national fabric, the greater 
wo -tld be the triumph and the joy. 


Now I proceed to say that the parent cause. of 
the present trouble, so far as that cause proceeds 
from the North, has been our abolition preaching. 

Wb.o.fc-11"""* &> fvfppt fig;ntist_ it here, i a 8 modi! jflf 

attack on slavery in contrast with that of the Chris- 
tian apostles, and the use of the pulpit as a rostrum 
for political agitation, a grand electioneering theatre, 
turning the forces of the Gospel perverted, into the 
manufacture of a public opinion, hostile to institu- 
tions protected in our national covenant. 

We freely grant that if the claims of the Gospel 
conflicted with national compacts, those compacts 
must go to the winds. So we are to show, in the 
first place, that the Gospel does not. require, but ex- 
pressly condemns, this mode of pulpit agitation. Let 
it here he understood, that the nations through 
which the apostles carried the Gospel were in the 
worst form siaveholding nations. The Roman laws 
respecting slavery, which then ruled the civilized 
world, sustained a slave system with vastly more 
rigor and license for abuses, than what attach to our 
Southern slavery. In whatever part of the heathen 
world the Gospel preacher opened his message, he 
found himself among slaves and slaveholders, among 
whom existed greater abuses and abominations than 
any to be (bund here — and where, if they had inter- 
preted their mission as our anti-slavery preachers 
do, their preaching and epistles must have bristled 
with porcupine quills against slaveholders. In rea- 
soning with our modern anti-slavery preachers, we 
should be justified in assuming that Paul, and Peter, 
and John, when they went forth to preach the Gos- 
pel, were as thoroughly principled against slavery 
as themselves, and that they were constantly pained 
with the spectacle of suffering, under its monstrous 

Yet behold a wonder; in never a speech or letter 
that has come down to us, do these model abolition- 
ists utter jJiemsclves in the style of specific de- 
nunciation of the system so common at tlic present 
day. On what page of the apostolic; writings, or in 
what speech of Christ himself, do we find a sample 
to warrant such preaching? 

lea, not only did they not preach in that style, 
but they expressly forbade it. Hear Paul, in his 
letter to Timothy: 

" Let as many servants as are under the yoke, 
count their own masters worthy of all honor, that the 
name of God and his doctrine be not blasphemed. 
And they that have believing masters, let them not 

demise them, because they are brethren, but rather 
do them service, because they are faithful and beloved, 

Kartakers of the benefit. These things teach and ex- 
ort. If "■>'!! »'"" trot-It. t,thrnt<iw, and consent not to 

wholesome words, even the words of our Lord Jenu 

Christ, and to the doctrine which is according lo god 

liness, he is proud, knowing nothing, but doting aBoul 

guestURlB and strifes of words, whereof COmera envy 
strife, railing*, evil surmisings, perverse disputing* or 

men of corrupt minds and destitute of truth." 

Now who does not see in this passage a full and 
pointed condemnation, both of the theory and prac- 

tice of our modern abolition preaching? So full 
aud clear is it, that thousands who have had more 
passion for anti-slavery theories, than deference to 
the authority of inspiration, have hastily assumed 
that the Bible sanctions slavery, and therefore can- 
not have had God for its author. We agree with 
the abolition preachers, that this passage contains no 
warrant for siaveholding, though it implies that 
some slaveholders are Christians. But we challenge 
them not to blink what it does contain. Its prima 
facie proof against abolition preaching is so striking, 
that infidel abolitionists, constituting the extreme right 
of the abolition body, have made this text the fulcrum 
to bear the lever with which they have expected to 
overthrow Christianity. And so successfully have 
they diffused the leaven of this spirit, that pro- 
fessedly Christian preachers now and then, as if half 
convinced of a conflict between the two, and vacil- 
lating between the Bible and abolition, blush not to 
say that they would reject the Bible, if they should 
see it to uphold slavery. 


But this text tells us furthermore, what would be 
the result of teaching the contrary of what is here 
enjoined — to wit, " envy, strife, railings, evil sur- 
misings perverse dispu tings of men of corrupt 
minds." Now let the fault lie where it will, none 
can deny the fact, that in close connection with 
abolition preaching, there has gone forth a world of 
just the moral chaos described by these terms. And 
all but those warmly engaged in the movement have 
ascribed these fierce and profitless contentions to the 
imscriptural urgency of abolition doctrines. If Paul, 
under the spirit of inspiration, had distinctly fore- 
seen how our abolition pulpits would be employed 
for the last twenty years, together with the bitter 
results, he could not have described the whole in 
more fitting terms. So we sec, that the apostles not 
only refrained from that kind of anti-slavery preach- 
ing, but they clearly aud pointedly condemned it. 
So it can no way be assumed, as it often is, that 
even if our country is perilled by the preaching, we are 
bound to preach thus, in order to Christian fidelity. 
But here I anticipate an objection, which I will 
put in this form—" You say, that in Christian truth 
siaveholding has no valid warrant, and that the mas- 
ter holds his slave by usurpation. And yet you say, 
it is the duty of ministers to declare all the counsel 
of God. So, is there not an inconsistency here ?" 
In answer, let us first look at a parallel case. The 
despotism of the Roman empire was a monstrous 
■wrong and usurpation, revolting to the moral principles 
of Christianity. Yet it appeared lo be no part of the 
duty of the Apostles to preach against it. Then- 
mission to declare all the counsel of God respecting 
the way of salvation did not bind tiiem to preach 
for a direct exposure of all political (!) wrongs, and 
implicate their embassy in a conflict with all the 
social abuses of the body politic. They had a mis- 
sion to declare all truths needful to open to the 
sinner the way of life, and also rightly to divide the 
word of truth, and select those truths to be applied 
here and there, which were most conducive to this 
end. They were not bound to utter all the truths 
of science, (1) nor all the details of moral science, 
any farther than needful, in the best manner, to 
further the work of conversion and salvation of men. 
And it seems that they judged that definitions of the 
morals of the slave system were no more to their 
purpose, than definitions of the morals of the Con- 
stitution of the Roman empire. 

Another objection often urged is, that slavery is 
worse here than it was when the Apostles preached. 
But this is simply contrary to historical fact. If the 
space of this discourse would allow, we could show 
that Roman slavery involved immensely more of 
wrong and cruelty than American slavery. 

But it is said that Christianity evaded a direct 
attack on slavery then, because it was weak, but 
now it is strong, and can afford to speak in bolder 
terms. Christianity weak! Nay; she then stood 
forth in the first-born of her strength, rocking the 
heathen world to its centre ; because backed by the 
Holy Ghost in its omnipotence. If she then was 
weak, when has she been strong? Surely she was 
not weak enough to be restrained by fear, from 
uttering all that was in her heart. Her weakness 
did not compel her to sanction principles that 
afterwards would see cause to ab&ndon. And it 
seems that she had an eye to forsce that, even in 
these days, anti-slavery preaching would produce the 
same results as in those days, in the. Hasphemu of God 
□™i-A« c oajr a % -iit, ye.w!<-.r\n/i strifes and railing and 
perverse disputings, and filling the world with fierce 
contentions vn'hout advantage. How many of our 
Christian congregations have been distracted and 
wasted by these contentions, I need not say. It 
had long ago become proverbial, that there was 
some mysterious element in these anti-slavery agita- 
tions that immensely damaged the Christian spirit of 
any Christian body upon which they hnl seized. And 
we have another proof that Paul spoke by inspira- 
tion when we find this virtually foretold by him. 

But I have another evil to lay at the door of this 
preaching. It has not only marred the spirit of 
our churches and ministry, but it has served as a 
cover to bring in alarming corruptions of doctrine. 
While it has been undermining the pillars of our 
Slate, and preparing the way for their present 
tottering, it has sent, a blight upon interests more 
sacred than State Constitutions. This is not the time 
to give the details of this. But it is a fact not to be 
disguised, that serious defections have of late been 
developed, and vastly more exist, that are not yet as 
publicly known ; and that the individuals prominent 
in the doctrinal defections are generally as promi- 
nent in anti-slavery preaching. And few of these 
defections have yet been found in those opposed to 
such preaching. The co-operative connection be- 
tween the two could be easily shown. We could 
easily show you the same young America working 
with one hand to corrupt the Gospel of Christ, and 
with the other to unsettle the institutions of our 
country, by abolition preaching. And then, to show 
that that abolition heresy has a sympathy with 
heresy affecting general Christian doctrine, we have 
the fact that the pulpits of those sects, farthest re- 
moved from the evangelical basis, have generally 
reached the highest heats in abolition preaching, 
leaving the culminating point to be occupied by the 
avowed infidel. From the Garrison school down. 
there has been a descending graduation bf beats ol 
this doctrine — they being less and less, according U 

the nearness to the simple truth of the Gospel. 
This is a fact to be pondered. 

f3f Wlnifc moro befitting comment upon a lying anil 
profligate discourse like the foregoing, tlian tho following 
Moatlihig linos of WiiirriEii? 

" I'ilatn (Mid lloi'od, friondK ! 
Ohtcf priests and rulorn, tut of old, combine ! 
Just God and holy '■ im thjttoharoh which lends 

Strength to tlie Hpoilur, Thine '! 

How long, Lord ! how long 
Shall such & priesthood barter truth away, 
Ami, in Thy iiiuim, fat rehbory and wrong 

At Thy own altars pray ! 

Tlioir glory and their might 
Khali perish ; and their very names shall bo 
Vji.k BBTOBK ai.i, THE PBOPLS, in tho light 

Of a World's liberty ! " 



New York, Jan. 1,1860. 

To the Church and Laity of Christian Churches 
the Southern States of the Union : 
We would salute you, brethren, in the spirit of 
the apostolic formula : " Grace, mercy, and peace." 
As fellow-heirs of a kingdom that " endureth for- 
ever," we have common interests and relations su- 
perior to all political bonds, furnishing the basis' of 
fraternal intercourse, even in seasons of greatest 
civil commotion. Faith in God would seem to be 
the only alternative in a crisis which reveals the im- 
potence and short-sightedness of man. It is with 
a profound conviction of the imminence of national 
perils, and with a deep sense of the solemnity and 
delicacy of this humble attempt to avert them, that 
enture a few suggestions to our dear brethren, 
touching some of the immediate causes of our dan- 
ger, and the probable consequences to great moral 
and religious interests of the threatened disruption 
of our civil ties. 

A dispassionate view of public affairs constrains 
the belief that a system of gross and persistent mis- 
representation has had much to do with leading the 
Nation to the verge of revolution. The South has 
been slandered at the North, and the North as 
grossly misrepresented at the. South. The extreme 
sentiments or unworthy acts of individuals, and the 
passionate utterances of inconsiderable bodies, po- 
litical or ecclesiastical, have been heralded through 
the land as the deliberate expression of opinion of 
great parties, denominations or sections of country; 
whereas, they merely represent the extravagance of 
their authors, and should have been consigned to 
the oblivion they merited. Too much of this fratri- 
cidal work has undeniably been" done by the pulpit, 
but far more by the press. A distinguished senator, 
when recently asserting in bis place that " nine- 
tenths of the complaints " jja-s to a supposed griev- 
ance " are unfounded," added this deserved rebukfi 
of an unscrupulous press : " Where there is scctiojfal 
strife and excitement, there seems to be a prone- 
ness on the part of the newspaper press, in both 
sections, to collect and give every fact which would 
inflame the passions and prejudices of one section 
against another. In that way, partial and |unfair 
statements are given, which make each section act 
under an apprehension of the other." 

If this view of the question be accepted, does it 
not vitally affect our relations, and the duty of good 
citizens, North and South ? Bo not truth, justice, 
and self-respect demand extreme deliberation in hi 
adoption of measures for the redress of grievances, 
which, on this hypothesis, may prove to be partly 
unreal, and at best are greatly exaggerated ? Mu- 
tual misunderstanding has been often enough the 
occasion of domestic or national calamity to induce 
the utmost patience and forbearance, before irre- 
vocable action involving the honor and the interests 
of thirty millions of souls. 

In our judgment, dear brethren, the time has 
come for a more^calm, discriminating investigation 
of the causes of impending perils, and for manly, 
Christian effort, under God, to avert them. It is 
not true that intelligent, Christian patriotism has 
succumbed to fanaticism and demagogism. It y may 
be disheartened or stifled, for the time, by the mis- 
guided passions of men in one locality or other ; but 
it lives and glows in millions of heants all over the 
land, and in them all it is loyal to the Constitution, 
the Union, and the Bible. We should hazard noth- 
ing in thus pledging the great body of the people in 
these Northern States: we do not, will not, distrust 
the great body of the people in this behalf in the 
Southern States. Why then should we not seek to 
put an end to the existing spirit of mistrust and 
alienation, to stay the progress of groundless re- 
crimination, and join hands, according to the grace 
and wisdom God may bestow, in the blessed office 
of peace-makers for our distracted country ? 

It is our appropriate work. Besides the 
terests common to all citizens, we have a vital stake 
in the perpetuation of our Federal Union on other 
and higher grounds. The honor and prosperity of 
Protestant Christianity are involved in the issue. 
A failure in our great experiment of self-govern- 
ment, besides affording sad proof of recreancy on 
the part of American Christians, would be inter- 
preted 05 all lands as evidence of the powerlcssness 
of the only system of religion that claims to furnish 
an adequate basis for self-governing institutions. 
Disunion, too, would involve the rupture of cherished 
ecclesiastical ties, and the abandonment of coopera- 
tive benevolence at home and abroad. The noble 
example of American Christian enterprise, and the 
rising influence of our Christian civilization, must 
wane and react, as the life-currents of charity dry 
up, and the night of our brief and brilliant day 
gathers gloom. And should prevalent apprehen- 
sions ripen into fact, so that armed strife should 
essay the adjustment of difficulties insoluble to rea- 
son, patriotism and religion, and thus pave the way 
for popular infidelity, Sabbath-breaking, licentious- 
ness — all the terrible concomitants of civil war — 
how justly would the guilty authors and abettors of 
this misery be visited with the maledictions of 
Christendom, and how bitter must be the self-re- 
proaches of those who neglected any part of their 
duty in arresting or averting the dire catastrophe ! 

We cannot doubt that a spirit of candor and for- 
bearance, such as our religion prompts, and tho exi- 
gencies of our times demand, would render the 
speedy adjustment of our difficulties possible, con- 
sistently with every constitutional right. Unswerv- 
ing fealty to the Constitution, justly interpreted, 
and a prompt return to its spirit and requirements, 
wherever there may have been divergence from 
either, would seem to be the first duty of citizens 
and legislators. It is our firm, and we think intelli- 
gent conviction, that only a very inconsiderable 
fraction of the people of the North will hesitate in 
the discharge of their constitutional obligations ; 
and that whatever enactments are found to bo in 
conflict therewith will be annulled. And it is our 
farther belief, that an instructed and corrected pub- 
lic sentiment will constrain a stricter regard for 
truth and for the rights and feelings of nun, on the 
part alike of the press and the pulpit, in the popu- 
lar discussion of political and mora) questions. Thus 
will the more immediate causes of alienated feeling 
be suppressed, and the healing touch of lime, the 
Seasonable exertions of patriotic men, the peace- 
inspiring influence of religion, the spirit of rarvenl 
prayer, and the favoring providence and grace of 
the Triune God, will cement anew tho bonds that 

unite, the. Nnrt.h and the South, the K,asl ;nul Hie 
West, in one thrice-blessed American lirolherhond. 
To this end, dear brethren, and for the sake of 

those (Spiritual gills so imperatively needed by oui 

American /ion, let us unceasingly inqdore the out- 
pouring of the Holy Spirit on the riders and people 

of i bene United States. 

Gaiii>nkr. Si'UtNU, Pastor of Hrick I'resb. church, 
New York. 

yV. W. Phillips, Pastor of First Presb. church, 
Now York. 

George Potts, University-place Presb. church, 
New York. 

£ MgFi.hoy, Fourteenth-street Presb. church, 
New York. 

Jonx M. EbeSS, Rutgcrs-strect Presb. church, 
New York. 

Charles P. McIlvainis, Bishop of the Prot. 
Epis. church in Ohio, Cincinnati. 

G. T. Bedell, Assistant-Bishop, Gambler, Ohio. 

Francis L. Hawses, Rector of Calvary Prot. 
Epis. church, New York. 

Thomas House Taylor, Rector of Grace Prot. 
Fpis. church, New York. 

William F. Morgan, Rector of St. Thomas 
Prot. Epis. church, New York. 

John Cotton Smith, Rector of Church of the 
Ascension, New York. 

H. Dyer, Secretary Evangelical Knowledge So- 
ciety, New York. 

N. Bangs, Methodist Epis. church, New York. 

J. P. Durrin, Methodist Epis. church, New York. 

Joseph Holdich, Secretary American Bible So- 
ciety, New York. 

Abel Stevens, Methodist Epis. church, New 
York. . 

Edward Lathrop, Pastor of Baptist Taberna- 
cle, New York. 

A. E. Gillette, Pastor of Calvary Baptist 
church, New York. 

Thomas De Witt, Senior Pastor of Collegiate 
Ref. Dutch church, New York. 

George W. Bethune, Pastor of Twenty-first 
street Ref. Dutch church, New York. 

Isaac Ferris, Chancellor of New York Uni- 

Thomas II. Skinner, Union Theol. Seminary, 
New York. 

Joel Parker, Fourth avenue Presb. church, 
New York. 

N. Murray, Pastor of First Presb. church, Eliza- 
beth, New Jersey. 

David Magie, Pastor of Second Presb. church, 
Elizabeth, New Jersey. 

Charles Hodge, Theol. Seminary, Princeton, 
New Jersey. 

Alexander T. McGtll,T1ico1. Semi nary prince- 
ton, New Jersey. 

John Maclean, President Nassau Hall College, 
Princeton, New Jersey. 

Henry A. Boardman, Philadelphia. 

Charles Wadsworth, Philadelphia. 

Charler W. Shields, Philadelphia. 

Wm. P. Breed, Philadelphia. 

Robert Watts, Philadelphia. 

James M. Crowell, Philadelphia. 

Joseph H. Jones, Philadelphia. 

$ t It $ i i \\ % ♦ 


The Select Committee of Thirty-Three, to whom 
was referred so much of the President's message as re- 
l ates to the present perilous condition of the country, 
made a degrading and villanous (majority) report to 
the U. S. House of Representatives, last week, through 
its chairman, Mr. Corwin, of Ohio. The following is 
the report of the Hon. Charles Francis Adams, submit- 
ting the following reasons for his disagreement with 
the action of the Committee : — 

The subscriber has labored earnestly in the com- 
mittee to make himself master of the causes of the 
present discontent. So far as they were divulged 
there, they may be comprised under three heads : 
1st, The Personal Liberty Laws in some of the free 
States; 2d, Exclusion from the Territories; 3d, 
The apprehension of some future danger to the rights 
of the slave States from the adoption of constitution- 
al amendments interfering with them. Without 
joining in the belief that there are very serious 
grounds for this uneasiness, the subscriber is too well 
convinced of its existence not to be disposed to ap- 
ply any reasonable remedy to quiet it. He was, 
therefore, for this reason, induced to give his concur- 
rence, at first, in several of the measures reported 
by the committee. He did so under a conviction 
that they contained the only reasonable as well as 
pivM-ticalile adjustment of the differences unhappily 
existing in the country, without the sacrifice of prin- 
ciple on cither side, that has thus far come within 
his observation. And although not entirely approv- 
ing of them in the abstract, he was ready to give Iris 
co-operation in adopting them if there was good rea- 
son to suppose that they would effect the object 
aimed at. Ho endeavored to act in good faith, and 
with a view to the restoration of the kindly relations 
between the opposite sections of the country, which 
seem to be so rudely threatened. That this spirit 
has been fairly reciprocated by a portion of the Rep- 
resentatives of the aggrieved States, he takes great 
pleasure in acknowledging. Had that portion con- 
stituted only a bare majority of the whole number, 
ho would still have pledged all the limited aid in his 
power to unite with them. But the fact is wholly 
otherwise. While three States have refused to be 
represented at all, seven more — making ten out of 
fifteen — have decided to reject tho conclusions ar- 
rived at by the committee. 

This fact alone would seem to render all prospect 
of a general adjustment very dim. And when it 
appeared, on the other hand, that a number of the 
representatives of the free States were equally dis- 
inclined to accept them, what hope was left of any 
advantageous result from perseverance 'i 

Another significant incident happened, which put 
an end to all further doubt in the mind of the sub- 
scriber, because it convinced him that even if all the 
measures recommended could be adopted, t lie adjust- 
ment anticipated would be as far olf as ever; that 
the causes of the difference are but superficially 
louehed in the idle. red grievances wliieli lui ve ni- 
grossed the attention of i lie Committee; and that 
the true source of discord lies altogether too deep for 
the plummet of Congressional legislation. 

By reference to the journal of the Committee, it 

will appear that on Friday, the Ilth of .January, a 

resolution was offered by the subscriber En direct re- 
sponse tO One portion of the President's message, 
specifically referred lo tlie consideration of this Com- 
mittee. As finally amended, it was in the following 
words : — 

Resolved* Thatpeiicefut acquiescence in Hie elertion 

of a Chief Magistrate, aooomplhihed in accordance 
with every legal ami constitutional requirement, is a 

high Mini imperative duty of every ^ooil citizen of the 

United Whites. 

Great was the surprise of I lie mover on perceiving 

that the annunciation of (his bousputame proposi- 
tion, in his belief", of vital moment to the permanence 

of any Bepuohc founded on t! mientof men, was 

met. by hesitation on the part of aeveKd membaw. 

The r'lv.idenl, in Ins annual message, had distinctly 

affirmed the same thing in another tbrm oflanguage. 

No reason seemed lo exist win the Committee should 

not. liy responding unanimously to his sentiment, aid 

in gi\ in"; to t lie country confidence in the belief that 

the discontents existing in some quarters were mere- 
ly such as a conciliatory policy might remove. In- 
stead of this, a written paper was presented by seven 
members, assigning reasons for their refusal to record 
their votes at all. The substance of that paper is 
found recorded in the journal. It alleges that vot- 
ing upon such a declaration would, in the opinion of 
the signers, do more harm than good. Why it would 
have that effect, it does not explain. If the proposi- 
tion be true, and if there exists no intention in any 
quarter to deny its truth, either by word or act, 
surely it could do neither harm nor good to vote for 
it. It would fall powerless like any accepted truism 
of society. It is only in the alternative, when some 
portion of a community is determined at all hazards 
to act in direct contravention of it, that it can do 
harm. For it may then indeed serve to excite the 
pubb'e attention to the true nature of the issue pre- 
sented, and to embitter the animosities which radical 
differences naturally produce. While the subscriber 
would not venture to intimate a doubt of the sincer- 
ity of the members in assigning the reasons for their 
hesitation to accept so undeniable a proposition, he 
cannot abstain from expressing bis profound regret 
that their course should unavoidably raise up anxious 
doubts in the minds of great numbers of people as 
to the nature of the stniggle now presented to the 
country. Is it, after all, only the election of a Presi- 
dent of the United States whom one section of the 
Union did not nominate and support, that constitutes 
the main grievance and stimulates to a dissolution of 
the Union ? If it be indeed so, then is there no ne- 
cessity for organizing legislative Committees to find 
a remedy. The Constitution becomes a mere bit of 

Eaper, if men determine with their eyes open to vio- 
ite and annul its most fundamental provisions. 

The subscriber is yet reluctant to believe the case 
quite so desperate as this would show it. Ho still 
believes that much of this extreme conduct is the ef- 
fect of sudden impulse and excited passions, and that 
there is a fund of reason and loyalty at bottom, 
which may be relied upon ultimately to turn the cur- 
rent in favor of the Constitution and the enforce- 
ment of the laws ; and he is encouraged in this faith 
by observing that the Representatives of some of the 
dissatisfied States cordially came forward and re- 
corded their names, as well as their reasons, for vot- 
ing in favor of the resolution. Yet, on the other 
hand, it cannot be denied that they constitute only 
a minority of the disturbed States. The majoritv 
stand on the record as refusing all terms of adjust- 
ment they do not dictate, and declining to commit 
themselves to the support of a principle without the 
acknowledgment of which, constitutional govern- 
ment is impossible. In this state of things, it is at 
least doubtful whether the legitimate powers of Con- 
gress, if fully exerted, would avail to reach the seat 
of the disease. 

The general conclusion to which the subscriber 
has arrived, from a close observation of the action 
of the committee, is this: That no form of adjust- 
ment will be satisfactory to the reseusant States 
which does not incorporate into the Constitution of 
the United States a recognition of the obligation to 
protect and extend slavery. On this condition, and 
on this alone, will they consent to withdraw their 
opposition to the recognition of a constitutional 
election of the Chief Magistrate. Viewing the 
matter in this light, it seems unadvisablc to attempt 
to proceed a step further iu the way of offering un- 
acceptable propositions. He can never give bis 
consent to the terms demanded. 

For this reason it is, that, after having become 
convinced of tliis truth, lie changed his course, and 
declined to recommend the very measures which he 
in good faith had offered. It certainly can be of no 
use to propose as an adjustment that which has no 
prospect of being received as such by the other 
party. Hence he feels it his duty now to record 
his dissent from the action of a majority of his col- 
leagues in introducing any measures whatever for 
the consideration of the House. 



The Railroad Tracks to be torn up — the Senate to be 

Baltimore,. Jan. 11, 1861. 

The atmosphere is loaded with the wildest kind 
of rumors as to the purposes of the rebels. After a 
careful sitting, I am disposed to think that the fol- 
lowing notions are actually entertained, and I wish 
to draw public attention thereto, in order that the 
people may be prepared for emergencies. 

The rebels are moving heaven and earth, or 
think they are, to overturn the government of Mary- 
land by means of a self-constituted Convention, 
which shall seize upon the sovereignly of the peo- 
ple. There is now sitting in this city "a nest of con- 
spirators for that purpose. They propose to ignore 
the Governor, and to hold a Convention without 
authority of law. Tlie plan is to have a voluntary 
election, at which none but the revolutionists will 
vote. I am prepared to see this thing done, and I 
do not sec how it can bo. prevented. 'The only anti- 
dote is for the frieni/s of the Union to hold a similar 
election and assemble a similar Convention. 

A public man of some standing, and belonging to 
the revolutionary party, openly declared "to-day 
that Mr. Lincoln would not be permitted to pass 
through Maryland on his way lo Washington to be 
inaugurated, and that he never would be inaugurated 
in Washington ! Cue of the plans to keep him from 
passing over our territory is to tear up the rails of 

the three great lines of communication leading into 

Baltimore from the West and the North. It is due 
to the public and in themselves, that the Presidents 
and Directors of these ro;ids should tortlnvith estab- 
lish extra watches upon the whole route within this 
State, and prevent any sueh movement If the 
Legislature should ever get together, they design to 
prevent the transportation of any passengers at all 
over Maryland territory uniil after the -tth'of March : 
and, what is more, it is their declared purpose to 
seize upon (he Capitol, in conjunction with Virginia, 
They will do more. Thev will assemble ;i Conven- 
tion 'that will vote us out of thfl Union in double- 
quicklime; and, if the Capitol can be seized, the 

revolutionists intend to dectan themsebm the United 

States, and prOCWd to invite the Free States into a 
new Confederacy, with sueh changes in the present 

I :-tHu ;• Air brr kmri 1^ 'isKs fcffl '• hi oth-r 

words, they will insist on devoting all future terri- 
tory acquired under the new regime, in Ihe direc- 
tion o\' MesiCO, (o everlasting slavery. 

An effort is tO be made to break Up the Senate, 
when it shall proceed lo eounl ihe votes on the first 
Wednesday in February. This movement does not 

seem to be abandoned. If it is, then tlie city of 

Washington is to be seized on or about the -"\1 or 
SStM of February, or somewhere abOUl that time. 

The aiT.-nigeineuis ibr defence made by Gen, Soott 

and (he eilv authorities are (he onh means ol' ar 

nesting tins design; bul much will depend upon the 
Oonvening of ihe Marx land Legislature. Ever 

llieu. if QOV. Hicks holds out, ihe more \iolent ol' 

the Legislature propose to meet without his call, 
while others are for the self-constituted Revolu- 
tionary Convention doing everything, in conjunc- 
tion with that of Virginia. Nothing can nullify the 
acts of such a Convention but the prompt assembling 
of a self-called Union one, as I have already inti- 

The grand Union meeting last night was a tri- 
umphant success, and Reverdy Johnson's great foren- 
sic speech against the constitutional right of seces- 
sion, and the heresy of this Union being a mere 
compact of sovereign States, may serve to ajrest the 
tide of rebellion in Maryland. If the Federal Gov- 
ernment would only act as promptly as the rebels 
do, a counter current would speedily sweep the 
traitors into oblivion ; but while South Carolina is 
permitted to defy the Federal Power, it is difficult 
to prevent the spreading of the infection. Let Ma- 
jor Anderson strike but a blow in vindication of the 
Federal sovereignty, and instantly you will see the 
border Slave States rally to the side of the Colossus. 
Let Gen. Scott be but made Commander-in-Chief of 
the Army, and a similar result will follow. We all 
feel and know, here, that had Major Anderson made 
good his threat to Gov. Pickens, without referring 
the question to his Government, all would now be 
well. People would have seen that .we have, in- 
deed, " Government worthy the name of one. The 
attempts at disturbing the Union meeting last night 
were crushed out instantcr. 

In certain quarters there is a statement afloat 
that five Alabamians intend to impose themselves 
upon Mr. Lincoln's suite as Republicans, and de- 
sign to accompany him on his way to Washington, 
for sinister purposes. Wliether there be any truth 
in this or not, a word to the wise will be enough. 
Knowing the prejudices against the President elect, 
among the ignorant, engendered and fanned into 
fury by the Toombses and men of their ilk, it be- 
comes the friends of the President elect to be pru- 
dent, at least. As for the President himself, he is 
the honored choice of thirty millions of people, and 
he rests secure in their protection, even though a 
portion of them may be alienated from him by mis- 
representation, but his history shows he is a man^- 
go just where his duty calls him, regardless of con- 
sequences. The Nation will find him a second 
Jackson within an hour after he gets into the White 
House. — N. Y. Tribune. 


Some idea of the feeling of the Northwest on the 
subject of " Secession and Mississippi Navigation'" 
may be inferred from the following, winch we take 
from the Cincinnati Gazette of Monday : — 

" A mob has taken possession of the government 
defences near the mouth of the Mississippi River. 
Another mob is reported to have planted cannon on 
the banks of the river at Yicksburg, with the avowed 
purpose of sinking every steamboat that offers to 
pass without consenting to be overhauled and ex- 
amined. The former act is palpable treason against 
the federal government, and requires prompt atten- 
tion from the administration. The demonstrations 
at Vicksburg, as stated, have a special interest for 
the people of this city. Both are offences so 


ivest, that, whatever the federal government may 

P E. 

It is needless to say that tl.e Vicksburg dispatch 
referred to has created much excitement and in- 
dignation among those more imme liately interested, 
and, in fact, among all classes of our people. No 
idle threats or bravado are uttered, but no dis- 
position prevailsito submit to any interference with 
the free navigation of the Mississippi. No rash or 
ill-advised steps will be taken, but on the first insult 
or hindrance to any boat's pursuing its eustomnrv 
and lawful business, measures will be taken to put a 
permanent stop to this insolence. 

AYhat we have before said, we now say again : 
Tlie Northwest will be a unit in maintaining its 
right to a free and unobstructed use of the Mis- 
sissippi River throughout its entire course. Of this, 
all intermeddlers and traitors to the Union may take 
note, and govern themselves accordingly. 

No forts of the United States Government, anv- 
where upon that stream, or in its viciuity, will be 

Eermittcd to remain, for any length of time, in the 
amis of a belligerent enemy, foreign or domestic. 
The insurgents who have stolen possession of Forts 
Jackson, St. Philip, and Pike, will speedily "Re- 
cleared out by the government, or by same' other 
agency, not hostile to the Northwest. It is not 
likely, however, that any forces on that errand 
would choose the route by Vicksburg. Here the 
lawless proceedings referred to at that point do not 
result from any reasonable fear. They must have 
some other purpose. 

There are other modes of warfare than exploding 
gunpowder or hacking with steel. The Prince 
of Orange, when lus country was assailed hv a 
dangerous invasion, found much more ellVeiive 
remedies. He opened the dykes, overflowed the 
country, and put the otherwise victorious enemy to 
flight. " 

The same element, but in a very different man- 
ner, can be used for the discomfiture of anv re- 
bellious community on the lower Mississippi. ' The 
Father of Waters has already volunteered on several 
occasions to teach this lesson. The fact that the bed 
of the river is at considerable elevation above the 
surrounding country is well 'known. The terrible 
effects of a crevasse have been repeatedly witnessed. 
All the lower country, if aggression is made upon 
' northwestern rights, ' can be subdued bytheWOrft 
of a single night. We say this in no threatening 
mood; but violence, meddlesome interleivnee wit'h 
legitimate river business, any sort oi' injury or abuse 
to our vessels, their nftSSSttgers, their crews, or their 
lading, will inevitably lead to hostilities, anil when 
these' actually come, the mOSt effectual methods of 

•t much to see the Spirit of alienation and 

■ conquerui 

We regi 
fanaticism which appears now lo W in the ascendant 
at New Orleans. We should regret still moiv it' the 
dav ever comes when in defence ot' onr ri^his par- 
ticularly that of the tree navigation of the Missis- 
sippi, obtained by an outlay of millions of dolUun 

New Orleans and Cincinnati should be parties, on 
opposite tides, to actual war. Bul wesaj distinctiy, 

that Ihe month oi the Mississippi shall not pas* into 
(he bandfl y^' a -:>-,;,.■■, power, or Mr trade and in- 
tercourse up and down that rivor bo laft at the 

mercy of a man imfy until after a long and dea- 

perate Struggle, in which the Northwest shad have 
been vanquished. And this last result ffl 

Beriouslj apprehend, We are disposed to think, 

rather, that New Orleans Would lirst find itself Mib- 
merged in another Dead Sea, should it causelesslv 
pXOVOke and madly persist in a wait'ire Kka that. 

\\ e suspect that the southern malenntenis are far 
leal ignorant Of thfl material strength of the Stales 
ol" the Northwest, than of the spirit which h.i- Ivtn 

c\cited among our people bj constant menaces and 

by recent 0VOftt& I'here is HO </. - 

tJOA The niadeap disnnioinsts ,ue known 




to be ivirkYtll;/ wrong. Forbearance toward their in- 
solence lias ceased bo be consistent with a decent 
self-respect. They are raiding a stonn at the North, 
which will have none the less Jbroe and furj because 
it has gathered slowlv. We want no strife. There 
is need of none. With loyal citizens we are pre- 
pared to talk over mutual grievances, ami to reconcile 
all differences in a peaceful way. But we are not 
to be coerced by South Carolina, or Louisiana, or 
Mississippi, into a dishonorable surrender of our in- 
disputable RIGHTS, or into unfaithfulness to our 
manifest DUTY. This is our position; and bathe 
result what it may, this position we shall maintain. 


At the Music Hall, Sunday, ^un. 20, lSiil. 

The office of the pulpit is to teach men their duty. 
Wherever men's thoughts have any influence on their 
laws, it is the duty of the pulpit to preach politics. If 
it were possible to conceive of a community whose 
opinions had no influence on their government, there 
the pulpit would have no occasion to talk of govern- 
ment. I never heard or knew of such a community. 
Though sheltered by Roman despotism, Herod and the 
chief priests abstained from this and that because they 
"feared the people." The Sultan dared to murder 
his Janissaries only when the streets came to hate 
them as much as he did. The Czar, at the head of a 
government whose constitution knows no check but 
poison and the dagger, yet feels the pressure of public 
opinion. Certainly, where pews arc full of voters, no 
question but the serniou should be full of polities. 

"The Lord reigneth; let the earth rejoice." "The 
Covenant with Death " is annulled—" the Agreement 
with Hell " is broken to pieces. The chain which has 
held the slave system since 1787 is parted. Thirty 
years ago Southern leaders, sixteen years ago North- 
ern Abolitionists, announced their purpose to seek the 
dissolution of the American Union. Who dreamed 
that success would come so soon ? South Carolina, 
bankrupt, alone, with a hundred thousand more slaves 
than whites, four blacks to three whites within her 
border, flings her gauntlet at the feet of twenty-five 
millions of people in defence of an idea. I would New 
England could count one State as fearless among her 
six. Call it not the madness of an engineer who 
places himself in front of his cannon at the mo- 
ment of discharge; — call it rather the forlorn hope of 
the mariner, seizing plank or spar in the fury of the 
storm. The mistake of South Carolina is, she fancies 
there is more chance of saving slavery outside of the 
Union than inside. Three States have followed her 
example. Probably the rest of the slave States, or 
many of them, will find themselves unable to resist 
the infection — and then the whole merciless conspiracy 
of 1787 is ended, and timid men will dare to hate sla- 
very without trembbng for bread or life. 

Let us look at the country — the North, the South, 
and the government. The South divided into three 
sections — 1st, Those who hold slaves exactly as they 
do bank stock or land — and of course love the Union, 
which enables them to treat man as property — timid 
wealth shrinking from change, but so timid as to stand 
dumb. 2d, Those who have ruled the nation sixty 
years, monopolizing Presidents' chairs and embassies; 
defeated now, these plan, in earnest sincerity, for 
another nation with Presidencies and embassies all to 
themselves. 3d, A class made up from these two, 
who cling to the Union in their hearts, but threaten 
loudly, well knowing the loudest threats get the best 

The object of the South is a separate confederacy — 
' honing it will stand long enough for the North to ask 
for annexation on their terms. 

Then comes the government, so-called — in reality a 
conspiracy against justice and honest men — some of its 
members pilferers and some traitors — the rest pilferers 
and traitors, too. Like all outgoing administrations, 
they have no wish to lessen the troubles of their suc- 
cessors by curing the nation's hurt — rather aggravate 
it. They have done all the mischief in their power, 
and long now only to hear the clock strike twelve on 
the 4th day of March. 

Then look at the North, divided into three sections — 
1st, The defeated minority, glad of anything that 
troubles their conquerors. 2d, The class of Republic 
cans led by Seward, offering to surrender anything to 
save the Union. (Applause.) Their gospel is the 
Constitution, (applause,) and the slave clause is their 
sermon on the mount. (Laughter and applause.) 
They think that at the judgment-day, the blacker the 
sins they have committed to save the Union, the clear- 
er will be their title to heaven. 3d, The rest of the 
Republicans, led by the Tribune— all honor to the Tri- 
bune, faithful and true ! — who consider their honor 
pledged to fulfil in office the promises made in the can- 
vass. Their motto is : " The Chicago platform, every 
inch of it — not a hair's breadth of the Territories shall 
be surrendered to slavery." (Applause.) But they, 
too, claim the cannon's mouth to protect forts, defend 
the flag, and save the Union. At the head of this sec- 
tion, we have every reason to believe, stands Mr. 
Abbaham Lincoln. 

All these are the actors on the stage. But the foun- 
dation on which all stand divides only into two parts — 
those who like slavery and mean it shall last, those 
who hate it and mean it shall die. In the boiling gulf 
goes on the perpetual conflict of acid and alkali — all 
these classes are but bubbles on the surface. The up- 
per millstone is right, and the lower wrong. Between 
them, governments and parchments, parties and com- 
promises, are being slowly gruutnl to powder. 

Broadly stated, the South plans a Southern confed- 
eracy to uphold slavery — the North clings to the Union 
to uphold trade and secure growth. Without the 
Ujiion, Mr. Seward tells us we can neither be safe, 
" rich, strong nor happy. We used to think justice was 
before tlirift, and nobleness better than happiness. I 
place no great reliance on that prudent patriotism 
which is the child of interest. The Tribune, unusual- 
ly frank, pre-eminently honorable and lofty as has been 
its tone of late, still says, " Be it the business of the 
people everywhere to forget the negro, and remember 
only the country." (Applause.) 

After drifting, a dreary night of thirty years, before 
the hurricane, our ship of State is going to pieces on 
the lee shore of slavery. Every one confesses that 
the poison of our body politic is slavery. European 
critics, in view of it, have pronounced the existence of 
the Union hitherto a "fortunate accident." Orators 
floated into fame on one inspired phrase — " irrepressi- 
ble conflict." Jefferson died foreseeing that this was 
the rock on which we should split. Even Mr. Web- 
ster, speaking with bated breath, in the cold chill of 
1850, still dared to be a statesman, and offered to meet 
the South on this question, suggesting a broad plan for 
the cure of our dread disease. But now, with the 
Union dropping asunder, with every brain a?ni tongue 
active, we have yet to hear the first statesman word, 
the first proposal to consider the fountain and origin of 
all our ills. We look in vain through Mr. Seward's 
speech for one hint or suggestion as to any method of 
dealing with our terrible hurt. Indeed, one of his ter- 
rors of disunion is, that it will give room for " an Euro- 
pean, an uncompromising hostility to slavery." Such 
an hostility, the irrepressible conflict of right and 
wrong, William II. Seward, in 1861, pronounces "fear- 
ful " ! To describe the great conflict of the age, the 
first of American statesmen, in the year of Garibaldi 
and Italy, can find no epithet but '^fearful." 

The servile silence of the 7th of March, i860, is out- 
done, and Massachusetts yields to New York the post 
of infamy which her great Senator has hitherto filled. 
Yes, of all the doctors bending over the patient, not 
one dares to name his disease, except the Tribune, 
which advises him to forget it! Throughout half of 
the great cities of the North, evury one who touches 
cm it Is mobbed into silence! This is, Indeed, the sad 
dest feature of our times. 

Let us, then, who, unlike Mr, Seward, are Dpi afraid 
to tell, even now, all and just what (re wish — Ictus 
look at the real nature of tin.- Crisis in wliieh we stand. 
The Tribune says we should " forget the negro." Il 

seems to me that all our past, all our present, and all 
our future command us at this moment to think of 
nothing but the negro. (Slight laughter, derisively.) 

Let me tell you why. 

The first duty of society is justice. If any other 
basis of safety or gain were honest, it would be impos- 
sible. " A prosperous iniquity," says Jeremy Taylor, 
" is the most unprofitable condition in the world." We 
were not sent into the world to plant cities, to make 
Unions or save them. Seeing that all men are born 
equal, our first civil duty is to see that our laws treat 
them so. The convulsion of this hour is the effort of 
the nation to do tins, its duty, while politicians and 
parties strive to balk it of its purpose. The nation 
agonizes this hour to recognize man as man — forgetting 
the color, condition, sex and creed. 

Our Revolution earned us only independence. What- 
ever our fathers meant, the chief lesson of that hour 
was that America belongs to Americans. That gener- 
ation learned it thoroughly; the second inherited it 
as a prejudice ; we, the third, have our bones and blood 
made of it. When thought passes through purpose 
into character, It becomes the unchangeable basis of 
national life. That R evolutionary lesson need never 
be learned again, and will never die out. Let a Brit- 
ish fleet, with Admirals of the blue and red, cover our 
Atlantic coast, and in ten days Massachusetts and Caro- 
lina will stand shoulder to shoulder, the only rivalry, 
who shall die nearest the foe. (Loud applause, with 
cries of "Good.") 

That principle is all our revolution directly taught 
us. Massachusetts was hide-bound in the aristocracy 
of classes for years after. The bar and the orthodox 
pulpit were our House of Lords. A Baptist clergy- 
man was little better than a negro. The five points of 
Massachusetts decency were to trace your lineage to 
the Mayflower — graduate at Harvard College — be a 
good lawyer or a member of an orthodox church — 
either would answer — (laughter) — pay your debts, and 
frighten your child to sleep by saying "Thomas Jef- 
ferson." Our theological aristocracy went down be- 
fore the stalwart blows of the Baptist and Unitarian — 
before Channing and Abner Knecland. Virginia and 
Carolina slaveholders, mailing theoretical democracy 
their passion, conquered the Federal Government, and 
emancipated the working classes of New England. 
Bitter was the cup to honest Federalism and the Essex 
junto. To-day, Massachusetts only holds to the lips of 
Carolina a beaker of the same beverage. I know no 
man who has analyzed this passage in our history so 
well as Richard Hildrcth. The last thirty years have 
been the flowering out of this lesson. The Democratic 
principle, crumbling classes into men, has been work- 
ing down from pulpits and judges' seats, through shop- 
boards and shoe-benches, to Irish hodmen, and reached 
the negro at last. The long toil of a century cries out 
"Eureka" — I have found it — the diamond of an im- 
mortal soul and an equal manhood under a black skin 
as sure as under a white one. Por this Leggett labored 
and Lovejoy died. Por this the bravest soul of the 
century went up to God from a Virginia scaffold. 
(Hisses and applause.) Por this, young men gave up 
their May of youth, and old men the honors and ease 
of age. It went through the land writing history 
afresh, setting up and pulling down parties, riving 
sects, mowing down colossal reputations, making us 
veil our faces in shame at the baseness of our youth's 
idols, sending bankrupt statesmen to dishonored 

We stand to-day just as Hancock and Adams and 
Jefferson stood, when stamp act and tea tax, Patrick 
Henry's eloquence, and the massacre of March 5th, 
Otis's blood, and Bunker Hill, had borne them to July, 
177(3. Suppose at that moment John Adams had cried 
out, "Now let the people everywhere forget Indepen- 
dencc, and remember only 'God save the King!' " 
(Laughter.) The toil of a whole generation, thirty 
years, has been spent in examining this question of the 
rights and place of the negro — the whole earnest 
thought of the nation given to it — old parties have 
been wrecked against it, new ones grown out of it — it 
stifles all other questions — the great interests of the 
nation necessarily suffer because men refuse to think 
of anything else — it struggles up through all compro- 
mises, asserting its right to be heard — no green withes 
of eloquence and cunning, trade, pulpit, Congress or 
college, succeed in binding this Sampson — the business 
of the seaboard begs it may be settled, no matter how 
— the whole South is determined to have it met, pro- 
claiming that it does not secede because of Personal 
Liberty Laws or a Republican President, but because 
of the state of Northern feeling of which these aresigns. 
It is not Northern laws or officers they fear, but North- 
ern conscience. Why, then, should not the North ac- 
cept the issue, and try to settle the question forever ? 
You may run the Missouri line to the Pacific, but Gar- 
rison still lives — and while he does, South Carolina 
hates and fears Massachusetts. (Applause.) No re- 
solves can still our brains or stifle our hearts — till you 
do, the slaveholder feels that New England is his nat- 
ural foe. There can therefore be no real peace till we 
settle the slave question. If thirty years of debate 
have not fitted us to meet it, when shall we be able ? 

But the most honest Republicans say a State has no 
right to secede — we will show first that we have a gov- 
ernment, and then, not before, settle disputed ques- 
tions. Suppose a State has no right to secede, of what 
consequence is that? A Union is made up of willing 
States, not of conquered provinces. There are some 
rights, quite perfect, yet wholly incapable of being en- 
forced. A husband or wife who can only keep the 
other partner within the bond by locking the doors and 
standing armed before them, had better submit to 
peaceable separation. (Applause.) A firm where one 
partner, refuses to ant, has a full right to his services, 
but how compel them ? South Carolina may be pun- 
ished for her fault iu going out of the Union, but that 
does not keep her in it. Why not recognize soberly 
the nature and necessity of our position? Why not, 
like statesmen, remember that homogeneous nations, 
like Prance, tend to centralization — confederacies, like 
ours, tend inevitably to dismemberment. France is 
the slow, still deposit of ages on central granite ; only 
the globe's convulsion can rive it! We are the rich 
mud of the Mississippi — every flood shifts it from one 
side to the other of the channel. Nations like Austria, 
victim States, held under the lock and key of despot- 
ism, — or like ourselves, a herd of States, hunting for 
their food together, — must expect that any quarrel may 
lead to disunion. Beside, Inter arma, silent ler/es—+ 
Armies care nothing for constables. This is not a case 
at law, but Revolution. 

Let us not, however, too anxiously grieve over the 
Union of 1787. Real Unions are not made — they 
grow. This was made, like an artificial waterfall or 
a Connecticut nutmeg. It was not an oak which to- 
day a tempest shatters, It was a wall hastily built, in 
hard times, of round boulders, — the cement has crum- 
bled, and the smooth stones, obeying the law of gravity, 
tumble here and there. Why should we seek to stop 
them, merely to show that we have a right and can? 
That were only a waste of means and temper. Let 
us build like the Pyramids, a fabric which every nat- 
ural law guarantees; or, better still, plant a Union 
whose life survives the ages, and quietly gives birth 
to its successor. 

Mr. Seward's last speech, which he confesses does 
not express his real convictions, denies every princi- 
ple, but one, that he proclaimed in his campaign ad- 
dresses; that one — which, at Lansing, he expressly 
said " he was ashamed to confess " — that one h tin's, 
everything is to be sacrificed to save the Union. I 
am not aware that, on any public occasion, varied and 
wide :is have been his discussions ami topics, he 
has ever named the truth or the virtue which he would 
not sacrifice to save the Union. For thirty years there 
has been Btormy ami searching discussion of profound 
moral questions; one, whom his friends call our only 
statesman, has spoken often on all ; yet he has never 
named the sin which he does not think its saving of 
the Union would not change into a virtue, 

Remembering ibis element of his statesmanship, l<-t 

us listen to the key-note of his late speech: " The 

fln i object of every human society is safety or secu- 
rity—for Which, if need lie, they will and they must 

sacrifice wi-vy other." 

I will not stop to say that, even with his explana 
tions, his principle is equivocal, and, if unlimited, 

false; that, unqualified, il justifies every crime, and 
would have prevented every glory of history ; that 
by it, James II, and Bonaparte were saints; under 
one sense, the Pilgrims were madmen, and under 
another, the Puritans did right to hang Quakers. 
But grant it. Suppose the Union means wealth, cul- 
ture, happiness and safety, — man has no right to buy 
either by crime. 

Many years ago, on the floor of Congress, Kentucky 
and Tennessee both confessed that " the dissolution 
of the Union was the dissolution of slavery." Last 
month Senator Johnson of Tennessee said, " If I were 
an abolitionist, and wanted to accomplish the abolition 
of slavery in the Southern States, the first step I 
would take would be to break the bonds of this Union. 
I believe the continuance of slavery depends on the 
preservation of this Union, and a compliance with all 
the guarantees of the Constitution." Iu September 
last, Mr. Seward himself said, "What are they [the 
Southern States] in for, but to have slavery saved for 
them by the Federal Union? Why would they go 
out, for they could not maintain and defend themselves 
against their own slaves'?" In this last speech, he 
tells us it is the Union which restricts the opposition 
of slavery within narrow limits, and prevents it from 
being, like that of Europe, a " direct and uncompro- 
mising " demand for abolition. 

Now, if the Union created for us a fresh Goleonda 
every month, if it made every citizen wise as Solo- 
mon, blameless as St. John, and safe as an angel in 
the courts of Heaven, to cling to it would still be a 
damnable crime, hateful to God, while its cement was 
the blood of the negro — while it, and it alone, made 
the crime of slaveholding possible in fifteen States. 

Mr. Seward is a power in the State. It is worth 
while to understand bis course. It cannot be caprice. 
His position decides that of millions. The instinct 
that leads him to take it shows his guess (and he rarely 
errs) what the majority intend. I reconcile thus the ut- 
ter difference and opposition of his campaign speeches, 
and his last one. I think ho went West, sore at the 
loss of the nomination, but with too much good sense, 
perhaps magnanimity, to act over again Webster's 
sullen part when Taylor stole his rights. 

Still Mr. Seward, though philosophic, though keen 
to analyze and unfold the theory of our politics, is not 
cunning in plans. He is only the hand and tongue; 
his brain lives in private life on the Hudson river-side. 
Acting under that guidance, he thought Mr. Lincoln 
not likely to go beyond, even if he were able to keep, 
the whole Chicago Platform. Accordingly he said, I 
will give free rein to my natural feelings and real con- 
victions, till these Abolitionists of the Republican 
ranks shall cry — " Oh, what a mistake ! We ought to 
have nominated Seward ; another time we will not be 
balked." Hence the hot eloquence and fearless tone 
of those prairie speeches. He returns to Washington, 
finds Mr. Lincoln sturdily insisting that his bond is 
pledged to keep, in office, every promise made m the 
platform. Then Mr. Seward shifts his course, saying, 
" Since my abolitionism cannot take the wind from my 
rival's sails, I'll get credit as a conservative. Accept- 
ing the premiership, I will forestall public opinion, and 
do all possible to bind the coming administration to a 
policy which I originate." He offers to postpone the 
whole Chicago Platform, in order to save the Union — 
though last October, at Chicago, he told us postpone- 
ment never settles anything — whether it is a lawsuit 
or national question, better be beat and try again, than 

This speech of Mr. Seward I regard as a declara- 
tion of war against the avowed policy of the incom- 
ing President. If Lincoln were an Andrew Jackson, 
as his friends aver, he would dismiss Mr. Seward from 
his Cabinet. The incoming administration, if honest 
and firm, has two enemies to fight, Mr. Seward and 
the South. 

His power is large. Already he has swept our 
Adams into the vortex— making him offer to sacrifice 
the whole Republican platform — though, as events have 
turned, he has sacrificed only his own personal honor. 
Fifteen years ago, John Quincy Adams prophesied that 
the Union would not last twenty years. He little 
thought that disunion, when it came, would swallow 
bis son's honor in its gulf. 

At such hours, New England Senators and Repre- 
sentatives have, from the idea of their very nltraism, 
little or no direct weight in Congress. But while 
New England is the brain oi the Union, and therefore 
foreshadows what will be public opinion in the plastic 
West five years hence, it is of momentous conse- 
quence that the people here should make their real 
feelings known — that the pulpit and press should 
sound the bugle-note of utter defiance to slavery itself 
— Union or no Union, Constitution or no Constitution, 
freedom for every man between the oceans, and from 
the hot Gulf to the frozen Pole ! You may as well 
dam up Niagara with bulrushes as bind our anti-slavery 
purpose with Congressional compromise. The South 
knows it. While she holds out her hand for Seward's 
offer, she keeps her eye fixed on us, to see what we 
t hink . Let her see that we laugh it to scorn. Sacri- 
fice anything to keep the slaveholding States in the 
Union 1 God forbid ! we will rather build a bridge of 
gold, and pay their toll over it — accompany them out 
with glad noise of trumpets, and " speed the parting 
guest." Let them not "stand on the order of their 
going, but go at once"! Take the forts, empty our 
arsenals and sub-treasuries, and we will lend them 
beside jewels of gold and jewels of silver, and Egypt 
be glad when they are departed. (Laughter and ap- 

But let the world distinctly understand why they 
go — to save slavery; and why we rejoic^'in _ their"ae'- 
parture — because we know their declaration of inde- 
pendence is the jubilee of the slave. The eyes of the 
world are fixed on us as the great example of self- 
government. When this Union goes to pieces, it is a 
shock to the hopes of the struggling millions of'Europe. 
All lies bear bitter fruit. To-day is the inevitable 
fruit of our fathers' faithless compromise in 1787. Por 
the sake of the future, in freedom's name, let think- 
ing Europe understand clearly why we sever. They 
saw Mr. Seward paint, at Cliicago, our utter demorali- 
zation, Church and State, government and people, all 
classes, educated and uneducated — all brought by the 
Slave Power, he said, to think slavery a blessing, and 
do anything to save it. So utter did he consider this 
demoralization, that he despaired of Native Ameri- 
cans, and trusted to the hunted patriots and the refuse 
of Europe, which the emigrant trains bore by bis 
house, for the salvation of the valley of the Mississippi. 
To-day they see that very man kneeling to that Slave 
Power, and begging her to take all, but only consent 
to grant him Bueh a Union — Union with such a Power ! 
How, then, shall Kossuth answer, when Austria laughs 
him to scorn ? Shall Europe see the slaveholder kick 
the reluctant and kneeling North out of such a Union 1 
How, then, shall Garibaldi dare look in the face of 
Napoleon ? If, therefore, it were only to honor self- 
government, to prove that it educates men, not pedlars 
and cowards, let us proclaim our faith that honest la- 
bor can stand alone ; its own right hand amply able to 
earn its bread and defend its rights (applause); and, 
if it were not so, our readiness, at any cost, to wel- 
come disunion, when it comes bringing freedom to 
four million of hapless slaves! (Applause.) What a 
sad comment on free institutions, that they have pro- 
duced a South of tyrants, and a North of cowards ; a 
South, ready to face any peril to save slavery, and a 
North unwilling to risk a dollar to serve freedom ! 

Why do I set so little value on tho Union? Be- 
cause I consider it a failure; certainty, so far as sla- 
very is concerned, it is a failure. If you doubt me, 
look nt the picture of its effects which Mr. Seward 
pointed at Chicago. 

Under it, 700,000 slaves have increased to 4,000,000. 

We have paid $800,000,000 direetiy to the support »i~ 

slavery. This secession will cost the Unimi and busi- 
ness S&O.OOIMHHl more. The loss which this disturb 
ing force has brought lo our trade and industry, within 

sixty years, it would be safe to call 8800,000,000. [g 
the Union a p&cuniary success 1 Dnder it, slavery 

hm been Strong OaOUgh to rule the nation for sixty 

years, and now breaks it to pieceB because it can rule 
il. no lunger. Under it, public morals have been so 
lowered, that while, at its outset, nine men out of ten 
were proud to be called abolitionists, now, nine out of 
ten would deem it not only an insult, but a pecuniary 
injury, to be charged with being so. Ever since it 
existed, its friends have confessed that to save it, it 
was necessary and proper to crush free speech. Wit- 
ness John Adams's sedition laws. Witness mobs of 
well-dressed merchants in every Northern city now. 
Witness one-half of the Republican party lamenting 
free speech, this hour, throughout the North. 

Mr. Seward confessed, at Chicago, that neither free 
speech nor free suffrage existed in one-half of the 
States. No Northern man can trade, live or talk 
there. For twenty years, men have been mobbed, 
robbed, lynched, hung and burned there, solely for 
loving liberty; and while the Federal Government 
never lifted a finger to prevent or punish it, the very 
States whose citizens have been outraged, have been 
too indifferent even to remonstrate. Massachusetts, 
who once remonstrated, saw her own agent mobbed 
out of Charleston with her full consent. 

Before the Union existed, Washington and Jeffer- 
son uttered the boldest anti-slavery opinions; to-day 
they would be lynched in their own homes ; and their 
sentiments have been mobbed this very year iu every 
great city of the North. The Fugitive Slave Bill 
could never have been passed nor executed in the days 
of Jay. Now, no man who hopes for office dares to 
insist that it is unconstitutional. Slavery has turned 
our churches of Christ to churches of commerce. 

John Quincy Adams, the child of our earlier civili- 
zation, said the Union was worthless, weighed against 
that liberty it was meant to secure. Mr. Seward, 
ehilil of the Union, says there are few men, and there 
ought to be few, who would not prefer saving the 
Union to securing freedom; and standing to-day at 
the head of nineteen million of free men, he confesses 
he does not deem it prudent to express his "most 
cherished convictions " on this subject, while every 
honest man fears, and three-foin 'lis of Mr. Seward's 
followers hope, that the North, in this conflict of right 
and wrong, will, spite of Horace Greeley's warning, 
"love Liberty less than Profit, dethrone Conscience, 
and set up Commerce in its stead." You know it. A 
Union whose despotism is so cruel and searching that 
one-half our lawyers and one-half our merchants stifle 
conscience for bread — in the name of Martin Luther 
and John Milton, of Algernon Sydney and Henry 
Vane, of John Jay and Samuel Adams, I declare such 
a Union a failure. 

It is for the chance of saving such a Union that 
Mr. Seward and Mr. Adams break in Washington all 
the promises of the canvass, and countenance mea- 
sures which stifle the conscience and confuse the 
moral sense of the North. Say not that my criticism 
of them is harsh. I know their philosophy. It is, 
conciliate, compromise, postpone, practise finesse, 
make promises, or break them, do anything to gain 
time and concentrate the North against slavery. Our 
fathers tried that policy in 1787. That they misera- 
bly failed is proved by a Capitol filled with knaves 
and traitors, yet able to awe and ruin honest men. It 
was tried in 1821, and failed. It was tried in 1850, and 
failed. Who is audacious enough to ask another 
trial % The Republicans say — " Conciliate — use soft 
language — organize, behind the door, bands of volun- 
teers ; and when we have saved Washington, we may 
dare speak out." That is good policy for midnight 
conspirators. But if we are a government, if we are 
a nation, we should say — " Tell the truth ! If coer- 
cion is policy, tell the truth. Call for volunteers in 
even' State, and vindicate the honor of the nation in 
the fight of the sun !" {Applause.) 

The Union, then, is a failure. What harm can 
come from disunion, and what good 1 

The seceding States will form a Southern Confede- 
racy. We may judge of its future from the history 
of Mexico. The Gulf States intend to re-open the 
slave trade. If Kentucky and Tennessee, Virginia, 
Maryland and North Carolina secede, the opening of 
that trade will ruin them, and they will gravitate 
to us, free. Louisiana cannot secede, except on pa- 
per ; the omnipotent West needs her territory as the 
mouth of its river. She must stay with us as a State 
or a conquered Province — and may have her choice. 
(Laughter.) Beside, she stands on Sugar, and free 
trade bankrupts her. Consider the rest of the slave 
States as one power — how can it harm us? Let us 
see the ground of Mr. Seward's fears. Will it in- 
crease our expenses or lessen our receipts ? No, every 
one of those States costs the Union more than it con- 
tributes to it. Can it harm us by attacks'? States 
without commerce or manufactures, and with an army 
of four millions of natural enemies encamped among 
them, have given bonds to keep the peace. Will they 
leave us so small and weak by going that we cannot 
stand alone ? Let us see. There is no reason to sup- 
pose that the free States, except California, will not 
cling together. Idem velle, idem nolle — to like and dis- 
like the same things, says the Latin proverb, is friend- 
ship. When a great number of persons agree in a 
great number of things, that ensures a union — that is 
not the ease with the North and South, therefore we 
separate ; that is the case with the whole North, there- 
fore we shall remain united. How strong shall we be ? 
Our territory will be twice as large as Austria, three 
times as large as Prance, four times as large as Spain, 
six times as large as Italy, seven times as large as 
Great Britain. Those nations have proved, for a con- 
siderable period, that they had sufficient land to stand 
on. Our population will be about nineteen millions — 
more than the Union bad in 1840. I do not think we 
were much afraid of anybody in 1840. Our blood is 
largely Yankee, a race (hat saved Carolina from her 
own Tories, in the Revolution. (Laughter.) Without 
that hindrance, we could fight certainly as well as we 
did then ; and then, with three millions men only, we 
measured swords with the ablest nation of Europe, 
and conquered. I think, therefore, we have no rea- 
son to be very nervously anxious now. Indeed, Mr. 
Seward's picture of the desolation and military weak- 
ness of the divided States, if intended for the North, 
is the emptiest lie in his speech. I said He — I meant 
it. I will tell you why. Because one William II. 
Seward said, last fall, at Lansing — " We are maintain- 
ing a standing army at the heavy cost of one thou- 
sand dollars per man, and a standing navy — for what? 
to protect Michigan or Massachusetts, New York or 
Ohio 1 No, there is not a nation on the face of the earth 
which would dare to attack these free. States, or any of 
them, if they were even disunited. We arc doing it in 
order that slaves may not escape from slave States into 
the free, and to secure those Slates from domestic in- 
surrection ; and because, if we provoke a foreign foe, 
slavery cries out that it is in danger." Surely, tho 
speaker of tlioso words has no right to deny that our 
expenses and danger will be less, and our power to 
meet both greater, when the slave States are gone. 

Indeed, everybody knows this. And this trembling 
dread of losing tho Union, which so frightens the peo- 
ple that, in view of it, Mr. Seward, as a practical man, 
dares not now tell, as he says, what he really thinks 
and wishes, is the child of his and Webster's insincere 
idolatry of tho Union. To serve party and personal 
ambition, they made a God of the Union; and to-day 
their invention returns to plague the inventors. They 
made the people slaves to a falsehood; and that, same 
deluded people have turned their fellers into gags for 
Mr. Seward's lips. Thank God for Ibe retribution ! 

Hut the Union created commerce; disunion will 

kill it. Tho Union the mother of commerce? V 
doubt it. I question whether the genius and energy 
Of the Yankee race are not the parent of commerce 
anil the fountain of wealth, mueb more than the 
Union. That race, in Holland, first created a coun- 
try, and then, standing on piles, called modern com* 
uteree into being. That race, in England, with ter- 
ritory ]USt Wide OnOUgh to keep its eiisleru and wes- 
tern harbors apart, monopolized, lor centuries, (be 
trade of the world, and annexed continents only as 
QOfitrS wherein to garner its wealth. Who shall s:iy 

thai the same blood, with only New England for its 
anchorage, could no) drag the wealth of the West into 
us harbors! Who shall wiy that the fertile lands of 

Virginia and the Mississippi enrich us because they 
will to do so, and not because they are compelled J 
As long as New Engjaud is made of granite and the 
nerves nf ber sons of steel, she will be, us she always 
has been, the bruin of North America, united or disu- 
nited; and harnessing the elements, steam and light- 
ning, to her ear of conquest, she will double the worth 
of evury prairie acre by her skill, cover ocean with her 
canvas, and gather the wealth of the western hemi- 
sphere into her harbors. 

Despite, then, of Seward's foreboding, our confede- 
racy will be strong, safe and rich. Honest it will be, 
and therefore happy. Its nobleness will be, that, 
laughing at prophets, and scorning chances, it has ta- 
ken the prop from the slave system, and in one night 
the whole fabric will tumble to pieces. Disunion is 
Abolition ! That is all the value Disunion has for me. 
I care nothing for forms of government. No foreign 
State dare touch us, united or disunited. It matters 
not to me whether Massachusetts is worth one thou- 
sand millions, as now, or two thousand millions, as she 
might be, if she had no Carolina to feed, protect, and 
carry the mails for. The music of Disunion to me is, 
that at its touch, the slave breaks into voice, shouting 
his jubilee. 

What supports slavery? Northern bayonets, calm- 
ing the masters' fears. Mr. Seward's words, which 
I have just quoted, tell you what be thinks the sole 
use of our army and navy. Disunion leaves God's 
natural laws to work their good results. God gives 
every animal means of self-protection. Under God's 
law, insurrection is the tyrant's check. Let us stand 
out of the path, and allow the divine law to have free 

Next, Northern opinion is the opiate of Southern 
conscience. Disunion changes that. Public opinion 
forms governments, and again governments react to 
mould opinion. Here is a government just as much 
permeated by slavery as China or Japan is with idola- 

The Republican party take possession of this gov- 
ernment. How are they to undermine the Slave 
Power? That power is composed, 1st, of the inevi- 
table influence of wealth— 2,000,000,000 of dollars— 
the worth of the slaves in the Union — so much capi- 
tal drawing to it the sympathy of all other capital ; 
2d, of the artificial aristocracy created by the three- 
fifths slave basis of the Constitution ; 3d, by the po- 
tent and baleful prejudice of color. 

The aristocracy of the Constitution ! Where have 
you seen an aristocracy with half its power? You 
may take a small town here in New England, with a 
busy, active population of 2500, and three or four such 
men as Gov. Aiken, of South Carolina, riding leisure- 
ly to the polls, andthrpwing their visiting cards in for 
ballots, will blot out the entire influence of that New 
England town in the federal government. That is 
your Republicanism ! Then, when you add to that 
the element of prejudice, which is concentrated in the 
epithet which spells negro with two "gg's," you 
make the three-stand cable of the Slave Power — the 
prejudice of race, the omnipotence of money, and the 
almost irresistible power of aristocracy. That is the 
Slave Power. 

How is Mr. Lincoln to undermine it while in the 
Union'? Certainly, by turning every atom of patron- 
age and pecuniary profit in the keeping of the federal 
government to the support of freedom. You know 
that the policy has been always acted upon ever since 
Washington, and it has been openly avowed ever since 
Fillmore, that no man was to receive any office who 
was not sound on the slavery question. You remem- 
ber the debate in the Senate, when that was distinctly 
avowed to be the policy of Mr. Fillmore. You re- 
member Mr. Clay letting it drop out accidentally, in 
debate, that the slaveholders had always closely watch- 
ed the Cabinet, and kept a majority there, in order to 
preserve the ascendancy of slavery. This is the poli- 
cy which, in the course of fifty years, has built up the 
Slave Power. Now, how is the Republican party ever 
to beat that Power down % By reversing that policy, 
in favor of freedom. Cassius Clay said to me, five 
years ago : " If you will allow me to have the patron- 
age of this government five years, and exercise it re- 
morselessly, down to New Orleans — never permit any 
one but an avowed Abolitionist to hold office under the 
federal government — I will revolutionize the slave 
States themselves in two administrations." That is 
a scheme of efficient politics. But the Republican 
party has never yet professed any such policy. 

Mr. Greeley, on the contrary, avowed in the Tribune, 
that he had often voted for a slaveholder willingly, 
and he never expected the time would come when be 
should lay down the principle of refusing to vote for a 
slaveholder to office ; — and that sentiment has not 
only been reiterated by others of the Republican par- 
ty, but has never been disavowed by any one. But 
suppose you could develop politics up to this idea, that 
the whole patronage of the government should be 
turned in favor of Abolition — it would take two or 
three generations to overthrow what the Slave Power 
has done in sixty years, with the power of aristocracy 
and the strength of prejudice on its side. With the 
patronage of the government in its control, the Re- 
publican party must work slowly to regenerate the 
government against those elements in opposition, 
when, with them in its favor, the Slave Power has been 
some sixty years in bringing about such a result as we 
see around us. To reverse this, and work only with 
the patronage of the government, it would take you 
long to effect the cure. Iu my soul, I believe that a 
dissolution of the Union, sure to result speedily in the 
abolition of slavery, would be a lesser evil than the 
slow, faltering, diseased, gradually dying out of sla- 
veiy, constantly poisoning us with the festering re- 
mains of this corrupt political, social and literary state. 
I. believe a sudden, conclusive, vict^Uo di*um<-ui, »~ 
suiting in the abolition of slavery, in the disruption 
of the Northern mind from all connection with it, all 
vassalage to it, immediately, would be a better, health- 
ier, aud more wholesome cure, than to let the Repub- 
lican party exert this gradual influence through the 
power of the government for thirty or sixty years. 

We are seeking the best way to get rid of a great 
national evil. Mr. Seward's way is to put down the 
Union as a " fixed fact," and then educate politics up 
to a certain level. In that way we have to live. 
like Sinbad, with dishing, and Hillard, anil Hallett, 
and O'Connor, and Douglas, and men like them, on 
our shoulders, for the next thirty or forty years, — 
with the Deweys and President Lords, and all that 
class of men, — and all this timid servility of the 
press, — all this lack of virtue and manhood, — all this 
corruption of the pulpit, — all this fossil hunkerisui,— 
all this selling of the soul for a mess of pottage, — is to 
linger, working in the body politic for thirty or forty 
years, and we are gradually to eliminate the disease ! 
What an awful future ! What a miserable chronic dis- 
ease ! What a wreck of a noble nation the American 
Republic is to be for fifty years ! 

And why 1 Only to save a piece of parchment that 
Elbridge Gerry had instinct enough to think did not 
deserve saving, as long ago as 178'J! Mr. Seward 
would leave New York united to New Orleans, with 
the hope (sure to be baulked) of getting freer aud 
freer from year to year. 1 want to place her, at once, 
in the same relation towards New Orleans that she 
bears to Liverpool. You can do it, the moment you 
break the political tie. What will that do'! I will 
tell you. The New York pulpit is to-day one end o\' 
a magnetic telegraph, ofwhiohthe New Orleans cot- 

Ion market is the other. The New York stuck mar- 
ket is one end of the magnetic telegraph, and the 
Charleston Mtrmry is the Other. New York states- 
manship! Why, even iu the Hps of Seward, il is 
sealed, or half sealed, by considerations that take their 
rise iu the cane brakes and cotton-lields of fifteen 
Mules. Break up 'his Union, and Ibe ideas of South 

Carolina will have no more Influence on Seward than of Palmerston. Tho wishes of New Orleans 

WOUld have no more Influence on Chief Justice Hie,., 
low than the wishes of London. The threats el' lbi\ is. 

Coombs .nut Keiti v. ill have no more Influence on tho 

Tribune I ban the I bunders of ihe l.nmleii iTVmi SOU the 
hopes nf the t h.irlisl.s. Our Bancroft! will no longer 

write history with one eye Axed en Democratic sue 

cess, nor our Wcbsters invent "law* of Cod" to 
please Mr. Senator Douglas. We shall have U elo-o 
connection, as much commerce ; we shall still ha*% * 
common language, a common faith and common race, 

the same common social lite; we shall intermarry just 
the same; we shall have steamers running just as 
often and just as rapidly as now. Hut what carea Dr, 
Dewey for the opinion of Liverpool'! Nothing! 
What cares he for the opinion of Washington ? Every 
thing! Ureak the link, and New York springs up 
like the fountain relieved from a mountain load, ami 
assumes her place among decent cilieB, We mean no 
special praise of the English courts, pulpit or press by 
these comparisons ; our only wish is to show that how- 
ever close the commercial relations might continue to 
be between North and South, and in spite of that com- 
mon faith and common tongue and common history, 
which would continue to hold these thirty States to- 
gether, still, as in the case of this country and Eng- 
land, wedded still by the same ties, the mere Bunder- 
ing of a political union would leave each half free, as 
that of 1770 did, from a very large share of the cor- 
rupt influence of the other. 

That is what I mean by Disunion. I mean to take 
Massachusetts, and leave her exactly as she is, com- 
mercially. She shall manufacture for the South just 
as Lancashire does. I know what an influence the 
South has on the manufacturers and clergy of Eng- 
land; — that is inevitable, in the nature of things. We 
have only human nature to work with, and we cannot 
raise it up to the level of angels. We shall never get 
beyond the sphere of human selfishness, but we earn 
lift this human nature up to a higher level, if we can 
but remove the weight of this political relation which 
now rests upon it. What I would do with Massachu- 
setts is this — I would make her, in relation to South 
Carolina, just what England is. I would that I could 
float her off, and anchor her in mid ocean! 

Severed from us, South Carolina must have a gov- 
ernment. You see now a reign of terror — threats to 
raise means. That can only last a day. Some sys- 
tem must give support to a government. It >b an ex- 
pensive luxury. You must lay taxes to support it. 
Where will you levy your taxes % They must rest on 
productions. Productions are the result of skilled 
labor. You must educate your laborer, if you would 
have the means for carrying on a government. Des- 
potisms are cheap; free governments are a dear luxu- 
ry — the machinery is complicated and expensive. If 
the South wants a theoretical Republic, she must pay 
for It — she must have a basis for taxation. How will 
she pay for it? Why, Massachusetts, with a million 
workmen — men, women and children — the little feet 
that can just toddle bringing chips from the wood-pile, 
— Massachusetts only pays her own board and lodging, 
and lays by about four-per cent, a year. And South 
Carolina, with one half idlers, and the other half 
slaves, only doing half the work of a free man — only 
one quarter of the population actually at work — how 
much do you suppose she lays up ? Lays up a loss ! 
By all the laws of political economy, she lays up 
bankruptcy — of course she does ! Put her out, and let 
her see how sheltered she has been from the laws of 
trade by the Union ! The free labor of the North pays 
ber plantation patrol ; we pay for her government, we 
pay for her postage, and for every tiling else. Launch 
her out, and let her see if she can make the year's 
ends meet ! And when she tries, she must educate 
her labor ha order to get the basis for taxation- Ed- 
ucate slaves ! Make a locomotive with its furnaces of 
open wire work, fill them with anthracite coal, and? 
when you have raised it to white heat, mount and 
drive it through a powder magazine, and you are safe, 
compared with a slaveholding community educating 
its slaves. But South Carolina must do it, in order to 
get the basis for taxation to support an independent 
government. The moment she does it, she removes 
the safeguard of slavery. What is the contest in Vir- 
ginia now ? Between the men who want to make 
their slaves mechanics, for the enhanced wages it will 
secure, and the men wluropposc, for fi*ar q£ die influ- 
ence it will have on the general security of slave prop- 
erty and white throats. Just that dispute will go on, 
if ever the Union is dissolved- Slavery comes to an 
end by the laws of trade. Hang up your Sharp's 
rifle, my valorous friend ! The slave does not ask the 
help of your musket. He only says, like old Dioge- 
nes to Alexander, ** Stand out of my light ! " Just 
take your awkward proportions, you Yankee Demo- 
crat and Republican, out of the light and heat of God'* 
laws of political economy, and they will melt the 
slave's chains away ! 

Take your distorted Union, your nightmare mon- 
ster, out of the light and range of those laws of trade 
and competition ; then, without any sacrifice on your 
part, slavery will go to pieces ! God made it a law of 
his universe, that viflany should always be loss; and 
if you will only not attempt, with your puny efforts, 
to stand betwixt the inevitable laws of God's kingdom, 
as you are doing to-day, and have done for sixty 
years, by the vigor that the industry of sixteen States 
has been able to infuse into the sluggish, veins of the 
South, slavery will drop to pieces by the very influ- 
ence of the competition of the nineteenth century. 
That is ■what we mean by Disunion ! 

That is my coercion .' Northern pulpits cannonading; 
die Southern conscience ; Northern competition emp- 
tying its pockets; educated slaves awaking its fears ; 
Civilization and Christiam'ty beckoning the South into 
their sisterhood. Soon every breeze that sweeps over 
Carolina will bring to our ears the music of repent- 
ance, and even she will earve o» her Palmetto, "We 
hold this truth to be self-evident — that all men are cre- 
ated equal." 

All hail, then. Disunion ! "Beautiful on the moun- 
tains are the feet of him that Iningeth good tidings, 
iluit-uubli^eth ueaee. tliatsailhunUi . y ^~j - T J^>-G«l- 
reigueth." The sods of Bunker Hill shall be greener, 
now that their great purpose is accomplished. Sleep 
in peace, martyr of Harper's Ferry ! — your life was 
not given in vain- Rejoice, spirits of Fayette and 
Kosciusko ! — the only slaiu upon your swords is pass- 
ing away. Soon, throughout all America, there shall 
be neither power nor wish to hold a slave. 

J^= We copy the above report of Mr. Phillips's ad- 
dress from the -l«W ami dee of Monday. It was heard 
by a large audience, which crowded the Music Hall in 
every part. In consequence of the threats which have 
so frequently boon made of late, that Mr. Phillips 
should not Ik- allowed to speak, some apprehensions 
of a disturbance wen* felt. Application was made to 
Mayor Wigbtman for the protection of the police, (of 
which a record is given iu another column,} which he 
at first refused to grant, but finally awoke to a sense 
of his duty, and to the obligation of his recent oath. 
and stationed a number of officers in various parts of 
the hall, having a reserved force of seventy live picked 
men at the t'ily Hall- On the part of ihe State 
government, Gov. Andrews, Cols. Sargent and Ritchie 
of the siatf, Adj. Gen, Sohoulet and Sheriff Clark 
were located iu the immediate vicinity of Music Hall, 
prepared tor any emergency. Happily, their services 
were u<-t required. \ 

Before commencing his discourse, Mr. Phillips re- 
quested the friends of the Society to preserve entire 
silence during its delivery: a request which was. in 

the main, complied with, thongb the temptation to 

answer, by applause, the tokens of disapprobation 
which weiiA>ccasionally manifested, proved too strong 
for some among the audience. 

When Mr. Phillips left the hall. aevompatiiod by n 

large Dumber of friends, the] bund Wlnb 

lined in crowds of genteel ruffians, of the Hell Kverctt 

persuasion, evidently, who vented their spile in bOWUI 
and groans. A large number <>t policemen were in 

the street, who kept the crowd back, and aoooaipanied 

Mr. Phillips to Ids residence. On tbc way tlulhcr. at 

the corner of Washington and Bedford stivcts, the 

crush was SO severe, thai cue of the lar^e tiglils in 
the apotkeoar) store of Mr. Joseph T. BXQWn (val- 
ued al (60) was broken. No other damage a m dotttj 

and Mr. Phillips and bi^ friends passed on. the rabble 

following, until the residence of Mr. t'hillip- ■•■ 
ie;tehed. "hen be Wttt wAlj eeOOTtod in-ile. jUllltl 

>nthuaiaatie oheen hj bis friend*] and Maw hi 

and hooting by ibe olber party. 




Ho Union with Slaveholders! 



Dolinquont subscribers for the past year,— that is, 
from January 1, IStiO, to January 1, 1801 — arc re- 
spectfully requested to remember our stjusdin« roxe, 
by which their papers will be discontinued after Feb- 
ruary 1. 1S6 1 ) unless payment for the same be previous- 
ly sent in. We shall bo extremely sorry to lose a 
single subscriber in this manner, especially at this 
crisis in our national nflairs ; but, as our printed terms 
indicate that payment is to be made in advance, we are 
sure if, mstead of rigidly exacting it, we allow (as we 
do) a credit of thirteen months to delinquents, they can have 
do cause of complaint when their papers are stopped 
for omitting to make settlement. 


Our paper goes to press too early to allow us to give 
any information as to the result of the attempt to hold 
the twenty-ninth anniversary of the Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery Society in this city tins week ; but we 
are prepared to witness another of those brutal and in- 
sane mobocratic demonstrations against it, in order to 
put down the sacred cause of liberty, and to further 
the purposes of as selfish and desperate a conclave as 
ever plotted against the sovereignty of God and the 
rights of man. All manner of threats to break up the 
meetings by violence have been belched forth, in ad- 
vance, by ruffians in broadcloth and rufiians in rags ; 
and since Mayor Wightman has unblushingly, and 
with unparalleled insolence and lawlessness, pro- 
claimed that he will make no attempt to preserve the 
public peace,— thus virtually placing himself at the 
head of the mob, and stimulating them to do their 
worst,— there is no doubt that an outbreak will follow 
such as the city has not witnessed since 1835. 

To kindle the flame of mobocratic fury yet more 
fiercely, the Courier of Wednesday morning published 
leading editorial articles, written with diabolical intent, 
denouncing the friends of the oppressed as too vile to 
be tolerated, slandering them in the worst manner, and 
eulogizing the lawless course of Major Wightman ! 
Here is one of them : — 

A Curious Proposition. Tho Aati-Slavery Society of 
Massachusetts, proposing to hold ono of its annual powows 
in this city, in tho exercise of that wisdom and sense of 
propriety to be expected, called upon the Mayor for protec- 
tion. Why should they need protection? Because their 
meetings are such an offence to the reason and decent fceliwj 
of the community, that they do not ensure by their own 
character the security which attends all legitimate assem- 
blies — which need no other dei'euee than what their froe- 
* dotn from any objectionable features naturally gives them, 
and which is uniformly accorded by the self-respect and re- 
spect for the laws, so characteristic of our people. What 
right hone they to asfc the protection of the laws ? They meet 
to do their best to break up tho government, to commit trea- 
son, to undermine the very sources of law and social order. 
They are like the man who intends to knock you down in 
tho street, but first seeks the aid of the police to counte- 
nance him in it. 

The reply of Mayor Wightman to such a request was 
highly proper, and will secure him the approbation of all good 
citizens, who look upon a seditious mob with disapprobation 
and dread, however organized, or incorporated, or under what- 
ever name ifc pursues its evil designs. 

With such incentives to create a riot, there can be 
little doubt of its occurrence. We serenely leave the 
result with Him who " causes the wrath of man to 
praise him, and the remainder He will restrain." 
Abolitionism is the eternal truth of God, and all the 
powers of hell shall fail to put it down. 


OIK'H to us the joyful prospect, first of a secession of 
the South, which must end in the utter overthrow of 
slavery, and next, of the formation of a truly fVec 
Northern Confederacy. 

There will be years of disquiet in our commercial, 
manufacturing and other relations, necessarily incident 
to a change of house-keeping on so large a scale ; and 
it will take a century to free us from the deterioration 
of manners, morals and religion, which we have Buf- 
fered from contact and guilty complicity with the slave 
States ; but it will be an unspeakable gain to he freed 
from the sin, shame and ruin of continuance in this 
complicity ; and it will be an unspeakable joy to have, 
at last, a Constitution, and an executive administration, 
which shall really secure liberty throughout the land, 
unto every inhabitant thereof. — c. K. w. 


After many shifts and turns to escape the pursuit of 
vengeful destiny, the fox slavery (fox and wolf in one) 
is now doubling on its tracks, and running over an 
early part of its course. Many years ago, in the 
North, the contest of freedom of speech against slave- 
rs' was patiently fought and effectually won. That 
which Gibbon declared of the Romans is equally true 
of the Abolitionists ; though frequently conquered in 
battle, they are always victorious in war. So it was 
in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world 
without end. But as the actual slaveholders in the 
South, made desperate by seeing the gradual loss and 
failure of their party from year to year, arc suicidally 
grasping at the straw of secession, abandoning the 
Union which would have protected them awhile lon- 
ger, and venturing the remainder of their fortune on 
the turn of a die, which they absurdly hope may re- 
store the whole of£it — so their Northern partisans, 
equally desperate, are returning to the warfare which 
they vainly tried twenty-five years ago, the attempt 
to mob down free speech. In Philadelphia, Buffalo 
and Rochester, in Westfield and Boston, they have 
tried again by clamor and violence to suppress anti- 
slavery meetings, expecting thereby to suppress agita- 
tion, and to give a new lease of quiet continuance to 

This attempt, as absurd as wicked, even more a 
blunder than a crime, is vain and powerless, except as 
it generates new force against themselves. Their 
attempt is not only ridiculous and futile in the nature 
of things — seeking to quell agitation by violence, to 
produce quiet by tumult, to secure silence by clamor- 
ous shouts — but external circumstances are even more 
against them than when this same policy was tried, 
and failed, in the years from 1830 to 1835. Civiliza- 
tion has advanced since that time ; Christianity, how- 
ever betrayed in pulpits and prayer-meetings, has 
made progress elsewhere; many lying pretences of 
pro-slavery priests, politicians and traders have been 
exposed, past the power of further mischief; the com- 
pleteness with which, in the slave States, despotic oli- 
garchy has taken the place of republicanism has been 
shown, and has declared itself, beyond the possibility 
of further concealment ; and we now know, thanks to 
the thoroughness of^bese manifestations, that many 
people in every slave State, their endurance worn out 
by the increase of tyranny, are now ready for Repub- 
licanism and more, whenever a chance comes for their 
voices to be heard. The coming Conventions in the 
slaveholding States will show a beginning of the 
manifestation of this element. Meantime,-the course 
of Abolitionists is energetic perseverance in free dis- 
cussion. — c. k. w. 

We seem to be approaching the end of one of the 

great ey,ils which has stuck, like pitch, {though with 

a more defiling contact,) to every form of our politics 

and religion. The present signs of the times seem to 

indicate that we shall soon cease to be cursed with a 

mutual agreement between North and South for the 

indefinite continuance and protection of slavery. But 

this blessing comes in a guise less satisfactory, be- 
cause less creditable to our Northern States, than we 

had fondly hoped and expected. 

It seemed as if that freedom of speech and of the 

press which has {until now) for many years been enjoy- 
ed in the Northern States, combined with the accumu- 
lating evidence of the aggressive character of slavery, 

would, at last, open the eyes of the Northern peoph 

to see that their rights are no more respected by the 

South than the rights of the slaves themselves. It 

seemed as if people calling themselves Republicans, 

(not to speak here of the yet more guilty class- falsely 

calling themselves Christian ministers,) must see, at 

last, that their struggle against the extension of slavery 

lost all its moral force, and half its practical energy of 

every sort, while they consented to the existence of 

slavery. It seemed as if they must realize, after the 

rapid increase of encroachment upon their rights, and 

indignity committed against their citizens, for ten 

years past, that their own welfare, credit, and honor 

were at stake, and that an effective stand must be 

made against aggressions worse than those which 

brought ou the first revolution. But, in spite of all 

these things, they continue to oner precisely the same 

concessions, and even to incur the shame of inventing 

and proposing new ones. 
Our prospect of a cessation of compromise comes 

from the fact that the profuse and unjustifiable conces- 
sions offered by our Northern merchants, politicians 

and clergy are _no_Ionger accepted by the South. 

They a™ not only not accepter, o^^^_ smffi ^ aJ ^^ u , iLjlot che er_that descriut!. 

Those who humbly present to the Slave Power the 

evidence that they have eaten a peck of dirt in its 

service, are told with contempt that this is not enough ; 

that nothing less than bushels will suffice. Even the 

unspeakable baseness of the petition just forwarded 
to Washington by the Boston Board of Trade, asking 
that any compromise may be made, giving the South 

carte blanche for conditions of dictation, will not find 
favor in their eyes ; what they want is, that the dirty 
work shall be done in advance of negotiation, volunta- 
rily invented, and energetically accomplished, to the 
extent of making slavery openly supreme all over 
the country. Just so, the baseness of Rev. Dr. 
Spring, and of the New York and Philadelphia cler- 
gymen who, with him, have just sent a letter of fra- 
ternal sympathy to the slaveholding clergy of the 
South, will fall short of soothing the ire of those in- 
dignant brethren. The offering is deficient, both in 
quantity and quality. There are only a dozen or two 
of Northern ministers who openly and strongly preach 
in favor of slavery. The majority of the occupants 
of Northern pulpits avoid this directness, and their 
influence as the bulwark of slavery, however real and 
practically efficient, is given only by inference, by 
*uch moderate means as always turning the cold 
shoulder to abolitionism, and, when the subject fa 
pressed upon them, maintaining that slaveholding, 
however much an evil., is not a sin, and ought not to 
interfere with church-membership. 'Phis position has 
sufficed, has been perfectly satisfactory to the South. 
h\ former times, and until the John Brown move 
merit. Now, more is demanded; and those who will 
give this customary tribute, but no more, abase them- 
selves in vain. 

Thus, our prospect brightens. Despised as the 
preaching of anti-slavery truth has been, and few as 
have been the instances of full acceptance of the great 
Christian principles ou which Abolitionism is, founded, 
those principles have been working like leaven in the 
mass of Northern society, and have prod need an ob- 
vious effect. Not only does an in creasing agitation per- 
vade this mass, but the clement of sham democracy 
has been to a great extent neutralized, and a portion of 
the Republican party hast become fixed in the deter- 
mination to yield no morn — to make no further conces- 
sion. And thcKt; changes, Concurring OlOSt fortunately 
with the imperative demand of the South for more con- 
cension, and &lS0 with yet EOOCfi ulicim-nlly aggTOBttve 

movuucnirt on lier part, united to prevent concession, 


The Address of Mr. Phillips, at the Music Hall, 
on Sunday, the 20th inst., before the Twenty-Eighth 
Congregational Society of Boston, was one of the 
most impressive and admirable speeches he ever de- 
livered. The full report of it, which has gone abroad 
in large editions of the Atlas and Bee and of the Trav- 
eller, and which now appears in the Liberator, will 
show the reader that it was not deficient in energy or 
thoroughness. Yet several persons who have been 
wont to censure Mr. Phillips's directness of speech 
praised this address heartily, and said the speaker 
was "more moderate than usual" ; thus showing the 
unconscious change which bad come over themselves 
in their estimate of slavery and anti-slavery. 

But a still stronger evidence of the power of elo- 
quence and truth combined was seen in that very small 
proportion of the audience which had come to the Hall 
to express their dislike of the speaker, and their dis- 
sent from his ideas. 

Before commencing the address, Mr. Phillips re- 
quested that his friends, and the friends of the Twen- 
ty-Eighth Congregational Society, would observe the 
accustomed quietness of that time and place ; and they 
did so. 

But from a small number of persons, seated in the 
further part of the upper balcony, came at intervals 
brief expressions of derisive applause, alternatingwith 
hisses, in response to the stronger expressions of the 
address, whether affirmations of anti-slavery or de- 
scriptions of pro-slavery. 

There was one amusing instance in which the dis- 
turbers, having said A, with hearty good will, found 
themselves embarrassed in saying B. When the 
speaker said of the class led by Seward, who are now 
offering anything and everything to save the 
Union — " Their Gospel is the Constitution " — clamo- 
rous applause ^amc from the upper balcony ; but 
when he proceeded — " and the slave clause is their 
sermon on the mount," — there was a slight pause, and 
then a feeble attempt to raise another clap. But it 
died away ineffectually. Even the rowdies of Boston 
nf .tliriiv eharacifiiH 
anil lives. They carTpractise the slave-clause on 
weekdays without a blush; but when it is placed 
side by side with the sermon on the mouut, even they 
could not help feeling the shameful contrast. 

When Mr. Phillips said that even now, in ease of 
any assault from a foreign foe, Massachusetts and 
South Carolina would stand shoulder to shoulder to 
repel it, the applause (still proceeding from the same 
pcrsous) was genuine and hearty. From that time to 
the end of the address, it was more frequently an ex- 
pression of assent than of dissent. And the splendid 
concluding apostrophe, in which the speaker mention- 
ed John Brown with honor, and mentioned Disunion 
as the inevitable forerunner of Abolition, was heard 
with a silence betokening the intensest interest of the 
whole immense audience. — c. k. w. 



Syhacusk, N. Y., Jan. 19, 1861. 
Dkau Mn. Garrison: 

Mobs seem to he the rule with us, of late, and or- 
derly, undisturbed meetings the exceptions. The 
Rochester Convention, of which you will have had 
some account, was, on the whole, a decided and grati- 
fying triumph. At Utica, the tide of feeling was 
stronger against us. The Board of Directors of the 
Mechanics' Association voted deliberately to violate 
their contract, and so closed the doors of Mechanics' 
Hall, which had been duly hired for our use. The 
Common Council held a special meeting, and strongly 
censured the proposed Conveution — appointed a com- 
mittee to wait upon the owners of all the public halls 
the city, and to advise them not to allow us the use 
of their halls. Another committee was also appointed 
by the Common Council to wait upon those who 
called the Convention, and urge them to desist from 
any attempt to hold a meeting. Excluded from Me- 
chanics' Hall, in violation of our contract, no other 
public place of meeting could be obtained. Secret 
meetings of influential citizens, under the leadership 
of the Hon. Ex-Governor Horatio Seymour, we 
told, were held, to devise plans for breaking up 
our meeting. Unmerchantable; e^gs, brickbats, stones, 
and pails of filth, it is said, were already prepared 
for us. 

The friends of the Convention were invited to 
meet, in the evening, in the parlors of Mr. James C. 
DeLono. A good number of abolitionists from the 
city, and the adjoining towns, assembled. The meet- 
ing was organized by appointing J. C. DeLong, Pres- 
ident; David Williams, Caroline E. Thompson, and 
Julius Bisby, of West Winfiekl, Vice Presidents; 
Thomas Williams and J. Anne Rice, Secretaries ; with 
Business and Finance Committees. 

Beriaii Green offered a series of spirited and ap- 
propriate resolutions, which were discussed and unani- 
mously adopted. 

The meeting was successively addressed by A. M. 
Powell, Beriah Green, Susan B. Anthony, J. C. 
DeLong, Mr. Miller, Mr. Ezra Thompson; and 
after a deeply interesting session, it adjourned. 

The resolutions and a brief report of the proceed- 
ings appeared, the following afternoon, in the Utica 
Evening Telegraph, much to the discomfiture of those 
who were so determined that our sentiments should 
be entirely suppressed. 

By the persistent efforts against us, the whole city 
was resolved into a convention, for the discussion of 
slavery, pro and con. The agitation became general, 
and still continues. On Monday afternoon, when 
Susan B. Anthony and Beriah Green went to the hall, 
at the hour appointed for the convention, they were 
greeted by a mob of several hundred persons. A 
man, officially authorized by the Association to pre- 
vent their entrance, was stationed at the door. The 
Mayor was present; and though he could offer no 
protection to free speech, he insisted upon acting as 
escort to Miss Anthony, on her return from the hall, 
though told that his presence was not desired. Beriah 
Green has since received an anonymous letter, threat- 
ening his personal safety. Ex-Governor Seymour is 
reported to have said of Mr. Green, "Me deserves to be 
hung." So do the minions of slavery seem, just now, 
to be awakened to renewed activity in our midst. 

Our next appointment was at Rome. Rumors of a 
mob were rife there also. In the afternoon we had a 
quiet, undisturbed meeting, including some intelligent 
and very attentive listeners. I addressed the meeting 
for half an hour, and was followed by Stephen S. Pos- 
ter in a stirring, pertinent and excellent speech upon 
the present crisis in our national affairs. The rioters 
were on hand at an early hour in the evening for their 
work. Before our regular proceedings had commenced, 
a large body of organized ruffians marched to the Hall, 
and violently pushing aside Miss Anthony, who stood 
in the entrance way to receive the admission fee, they 
at once began their operations by taking possession of 
the platform, and rendering the room a bedlam of con- 
fusion, by indescribable yells and drunken rioting. It 
being clearly manifest that no hearing could be ob- 
tained, we quietly withdrew from the Hall, leaving the 
ruffiaus to their revellings. After a time, disappointed 
in their plans, and finding they were left alone, they 
tracked us to our hotel, and at one time, the proprietor 
told me, more than a hundred of the mobocrats were 
in the house, while many more were outside, occasion- 
ing not a little consternation and indignation among 
the managers and guests of the establishment. 

It is doubtless well that respectable, conservative 
people should thus have opportunity to see that these 
mobs, just now freely interrupting our meetings, with 
silent acquiescence, if not direct encouragement, are 
not, once called out, respecters of either persons or 

We decided to make no farther effort for a hearing 
in the place, but to leave with the people the responsi- 
bility and the credit of the mob demonstration. Lead- 
ing and influential men of varied political and relig- 
ious (!) connections are, we learn, implicated in these 
outrages. At Rochester, I am told that several in- 
fluential Republicans were among the most active aud 
inveterate of the mobocrats, and the Rochester Demo- 
crat and American (Republican) fully equalled its Dem- 
ocratic, satanic neighbor, the Union and Advertiser, in 
its vile slander and abuse of the Convention and its 
speakers. Degenerate statesmanship, with truckling, 
criminal political subserviency, has new and striking 
illustrations in the late exhibitions of Seward and 

Wee d. 

We "are to have" a uonvention at v/orvlaml to-day and 
to-morrow, — whether to bo met there as in other 
places, by a mob, remains to be seen. A. M. P. 


To the Editor : 

Our work is so small, away here in the West, in 
proportion to the extent and wants of the field, that 
to chronicle accounts of the little we can do seems 
hardly worth the time and space required for them ; 
and yet we make impressions which must be indeli- 

Our Convention in Sterling began on a Sat- 
urday afternoon, with less than a dozeh present. Our 
friend, Mr. Grover, being a lawyer, said he would 
speak when twelve persons and the Chairman were 
present, equal to judge and jury. We made out that 
number at length, organized, and adjourned till eve- 
ning. The sessions and the interest increased, how- 
ever, bo that, on Sunday evening, at a very late 
hour, it was voted to hold a closing meeting on Mon- 
day evening. The people at first were determined 
not to hear its, but changed their mind materially as 
we went on. We had, besides Mr. Grover, among the 
speakers, Mr. E. R.Brown, late of Cummington, 
Mass., and Mr. Morgan and Mr. Taylor from Wis- 

Besides the Sterling Convention, we have held 
meetings in several places in the vicinity, and always 
with good attendance. The best Rpublicans are ap- 
prehensive that all may yet be lost through the ac- 
commodating spirit so manifest in the party leaders, 
especially in Congress. The course of Charles Fran- 
cis Adams has surprised and grieved all his friends 
this way, not entirely devoid of anti-slavery sentiment. 

The Church gives us most inconvenience. All the 
mob violence we encounter is on her account. At 
our meeting this week, Mr. Brown and myself were 
honored with an encounter worthy of twenty years 
ago. Irish boys, Republican rowdies, Democratic 
sloughings, and Presbyterian Sunday school scholars, 
all bore a most lively part in behalf of their respec- 
tive constituencies. For some time, they made a 
most melancholy display of the religious and political 
training they had suffered; and our friends were ap- 
prehensive for the result. But before we closed, abet- 
ter spirit was awakened, and at 10 o'clock we closed, 
with a seriousness and solemnity not common even at 
a Sunday sacrament. 

Massachusetts mobbed us a dozen years. Bos- 
ton does it still. But let half the mighty works be 
done here, that have been done in New England, and 
you shall see millennial times. We must do here, 
however, as we did there ; labor vigorously, and wait 
patiently. That is what we are trying to do. 


Dixon, (111.) January, 1801. 


In the Senate on Monday, Mr. Whiting, of Ply- 
mouth, offered the following order : — 

Ordered, That a joint special committee bo appointed, to 
consist of two on the part of the Senate, with such as the 
House may join, to consider tho expediency of so altering 
the charter of tho city of Boston, that its police shall ho 
appointed by the authorities of the State, and that they be 
desired to report by bill or otherwise. 

In support of the order, Mr. Whiting said : — 
Mr. President, — I suppose there are some consid- 
erations, which may be deemed general in their nature, 
why an inquiry like that contemplated in this order 
should be made. It is well known, that in some cities 
in this country, the appointment of the police has been 
taken from the city authorities and vested in the State. 
It has not been thought necessary, thus far, in our own 
Commonwealth, but if I am not mistaken, and have 
not been misinformed, it has been intimated by the 
Chief of Police of this city, that the time has arrived 
when it is important, and perhaps necessary, that the 
appointment of the police should be vested in other 
hands than those of the city authorities. But I offer 
this order here to-day for reasons immediate, special, 
and urgent; and with the permission of the Senate, I 
wish to state some facts bearing upon the subject. 

And in order to do so, I wish to repeat a little his- 
tory — going back but a short time. It will be remem- 
bered that on the 3d of December last, a meeting was 
convened in this city, at the Tremont Temple, for the 
purpose of considering the question, " How can Ameri- 
can slavery be abolished ? " That meeting was broken 
up by a mob of well-dressed men — a gentlemanly mob, 
of course — assisted (I speak the word deliberately) by 
the authorities of the city. The police then and there 
present, under the direction of the Mayor, turned all 
the parties out of the hall — those who called the meet- 
ing, and the disturbers of the same — on the ground 
that there was no other way to preserve the peace. A 
new method, it must be confessed ! Something like 
that of a man, whose house has been invaded, being 
turned into the street by the police, with the disturbers 
of his peace. Well, sir, at that time, that mob, taking 
possession of that meeting, legally called, for a very 
proper purpose, passed certain resolutions, among 
which was the following ; — 

Resolved, That the people of this city have submitted 
too long in allowing irresponsible persons and political 
demagogues, of every description, to hold public moctings 
that disturb tho public peace ami misrepresent us abroad ; 
that they havo becomo a nuisance, which, in self-defence, 
wc are determined shall henceforward be summarily abated. 

Well, sir, the Mayor of that day has passed from of- 
fice, and another has been elected, by the party claim- 
ing to be, par excellence, the law-abiding party — in favor 
of "the Constitution, the Union, and the enforcement of 
the laws." During the present week, it is contempla- 
ted to hold the annual meeting of the Massachusetts 
Anti-Slavery Society — a private corporation, that has 
been in existence, and accustomed to hold its meetings 
here, year after year, for something like twenty-eight 
years — and in view of the warning that had been given 
by this self-constituted tribunal, headed by Mr. Richard 

i i.lT.i ... .-I' 1!1„ !,;,!- :U " 1>l 

fiincc in the present, excited itate of the public mind, it mm 
evident an anl.i slavery mooting could not be held in llux- 
ton without soHoUB and perh&pfl violent opposition, we 
ought net to bold one, and if it was hcJd, ami such oppo- 
sition was provoked, he should abbbbt those who called 
aud conducted the meeting as the aggCBBBOTS upon the public 
peace. Mr. Hayes then asked him if tho proprietors of 
the Tremont Temple therefore cannot, without the con- 
sent of irresponsible disturbers, open their building to 
public assemblies, legally called. The Mayor replied that 
he thought they had no right to let the Temple for mect' 
ing, to discuss exciting subjects, but they must decide that 
matter for themselves, ami take the conseouonces. 

Roywood then asked the Mayor if he regarded tho 
regular annual meeting of a society that for more than 
twenty-live successive years has regularly and annually 
convened in Boston under the protection of law, as 7ww 
illegal. He answered that he cared nothing about the legali- 
ty of the meeting, but that certain things beyond the reach 
law must be controlled by other means, which it 
might be his duty to employ. 

This ia a true statement of the substance of the con- 
ference between ourselves and His Honor Joseph M. Wight- 
Mi, Mayor of Boston. 



Now, if you will allow me one more specimen of 
this model of a Mayor : — 

Tho undersigned, part of the Standing Committee, and 
members of the Twenty-Kjghth Congregational -Society of 
Boston, holding regular weekly religious services at Music 
Hall on Sunday mornings, '.-ailed on Mayor Wightman Sat- 
■day morning, January lltth, and, through Mr. John K. 
Manley, stated to the Mayor, in substance, that Wendell 
Phillips was to conduct the services and address the Society 
the next morning ; that they had reason to expect a dis- 
turbance of tho meeting, and that they came to him, as 
Mayor of the city, to request him to protect it in case of 

Tho Mayor replied: " If that is your request, my answer 
is a very short one. If you have reason to expect a dis- 
turbance, you are not authorized to hold the meeting." 

The Mayor then called ia Mr. Silas Peirce, Chairman of 
the Board of Aldermen, and repeated to him the substance 
of the conversation. 

Mr. E. G-. Dudley, one of the Committee, then proceeded 
to state to the Mayor that he and his associates represented 
a religious society that had held regular meetings on Sun- 
days for fifteen years, and that Mr. Phillips was to con- 
duct tho services in accordance with an engagement made 
some months since; at which point, the Mayor interrupted 
Mr. Dudley, and said : " There is no need of any discussion. 
You have already had my answer to your request. If you 
wish to say any thing further, you can address me in writ- 

The Committee thereupon took their leave. 
The foregoing is a correct statement of the substance of 
the conversation between the Committee and the Mayor. 
Boston, January 21, 1861. 

It seems, then, Mr. President, that it has come to 
tlus, that we cannot hold a meeting here to discuss any 
question about which there may be differences of 
opinion in this community, and in relation to which 
there may be any effort to create a public disturbance. 
It does not matter, it seems, whether our purpose is 
legal or illegal, proper or improper ; if it is likely to 
create excitement, or to fan the flames of excitement 
already existing, we have no right to hold such meet- 
ing, and no owners of any buildings in this city have 
a right to let them for such a purpose. 

Now, Mr. President, if this is really the state of 
things in this community, it certainly presents itself 
to us in a very serious light. For if meetings of this 
character may be put down, what safety have we for 
the discussion of any question whatever 1 Why may 
not this sapient Mayor of Boston, who, in the muta- 
tions of party politics, has been placed in the execu- 
tive chair of this city, " clothed with a little brief 
authority " — why may he not, if he thinks the public 
peace requires it, send his mob, headed by Richard S. 
Pay and 3. Murray Howe — that new firm of patent 
Union-savers — Beacon street, North street & Co. — 
why may he not send them up here, and abate this 
Legislature as a "nuisance"? — discussing exciting 
topics, about which there is great difference of opin- 
ion in the community, and in which, possibly, some- 
body may speak disrespectful words about the gov- 
ernment 1 I say, according to the declaration of the 
Mayor of Boston, we only sit here by his permission — 
because he has not yet seen fit to abate this Legisla- 
ture as a public " nuisance." Why cannot they stop 
the temperance meetings that are holden from time 
to time, and are to be holden in the other part of this 
building, the Representatives' Hall, on the ground 
that they may cause an excitement — that they may 
disturb the public peace — that they may interfere with 
somebody's pocket who is engaged in the manufacture 
and sale of alcoholic drinks ! What religious society 
in this community has any security for a single mo- 
ment against being set upon by a mob — set on and 
countenanced by the Mayor of the city of Boston — on 
the ground that somebody may give utterance to 
something that will create excitement, that will dis- 
turb the public peace ? It seems to me, Mr. Presi- 
dent, that really we have uo protection at all, and I 
think it is time we looked this matter in the face. 

Sir, there are times, in the life of individuals, when 
men become insane, and we shut them up in mad 
houses, for their own benefit and for the safety of the 
public. There are times when men become so lost to 
principle, to all sense of justice and right, as to invade 
the. prerogatives of other men — the rights of property 
— and we shut them up iu houses of correction, or the 
State prison, or we hang them on the gallows. It is 
just so with communities; and, sir, if it has come to 
that pass, that this compound of stupidity and ruffian- 
ism is the representative of the city of Boston, in the 
year of grace 1861, certainly, if we cannot hold a pub- 
lic meeting, on a lawful question, in a proper maimer, 
without being liable to be disturbed by a mob, or ar- 
rested as disturbers of the public peace, it seems to 
me that the time has arrived when, at least, we should 
make the inquiry — we should make the inquiry — 
whether the interests and the rights of our people 
cannot properly and rightfully be placed under the 
guardianship of the State ; and it is for tliis reason, 

jj^ = Send in the Petitions. It is time now for 
the Petitions against Slave-hunting in Massachusetts 
to be returned, and laid before the Legislature, with- 
out further delay. Those who have in hand the 
work of canvassing towns or districts should see that 
not another moment is lost. Now, while the conces- 
sionists are at work, trying to vote away the little 
that has heretofore been gained in this State for lib- 
erty, now is the time for those to speak who wish 
Massachusetts to be made a Pree State indeed. In- 
stead of abandoning the law which was found needful 
to secure our own citizens from the kidnapper, let ua 
take a step eorwakd, and give substantial protection 
to the man who honors us by pausing in his flight 
from tyranny when he reaches our boundaries. 

We lost the lienor of passing the first Personal Lib- 
erty Law. Let us now gain the honor of refusing, 
first of ail the States, to recognize any human being 
as a slave, or to yield to the claim made by any man 
as a slaveholder. In the name of Heaven, let us be- 
gin to be a PREE State. — c. ic. w. 

$$ 'The FMfrI)8y Sermon of Rev. Natiianihi, 
Waul, oJ Dorchester, on our last page, is worthy of 
the closest perusal, the highest praise, and the widest 
circulation. What a world-wide contrast it prcsctn 
to the malignant and impious discourse of Hcv. Par- 
sons Cooke, dfliviTi <l on tin- same day I 

£["#- '(iuv. .Midary has resigned the (lovernorwhip 

nf EaitiM, making ton incumbent* of that place who, 

by our meff&0 lipd /mother, have ended their Career. 


Boston, January 21, 1861. 
Deaii Mr. Garrison : 

Crowded though I know the Liberator columns to 
be just now, I am constrained to solicit space for a 
word in announcement of a book just issued from the 
press, entitled " Linda : Incidents in the Life of a Slave 
Girl, seven years concealed in Slavery." It is a hand- 
some volume of 306 pages, and is on sale at the Anti- 
Slavery Office, price §1.00. I feel confident that its 
circulation at this crisis in our country's history will 
render a signal and most acceptable service. 

The lamented Mrs. Pollen, in her admirable tract 
addressed to Mothers in the Free States, and with 

Utah that indefatigable colporteur, Miss Putnam, is 
doing so much good in her visits to families, seems 
to have anticipated just such a contribution to anti- 
slavery literature as this book, "Linda." It pre- 
sents features more attractive than many of its pre- 
decessors purporting to be histories of slave life in 
America, because, in contrast with their mingling of 
fiction with fact, this record of complicated experi- 
ence in the life of a young woman, a doomed victim 
to America's peculiar institution — her seven years' 
concealment in slavery — continued persecutions — 
hopes, often deferred, but which at length culminated 
in her freedom — surely need not the charms that any 
pen of fiction, however gifted mid graceful, could tern I. 
They shine by the lustre of their own ttUthftllnesB- 
a rhetoric which always commends itself to the wise 
head and honest heart. In furtherance of the object, 
of its author, LrniA Mahia Ciui.d ha* furnished a 
graceful introduction, and Amy Post a well-written 
letter; and wherever the names of these two devoted 
frlenda of humanity are known, no higher credentials 
can be required or given. My own acquaintance, Inn, 
with the author and lier relatives, of whom special 
mention is made in the book, warrants an expression of 
the hope Nial il will find Lts way Into rwry family 
where all, especially mothers and ilauglileis, may 
learn yet more of Ihe harharism of American slavery 
and the character of its victims. 

Voiir.4, for breaking every yoke, 

vvM. c. M':m„ 

the proposed scheme was a manifestation of hatred (o 
the city of Boston, existing b< eaiw h wu not utterly 
and openly anti-slavery, flc would go as far as any- 
body in opposition to slavery, but under certain limits, 
nitalile io the public exigency. lie moved the yeas 
and nays, and they were ordered. 

Mr. Parhons, of Lawrence, was in favor of sending 
the order to a committee, and he strongly defended 
free speech. But still he would not lightly accuse 
Hoston of doing wrong, and he was sorry to hear any- 
body else. He liked the Kpunk of John Brown, but 
disliked his principles. He wished to God the present 
Chief Executive of the nation had as much pluck. 
He was for a hearing of the thing before a committee. 

Mr. Hills, of Boston, defended the city, but said 
he should vote for the order, as he would for any 
order of inquiry. 

Mr. Chase, of Haverhill, agreed with the last 
speaker, and thought that the yeas and nays were not 
needed on the question of reference. The vote by 
which they were ordered was reconsidered on his 

Mr. Slack spoke again, chiefly in reply to Mr. 
Hills, of Boston, who said that the police were present 
at the Music Hall last Sunday, and that some high 
authority had told him that the statement signed by 
Mr. Hayes, Superintendent of Tremont Temple, was 
untrue in many particulars, as printed ; also that Mr. 
Phillips might have gone home on Sunday without 
trouble, if he had followed the advice of the police. 
Mr. Slack said that back -door exits and close carriages 
were not for Wendell Phillips, and that he would be 
defended in the city of his birth. He read from a let- 
ter purporting to be written by Senator Lucius Slade, 

hich was printed some time ago, and he- called upon 
that gentleman to come into Court and tell what he 
knew of an organized body to put down free speech. 

The House then concurred in the Senate reference 
by nearly a unanimous vote. 

Collections ly II. Ford Douglass. 
At Lunenburg, $1 ; Winchester, 3 08 ; Westmin- 
ster, 2 ; South Gardaer, 3 55) ; H ub bards ton, 
2 83 ; Earre, 2 16 ; Clinton, 8 S'i ; Pcpperell, 
2 30 ; Sterling, 3 ; Ashburnham, 2 ; Gard- 
ner Centre, 3 21; East TeranleUui, 3 Uti ; 
Leicester, 2 63 ; Oakdale, 1 25 ; Harvard,l 32. 

Mrs. Sarah S. Russell, §200 00 



Annual New York State Anti-Slavery Convention will be 
held at Albany, in Association Rail, Monday evening, 
Tuesday and Wednesday, afternoon and evenings, Feb. i, 5, 
Hon. Gerrit Smith, Lucretia Mott, Rev. Beriah Green, 
Ernestine L. Rose, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Oliver John- 
son, Rev. S. J. May, Aaron M. Powell, Susan B. Anthony 
and others will address tho Convention. 

Afternoon sessions will commence at half-past 2 o'clock. 
Admission free. Evening sessions at half-past 7 o'clock- 
Admission, 10 eents. 

nual meeting of this Society will be held in Washburn 
Hall, Worcester, on Sunday, Feb. 10. 

A. T. Foss, Samuel May, Jr., S. S. Foster, H. Ford 
Douglass, and others, will be present. The public are 
cordially invited. J08IAH HENSHAW, President. 

Joseph A. Rowland, Sec'y. 

$3F A. T. FOSS, an Agent of the Massachusetts Anti- 
Slavery Society, and H. C. WRIGHT, will speak at 
Bcllingham, Sunday, Jan. 27. 

North Bellingham, Monday, " 28. 

West Wrentham, Sunday, Feb. '. 

$g- H. FORD DOUGLASS, an Agent of the Massachu- 
setts Anti-Slavery Society, will speak at 
East Abington, Sunday afternoon and eve'g, Jan. 27, 





Feb. 1. 

Bridge water, 

Ep- CAPITAL PUNISHMENT.— A meeting will bo 
held on Sunday evening next, on the subject of " Capital 
Punishment," at Boylston Lower Hall, commencing at 7 
o'clock. Charles Spear, Hon. M. H. Bovee, of New York, 
and Mrs. C. S. B. Spear will speak on the occasion. 

Music — The Lay of PCstal, — composed by a Polish of- 
ficer the night previous to his execution. 

|S" WOMAN'S EIGHTS.— The Second Annual New 
York State Woman's Bights Convention will be held at 
ALBANY, in Association Hall, Thursday and Friday, 
afternoons and evenings, Feb. 7 and S. 

Lucretia Mott, Ernestine L. Rose. Elisabeth Cady Stanton, 
Hon. Gerrit Smith, Rev. Beriah Green, Rev. S. J. May, 
Aaron M. Powell, Susan B. Anthony, and others, will ad- 
dress the Convention. 

Afternoon sessions at half-past 2 o'clock. Admission free. 
Evening sessions at half-past 7 o'clock. Admission 10 cts. 

.i.,,-... .i,.. 

: m-ilur T.i-itly. 

ncy, the Trustees of the Tremont Temple thought it 
wise to go to the Mayor of the city, and see whether 
they could be protected in the lawful use of their prop- 
erty. The Mayor, in reply to the application of Mr. 
Joseph K. Hayes, Superintendent of Tremont Tem- 
ple, says : — 

Mayor's Office, City Hall, } 
Boston, Jan'y, 1861. > 
Mn. JoSKru K. Hayes — 

Sir: I do not consider any action necessary on tho part 
of the city government in relcfuronco to the holding of a 
fair by the Mass. Anti-Slavery Society at tho Tremont 
Temple on the 24th and 25th of the present month. 

If, as you intimated, public mootiugs are to be held in 
tho evenings, it is for you and tho trustees to decide 
whether they will bo of such a character ns to render a 
breach of tho public peace probablo. If you anticipate 
any result of this nature, t.ho responsibility will rest upon 
you, as you cannot bo justified iu wilfully putting the 
peace of tho city in peril. 

Yours, respectfully, 

Well, after such an intimation as that, Mr. Superin- 
tendent Hayes, in company with another gentleman, 
called upon the Mayor, anil they report the conversa- 
tion that took place between them, in substance, under 
their own signatures, to which they are willing to make 
allidavit, as follows : — 

Boston, Thursday, Jan. 17, ISdl. 
Wo the uudorsigiiod, Joseph K. Hayes, Superintendent 
of tho Tremont Temple, and Ezra 11. Hoywood, acting 
Gemini.] Agent of the .Yla^suelinsetls A uti -Slavery Society, 
cat led this day upon His Honor Mayor Wiglitmiui, to ascer- 
tain if tho regular annual meeting of the MftSeaohusatta 
Anti-Slavory Society, advertised to be hold in Tr«nont 
Temple, Thursday and Friday, Jan. 34th and 26th, would 
bo protected by tho city government against threatened 
mobocratic interference. We showed tho Mayor the eatl 
fur the mooting signed by its regular oMieevs, and also a 
OOpy of the ResohlttonH pushed by those who forcibly broke 
ii|> Cie \nti-Shi.vei , y Convention held in the wnne phteo 
DoMinbu Bd, WC0, as evidence, l,st., that, l.ho projrel.ed 
niL-i'ting would he legally assembled; and '2d, that, it was 
lil, i Lj I.. In' ilistnrbcd in the lawful c.vrreise of the wacred 
rightH of voluntary association and I'veedoni of speech. The 
Mayor said l.lial. he knew nothing of tho character of tho 
meeting, or of the throats to "summarily abate" such 

assemblies as a. "nnisanee;" but if the originators Of Hie 
meeting and the Trustees of the Trement Temple thought 
that anything ffOUld lie said during the sessions of the eon- 
venlion disrespectful to the government, or likely to peril 

tho peace of the cftty, they would i>" roeponsible tor any dis- 
turbwiM or riolonm »hioh rnlgal follow, 

Mr. Mayes asked linn if il tTU BOl probable, from the 

aforesaid resolutions, thai EUdhardK lay and. I. Murray 

Howe, with t.heir nllie.-, weM ■/,!, ,/,;,,/ |i. violate the 
peace of the city by fOPOtblj preventing eiti/.ens of Huston 

from lawfully) and peaceably assembling to discuss the 

I guhjOOt Of slavery. The Mayer replied 1 Lot , 

that, if the Legislature thiuks it wise and proper, the 
inquiry, at least, shall be made ; that we shall look at 
the facts ; that we shall endeavor to understand where 
we are ; that we shall settle tills question, whether 
men can meet and discuss legal, lawful subjects, with- 
out being set upon, cither by a lawless mob, or by tho 
constituted authorities of tho city of Boston. 

Tho order was adopted, with but one dissenting 
vote— Mr. Slade, of Suffolk. 

In the House on Tuesday, the order of Mr. WHITING 
came down for concurrence. Mr. Smith, of Boston, 
opposed it as an insult to Boston. He said he did not 
sympathize with the mob which broke up the meeting 
in Tremont Temple, nor with the men who held the 
meeting. Boston woidd always be ready to defend law 
and order. 

Mr. Slack, of Boston, defended it, He loved loyal- 
ty wherever he saw it. He even appreciated the sen- 
timent in the misguided citizens of South Carolina, 
who rallied and defied nineteen millions of people be- 
canse they thought the rights of their Stale were en- 
dangered. His loyally was involved in this order. He 
reviewed the several disturbances of meetings in this 
city within forty days, and also the moba which had 
threatened Anti-Masonry and William Lloyd Garrison. 
He also advocated a metropolitan police on the ground 
of the present: insecurity of Boston property, while the 
police force is under parti /.an leaders. He spoke, lie 
said, as a citizen of Hoslon, with nil the pride of a na- 
tive, and he alluded to the magnificent present which 
Rev. Theodore Parker made to the city of Boston, 
and said the city was now unw tiling to defend the very 
Congregation which he founded and fayed, 

Mr. 11\ i»K. of Newton, said that he h:ni very little 
sympathy with the Abolitionists, but he would defend 
free speech witli his vote, and he believed that this was 
the way to do it. Any way, he wished io liavfl it sent 

tn the Committee. 

Mr, Tvi.Mi, m Boston, said he Wfts not ono who 
voted for the present Mayor, nor did ho think the 
QOUrae which he had adopted, which hud given rise to 
this discussion, w;is a particularly wise one. But he 
opposed the order. It was intended as an insult Io the 
city Of Boston. Such a course would end in despot- 
ism, if carried out. lie had been :i cltiieil of Boston 
more than fitly years, and he believed thai life and 
property were as sali' here, under tho present police 

regitfotiouBj aalnauj place in (lie world, lie believed 

j^" FUEE DISPEXSARY, for Women and Children, 
27A Washington street, Boston. Open every day, from 12 
to 1 o'clock. 

The above institution (iu connection with the Ladies* 
Medical Academy) is now open for the gratuitous treat- 
ment of Women and Children, and for Surgical Patients of 
both sexes. Difficult cases may have the benefit of a Con- 
sultation ou Wednesdays, at 12 o'clock. 

Midwifery. Attendance by duly qualified female prac- 
titioners will be provided for the poor, at their own homes, 
free of charge. 

p-MRS. M. B. JACKSON, M. D., having had fifteen 
years' experience in the Homoeopathic treatment of dis- 
oSers her professional services to tho Ladies and 
Children of Boston and vicinity. 

References.— David Thayer, M. D. ; Luther Clark, M. D. ; 
John M. Tarball, M. D., Boston. Ehphalet Clark, M. D., 

. Mt. — 

Rooms No. 34 Bowdoiu and *0 Allston streets. Offioo 
hours from 2 to i, P- 

ay BESSIE S. LOCKWOOD, M. D„ No. 31 Auburn 
Street, Boston. Particular attention paid to tho Diagno- 
sis and Treatment of Chronic Diseases. 
Office Hounsfroin 11, A.M., till 2, P. M. Nov.23— 3m 

&y SITUATION WASTED.— A lady who has had 
large experience in matters of h on so- ke oping, and who is 
cmiueutly qualified satisfactorily to discharge the duties 
connected therewith. uV.-ires a situation either as house- 
keeper, or matron of seme establishment, either in this 
city or vicinity. Tho best of references given. Address 
X., Anti-Slavery Office, 221 Washington street. 



Sewing Machines, 


rpilISisanew style, first class, double thread. Family 
1 Maeliine. niaiic and licensed under tho patents of 
Howo, Wheelor St Wilson, an.l tiivier.v. Raker, and its 
construction is the best combination of tin nnoaa pa- 
tents owned Ukd used bj tlu.'se parties, and t!io ; 
liio I'avker Sowing Company. Tliev «.- . ■• 

Medal at the last fair of the .Meehanies' Chavitaile \s-,,- 
eiation. and are the best finished and most; suoMant ially 
inado Family Machines nov. in tlio market. 

fl^ - Sales Reomj i^ - - Washington street. 

Q»5. i; i.KON.w;n. .4,7^. 

Agents wanted ev wywbwo. 

All kinds of Sowinir Maehiiio work dene at short notice. 

Beaton, .'an. IS, ImU. 3in. 

Fourth Edition. 

ONE m 'xniirn anp FOKTYJJQUB PromdUono, 
lhoeloi;iea]. nuMal. historical and speenlaln ,-, MOB 

piwod aitinuiitivoh and nogativaljr, bj motal 

.Scripture; ambodjW most of the nalpabu and 

nil ei'iL(r:idu ■linns of llm S04MtUad inspired Word ot Sod! 

Bourta Bdltlon. Prftw 13 eents. post-Bald ! '■■ 

dollar. Bold brail liberal Un«l,sel!er>. and hv the pubtlah- 

el::. I J.!' WIS | . 

03 I'm ' 'iinal sdv.-t, New York, 

rpill' ml 

1 -treet. 


subscriber has _pist opened house No. 77 Myrtle 

for the aoooouaodi 
, is n nUaaaat ww, vrithin ■■■ 
of tlto mott oentriu portions of tho oi^ 

iviil he made lor Hie OH 
llOUSQ "itli a (Mil fl 

Tama ntodarato 
Jhu. 11. "\i ILL, 




f f t X % . 

" Tho despotism which our fathers could not bear in 
their native country is expiring, and tho sword of justioo in 
her reformed hands has applied its exterminating edge to 
slavery. Shall the United States — the free United States, 
which could not bear tho bonds of a king, cradle tho bon- 
dage which a king is abolishing ? Shall a ltepublie bo less 
free than a Monarchy ? Shalt wo, in tho vigor and buoy- 
ancy of our manhood, be loss energetic in righteousness 
than a kingdom in its ago ? " — Dr. , fallen's Address, 

Our fellow-countrymen in chains ! 

Slaves — in a land of light and law ! 
Slaves — crouching on tho very plains 

Where rolled tho storm of Freedom's war ! 
A groan from Eu taw's haunted wood — 

A wail whore Camden's martyrs fell — 
By every shrine of patriot blood, 

From Moultrie's wall and Jasper's well ! 

By storied hill and hallowed grot, 

By mossy wood and marshy glen, 
Whence rang of old the rifle-shot, 

And hurrying shout of Marion's men ! 
Tho groan of breaking hearts is there — 

The falling lash — the fetter's clank ! 
Slaves — slaves are breathing in that air, 

Which old Do Kalb and Sumter drank ! 

What, ho ! — our countrymen in chains ! 

The whip on woman's shrinking flesh ! 
Our soil yet reddened with the stains, 

Caught from her scourging, warm and fresh I 
What ! mothers from their children riven \ 

What ! God's own image bought and sold ! 
Americans to market driven, 

And bartered as the brute for gold ! 

Speak ! shall their agony of prayer 

Come thrilling to our hearts in vain ? 
To us, whoso fathers scorned to beat 

The paltry mtnact of a chain ; 
To us, whose boast is loud and long, 

Of holy Liberty and Light — 
Say, shall these writhing slaves of Wrong 

Plead vainly for their plundered Right ? 

What ! shall iro send, with lavish breath, 

Onr sympathies across the wave, 
Where Manhood, on the field of death, 

Strikes for his freedom, or a grave ? 
Shall prayers go up, and hymns be sung 

For Greece, tho Moslem fetter spurning, 
And millions hail with pen and tonguo 

Our light on all her altars burning ? 

Shall Belgium feel, and gallant France, 

By Vendomc's pile and Schoenbrun's wall, 
And Poland, grasping on her larioe, 

The impulse of our cheering call ? 
And shall the slave, beneath our eye, 

Clank o'er our fields his hateful chain? 
And toss his fettered arms on high, 

And groan for Freedom's gift in vain ? 

Oh, say, shall Prussia's banner be 

A refuge for the stricken slave ? 
And shall the Russian serf go free 

By Baikal's lake and Neva's wave ? 
And shall the wintry-bosomed Dane 

Relax the iron hand of pride, 
And bid his bondman cast the chain 

From fettered soul and limb aside 1 „ 

Shall every flap of England's flag 
r Proclaim that all around are free, 

From " farthest Ind" to each blue crag 
* beetles o'er the Western Sea? 
a shall we scoff at Europe's kings, 
a Freedom's fire is dim with us, 
And round our country's altar clings 
The damning shade of Slavery's curse ? 

Go — let us ask of Constantine 

To loose his grasp on Poland's throat ; 
And beg the lord of Mahmoud's line 

To spare the struggling Suliote — 
Will not the scorching answer come 

From turbaned Turk, and scornful Buss : 
" Go, loose your fettered slaves at home, 

Then turn, and ask -the like of us ! " 

Just od ! and shall we calmly rest, 

The Christian's scorn — the heathen's mirth — 
Conte t to live the lingering jest 

An by -word of a mocking Earth ? 
Shall our own glorious land retain 

That curse which Europe scorns to bear? 
Shall our own brethren drag the chain 

Which not even Russia's menials wear ? 

Up, then, in Freedom's manly part, 

From gray-beard eld to fiery youth, 
And on the nation's naked heart 

Scatter the living coals of Truth '. 
Up — while ye slumber, deeper yet 

The shadowjsf our fame is growing ! 
TTp — while ye pause, our sun may set 

In blood, around our altars flowing ! 

Oh I rouse ye, ore the storm comes forth — 

The'gathered^wrath of God and man — 
Like that which wasted Egypt's earth, 

When hail and fire above it ran ! 
Hear ye no warnings in the air? 

Feel ye no earthquake underneath ? 
Up — up — why will ye slumber where 

The sleeper only wakes in death ? 

Up now for Freedom ! — not in strife 

Like that your sterner fathers saw — 

e awful waste of human life — 

The glory and the guilt of war : 
jjtbreak tho chain — the yoke remove — 

And smite to earth Oppression's rod, 
With those mild arms of Truth and Love, 

Made mighty through the living <soa : 

Down let the shrine of Moloch sink, 

And leave no traces where it stood; 
Nor longer let its idol drink 

His daily cup of human blood : 
But rear another nltar there, 

To Truth and Love and Mercy given. 
And Freedom' 8 gift, and Freedom's prayer. 

Shall call an answer down from Heaven ! 


Silently down, gracefully down, 
Over tho forest and over the town, 
Robing the earth in a pure white gown, 

Wafting to and fro ; 
Drifting, circling, eddying round, 

Comes the feathery snow. 

Gently it falls, quietly falls, 
Covering huts and covering halls, 
Building its miniature cities and walls 

Over the earth below ; 
Spreading in sheets, rolling in balls, — 

Dancing, frolicking snow. 

Cold and bleak, frozen and bleak, 
Flying about in a merry freak, 
Twirling around the mountain peak 

Down to the valley below ; 
Losing itself in the rippling creek, 

Fickle and fleeting snow. 

Over tho ground, tho frozen ground, 
The crystal flakes cbaso each. other round, 
forming a valley or building a mound, 

When the north winds blow, 
With its icy breath and mourning sound. 

Drifting tho virgin snow. 

Clinging to trees, tho evergreen trees. 
Forming fantastic images, 
Scattered as tho merry breeze 

Rushing onward doth go ; 
Losing itself in the snowy scan, 

Fair and fragile snow. 

Sweeping away, melting away, 
When the sun with its golden ray 
Into tho arbor creeps to play, 

Whore tho violets grow ; 
MoltlDg, wasting, hiding away, 

Frail and beautiful snow. 



Preached at Dorchester, Mass. on the occasion of the 

late National "Fast." 


Isaiah, 1: 1C— "Put away tho evil of your doings 
from boforo mine eyes ; cease to do ovil ; learn to do well ; 
seek judgment ; relieve tho oppressed," 

I deem it becoming the good citizen to respect, so 
for as he conscientiously can, the recommendations of 
the constituted authority. A respect to the authority, 
as such, docs not imply a respect for the person in 
whom, for the time, it is vested. Nor does a compli- 
ance, in general, with a recommendation like that 
in response to which we are assembled, imply _an ac- 
ceptance of the views in which it originated, or the 
policy which dictated it. If I thought it did, I, for 
one, wouM have nothing to do with the occasion. 
But, believing, as I do, that Religion aud the Pulpit 
have something to do with Polities, or, with the un- 
righteousness they may favor and empower ; (a pro- 
position no longer, it would seem, the heresy it was ;) 
believing in the efficacy of prayer— which is not hol- 
low and hypocritical ; in the efficacy of fasting— such 
as consists in an abstinence from cruelty and fraud ; 
believing, moreover, that we are a people laden with 
a great iniquity, who ought to humble ourselves there- 
for, before Heaven, and seek light and strength for a 
crisis which wicked compromises and wicked rulers 
have brought upon us ; — believing thus, I see nothing 
less than a holy propriety in an occasion when, in 
the language of the Proclamation, " with deep con- 
trition and penitent sorrow, we may unite in humbling 
ourselves before the Most High, in confessing our in- 
dividual and national sins, and in acknowledging the 
justness of our punishment." 

I referred to the views in which the occasion origi- 
nated, and the policy which dictated it. Judging them 
to be what I do, I reject and repugn them. They are 
heaven-wide from those which my convictions com- 
pel me to accept as true and worthy. I am ashamed 
for my nation that such views and suehapolicy should 
find adoption by its Chief Magistrate. For, what arc 
they ? They are views which accept slavery as a 
thing to be tolerated, deferred to, compromised with, 
and this at the cost of moral loyalty, of honor, con- 
science, manhood, and the welfare and rights of mil- 
lions of men ; views which practically deny the truth 
of human brotherhood, the equality before God of 
races and of men; which put expediency before jus- 
tice, self-interest before mercy, Satan before God. It 
is a policy which, in consistency with such .views, 
would seek peace by unrighteous concessions ; by 
playing into the hands of despotism ; by betraying 
the cause of the poor and helpless ; by blinking the 
issue which Providence is presenting, through an 
atheistic dread of consequences, — the consequences of 
placing oneself in alliance with the Almighty. And 
this is the Religion of the nineteenth century, as wit- 
nessed to in theChief Executive of the model republic!— 
allowing him to appeal toGod,while the veriest traitor to 
his cause ; allowing him to talk about " deep contrition" 
and " penitential confessions" and " humiliations " and 
" beseechings" before Heaven,while violating, and urg- 
ing others to violate, and seeking to have the nation 
more grossly violate, Heaven's plainest requirements, 
as writ in the universal soul — rising above all human 
enactments, testing the divinity of all verbal scrip- 
tures. Have we got no farther than this 1 Do we 
linger in the old Pharisaic superstition, which Jesus 
reproved when he said, speaking for God — " I will have 
mercy, and not sacrifice," and the prophet, when he 
said, in the same dread name — " Your solemn obser- 
vances my soul hateth : put away the evil of your 
doing from before mine eyes : cease to do evil, learn 
to do well: seek judgment, relieve the oppressed"? 
Does the President really think that the doings he 
thus advises will move God to avert his impending 
judgments; that any sacrifices avail with Him but 
the sacrifices of righteousness ? The inward shudder 
with which I read his Proclamation, for its seeming 
blasphemy, was only relieved by the thought that such 
was his superstition; — illustrious specimen of the 
cursed fruit of that Theology which separates Reli- 
gion from Morality, which puts Pietism for Goodness, 
Sacrifice for Mercy, places the Letter above the 
Spirit, the Bible above the Soul, and which allows the 
Bible, by the undiscrhuinating and idolatrous recogni- 
tion of it as the " Word of God," to be a justifier and 
patron of slavery. And yet, it is beyond belief that a 
man should be superstitious to the extent of supposing 
that a prostitution of his official influence for the 
stability and extension of a palpably immoral and in- 
human institution was uneondemned of God, and, still 
more, that God's interposition in its behalf— wMcn is 
the thing sought for — may be secured by a nation's 
whining supplications and canting confessions and 
foodless stomachs, and the " Lord have mercy upon us, 
miserable sinners," of those who have no thought of 
being other than just the miserable sinners that they are. 
Monstrous delusion, if it be one 1 Monstrous impiety, 
if it be not ! God help us to cling the closer to the faith, 
that the availing prayer is that alone which echoes 
through the life, in accordant deeds ; the availing con- 
fession that with which is bound the heart's resolve 
to abandon, and to tread under foot, wholly and forever, 
by the grace of God, the sin confessed ; that the accept- 
ed service is a loyal fidelity to the Heavenly Law, a 
cheerful reception of the Heavenly decrees, a manly 
righteousness, a self-devoting beneficence. 

If, then, we are here to make a reality of this oc- 
casion, arid not a sham, let us seek, in the love of truth 
and the fear of God, as accountable to Him alone, but 
to Him most solemnly accountable, to know the causes, 
so far at least as they are moral, of " the present 
distracted and dangerous condition of our country 
to seek to see God in it, and our duty ; and to cheer 
ourselves, if we may, amidst its threatening evil, 
with the thought of what may prove its providential 
g 00 d — to catch glimpses of a light within the porten- 
tous cloud, or to trust, at least, that it is there. 

Its causes are not hidden. So palpably manifest arc 
they, so evident have been their tendencies towards 
the arrived result, that it needed no gift of prophecy 
to have long ago predicted it. In the allowed pro- 
cedure of things, it was inevitable, as by the natural 
workings of unalterable law. Par back, in the. very 
infancy of our national existence, is found the initial 
error from which all that we see has grown, — that 
recognition in the constitutional compact of Slavery's 
rightful claim to existence and consideration under it, 
and of certain obligations to which the several mem- 
bers of the confederacy are held in its behalf, bind- 
ing them to a complicity with it. Error, as surely it 
was, we should bear in mind in our judgment of those 
who, though unwillingly, consented to it — among 
them great and noble men — that they did bo by the 
constraint of what they deemed an imperative neces- 
sity, as being the only condition by which a Union 
could be effected ; that it was done under secret pro- 
test, and in the idea that the slave-in tercBt would 
gradually become extinct — with no conception that 
it would ever come, as it has, to rally around that in- 
definitely phrased clause as the sanction and charter 
of its perpetuity and extension, of its nationality and 
sovereignty. It is a memorable instance of the truth, 
that all compromise with Wrong, to secure whatever 
ends, to avert whatever peril, is inexpedient as it is 
unjustifiable. The error — for such, whatever the 
Bceming presumption, wo must judge It— of allowing 
slavery a legal footing under the Constitution, 
(trusting to the spirit of freedom for its ultimate abol- 
ishment,) an act in glaring inconsistency with the sol- 
emnly uttered sentiments of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence and the heralding assertion of the Consti- 
tution itself— was succeeded, in after generations, by 
the positive crime, with one section of the country, of 
unscrupulous eilbrts to perpetuate and extend it, for 
sordid and political ends, and with the other, for like 
ends, and for the sake of peace, of consenting